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Winning the Korean War: Early DPRK and PRC Films 打赢朝鲜战争:朝鲜和中华人民共和国早期电影
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20232301.89
Yvonne Schulz-Zinda
This paper adopts a comparative approach by focusing on a selection of early DPRK and People’s Republic of China war films made during the years that followed the Korean War. It looks into the narrative, and the aesthetics of the films in the general framework of socialist construction but also in terms of the DPRK’s shattered dream of reunification. The Korean War broke out during the beginnings of socialist construction, a time of awakening and departure into a new world. It marked the beginning of the Cold War that drew battle lines that would remain in place over the next four decades. The war also served as the theme of a number of films in both countries that reflected their war experience. For the DPRK and PRC, film provided an occasion to address the socialist construction and supremacy over the United States. While the earliest Chinese movies, The Battle of Shangganling Ridge (上甘岭 1956) and Flying in the Sky (长空比翼, 1958), focused on the heroic battles of the Chinese troops, later films such as Friendship (友谊, 1959), Raid (奇袭, 1960) and At the 38th Parallel (三八线上, 1960) recounted incidents of Chinese and Korean soldiers fighting in cooperation against the US enemy under the background of a “Resist the US and Help Korea” campaign. The eight DPRK films discussed include Again to the Front (또 다시 전선으로, 1951), Scouts (정찰병, 1953), and The Combat Unit of a Fighter Plane (비행기 사냥군조, 1953). These productions had to confront the fact that Kim Il Sung’s attempt for (forced) unification had ended in a complete failure that permeated divisions and cut family ties. The Korean War broke out during the early stages of socialist construction in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), a time of awakening and departure into a new ideological world.1 It marked the beginning of the Cold War, drawing battle lines that would remain in place for the next four decades. When Chinese Volunteer troops entered the Korean War on the DPRK side, they were motivated, rather than by friendship, by a mutual enemy, the US, which the PRC feared might further invade Manchuria.2 The war became the theme of a number of films in the DPRK, and the PRC, reflecting their war experience. For the DPRK and the PRC, film was a means to address the process of socialist construction and its supremacy as a model over that of the United States. The DPRK’s films had to deal with the fact that Kim Il Sung’s attempt at (forced) unification had ended in complete failure, which permeated divisions on the Korean peninsula and cut family ties. In addition, the films were produced at a time when Kim Il Sung and the Korean Workers’ Party (KWP) sought to build North Korean society anew, in order to present the socialist system as superior to what had been before. A few years before, Mao Zedong had started to introduce socialist values among his followers during the first rectification campaign in Yan’an in 1942. However, the socialist constructi
本文采用比较的方法,重点选取了朝鲜战争结束后的几年间朝鲜和中华人民共和国早期拍摄的战争影片。它在社会主义建设的总体框架下,同时也从朝鲜破碎的统一梦的角度,对电影的叙事和美学进行了研究。朝鲜战争爆发于社会主义建设的初期,这是一个觉醒和迈向新世界的时期。它标志着冷战的开始,冷战划定的战线在此后的四十年中始终未变。战争也成为两国反映其战争经历的许多电影的主题。对于朝鲜和中国来说,电影提供了讨论社会主义建设和战胜美国的机会。中国最早的电影《上甘岭战役》(上甘岭,1956 年)和《长空比翼》(长空比翼,1958 年)集中表现了中国军队的英勇战斗,而后来的电影,如《友谊》(友谊,1959 年)、《奇袭》(奇袭,1958 年)、《烽火连三月》(烽火连三月,1959 年)等,则表现了中国军队的英勇战斗、奇袭》(奇袭,1960 年)和《三八线上》(三八线,1960 年)等影片则以 "抗美援朝 "运动为背景,讲述了中朝两国军人合作抗击美军的故事。讨论的八部朝鲜电影包括《再上前线》(또 다시 전선으로, 1951 年)、《侦察兵》(정찰병, 1953 年)和《战斗机战斗队》(비행기 사냥군조, 1953 年)。这些作品不得不正视这样一个事实,即金日成的(强制)统一尝试以彻底失败告终,分裂弥漫,亲情断绝。 朝鲜战争爆发于朝鲜民主主义人民共和国(朝鲜)和中华人民共和国(中华人民共和国)社会主义建设的早期阶段,这是一个觉醒和迈向新意识形态世界的时期。当中国志愿军代表朝鲜参战时,他们的动机不是友谊,而是共同的敌人--美国,因为中华人民共和国担心美国会进一步入侵满洲。 对朝鲜和中华人民共和国来说,电影是一种手段,可以用来描述社会主义建设的进程及其作为美国模式的优越性。朝鲜的电影不得不面对这样一个事实,即金日成(被迫)统一的尝试以彻底失败告终,这使朝鲜半岛弥漫着分歧,并切断了家庭联系。此外,这些电影是在金日成和朝鲜劳动党(KWP)试图重新建设北朝鲜社会的时候制作的,目的是将社会主义制度表现得比以前更优越。几年前,毛泽东在 1942 年延安的第一次整风运动中就开始在其追随者中推行社会主义价值观。然而,1949 年中华人民共和国成立后,社会主义建设时期才开始。朝鲜的 "造岛运动"(1955 年发起,1957 年全面展开)、中国的 "反右运动"(1957 年)和 "大跃进"(1958-1962 年)成为 20 世纪 60 年代初之前的意识形态转折点。
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引用次数: 0
In with the New: Homoregionalism of Gay Men in Korea 推陈出新:韩国男同性恋的同地域主义
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20232301.145
Albert Graves
This article introduces “homoregionalism” as a subcategory of regionalism practiced by and as gay men in Korea. Regionalism is alive, complex, and witnessing a transformation by a new online generation. Korean gay men—with both regional identities and sexually oriented lifestyles—through their own practice of regionalism, contribute to the construction of this subregionalism influenced by consumer culture and sexual imaginaries, including perceptions of masculinity that establish subtle (not always concurrent) hierarchies of desire. In the broader landscape, homoregionalism functions as a regionalizing means of classifying gay space, place, and identity in Korea.
本文介绍了 "同地域主义",它是由韩国男同性恋实践的地域主义的一个子类别。地域主义是鲜活的、复杂的,并见证了新一代网络人的转变。韩国男同性恋既有地域身份,又有性导向的生活方式,他们通过自己的地域主义实践,在消费文化和性想象(包括建立微妙的(并不总是同时存在的)欲望等级的男性气质观念)的影响下,为这一亚地域主义的构建做出了贡献。在更广阔的视野中,同地域主义是划分韩国同性恋空间、场所和身份的地域化手段。
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引用次数: 0
Utilizing Imperial Knowledge: Japan’s Self-Promotion in Sweden through Its Archeological Work in Colonial Korea 利用帝国知识:日本通过在殖民地朝鲜的考古工作在瑞典进行自我宣传
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20232301.181
Hyojin Lee
This paper examines Japanese archeological missions during the colonial period and how archeological knowledge was exploited by the imperial authorities both domestically and abroad. The Swedish Crown Prince Gustaf VI Adolf’s visit to Korea is an important case study to examine the connection between Japanese academia and the politics of the Japanese Government-General of Korea and to show why the Japanese government invested in acquiring hegemony in the sphere of knowledge. The history and tensions surrounding Sŏbongch’ong show the characteristics and limitations of archeological research in the colonial era and after the liberation of the country. This paper explores the Swedish Crown Prince’s visit to Japan and Korea in 1926 and its diplomatic background, along with the set-up of the excavation in Kyŏngju. After the excavation, Imperial Japan maintained its connection with the Swedish Crown Prince through scholars. The paper also examines two other events. The first is Hamada Kōsaku’s (1881–1938) and Korean Prince Yi Ŭn’s visit to Sweden in 1927, which shows the tensions between Japan and Korea. The second event is a series of lectures on Japanese archeological missions in Korea by Serge Elisséeff (1889–1975) and Sekino Tadashi (1868–1935). The Japanese used their archeological research and achievements as a propaganda tool to support their imperial power abroad. These propaganda operations were carried out not only by Japanese scholars but also by prominent Western ones who were experts on East Asia. The Japanese government thus established its authoritativeness in the colonies while at the same time displaying its “cultural rule” and imperial power and knowledge to the world. Furthermore, the Japanese repeatedly made contradictory attempts to incorporate the superior culture of the colonies into their own history while, on the domestic level, they sought to highlight the inferiority of the colonies. This paper examines the connection between modern scholarship in imperial universities and social or diplomatic policies in colonial Korea, along with the role and influence of modern scholarship in the country.
本文探讨了日本在殖民时期的考古任务,以及帝国当局如何在国内外利用考古知识。瑞典王储古斯塔夫六世-阿道夫对韩国的访问是一个重要的案例研究,它考察了日本学术界与日本朝鲜总督府政治之间的联系,并说明了日本政府为什么要在知识领域投资获取霸权。围绕昭奉天宫的历史和紧张局势显示了殖民时代和解放后考古研究的特点和局限性。本文探讨了瑞典王储 1926 年对日本和朝鲜的访问及其外交背景,以及在庆州的发掘活动。发掘结束后,日本帝国通过学者与瑞典王储保持联系。本文还探讨了另外两个事件。第一件事是滨田光作(1881-1938 年)和韩国怡亲王于 1927 年对瑞典的访问,这次访问显示了日本和韩国之间的紧张关系。第二项活动是由 Serge Elisséeff(1889-1975 年)和 Sekino Tadashi(1868-1935 年)举办的关于日本在韩国的考古任务的系列讲座。日本人将其考古研究和成就作为一种宣传工具,以支持其在海外的皇权。开展这些宣传活动的不仅有日本学者,还有研究东亚问题的西方著名学者。日本政府因此在殖民地确立了其权威性,同时向世界展示了其 "文化统治"、皇权和知识。此外,日本人多次试图将殖民地的优越文化纳入自己的历史,但在国内,他们又试图强调殖民地的劣势,这种做法自相矛盾。本文探讨了帝国大学的现代学术与殖民地韩国的社会或外交政策之间的联系,以及现代学术在该国的作用和影响。
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引用次数: 0
Preparing to Fail: Growing North–South Divisions during the Period of Recess in the Joint Commission Meetings 准备失败:联合委员会会议休会期间南北分歧加剧
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20232301.23
Mark Caprio
The United States and Soviet Union delegations to the Joint Commission talks ended the initial round of their efforts in May 1946 after but two months of talks designed to guide the creation of a unified Korean government through a process of trusteeship that would last at most five years beyond their helping Koreans form a unified provisional government. At the center of their differences were those over the concept of democracy. Without a shared understanding of this concept, selection of which Korean “democratic political parties and social organizations” to consult proved to be a difficult, if not impossible, task. The two delegations would return to the conference table in July 1947, over a year later. But in the interval between meetings, the two Koreas had distanced themselves to such an extent that, even if the Joint Commission had realized success, the odds of their being able to agree on a framework to build a unified Korean government were greater than when they had first met. Examining the rhetoric from the northern Korean media, but also to a lesser extent that from southern Korean media, this paper attempts to flesh out some of the differences. While trusteeship proved to divide extreme left and right forces, two issues emphasized on the left were the superiority of its bottom-up democracy that focused on granting basic rights to a society (emphasized in the south) over building a level society from the bottom up (as emphasized in the north). The north also emphasized a second issue, that of the actions of “reactionaries” in the south to disrupt the development of this democratic society in Korea. In the end, both sides failed to form democratic societies that matched their rhetoric.
1946年5月,参加联合委员会会谈的美国和苏联代表团在经过两个月的会谈后结束了首轮会谈,会谈的目的是通过一个托管过程指导建立一个统一的朝鲜政府。双方分歧的核心是民主概念。如果对这一概念没有共同的理解,那么选择与哪些韩国 "民主政党和社会组织 "进行协商,即使不是不可能,也是一项困难的任务。1947 年 7 月,即一年多之后,两国代表团再次回到会议桌前。但在两次会议之间,朝韩双方的距离已经拉得很大,即使联合委员会取得了成功,双方就建立统一朝鲜政府的框架达成一致意见的可能性也比他们第一次会面时要大。本文通过研究朝鲜北方媒体的言论,同时也在一定程度上研究朝鲜南方媒体的言论,试图找出其中的一些分歧。事实证明,托管制分裂了极左和极右势力,而左派强调的两个问题是,其自下而上的民主制度的优越性,即侧重于赋予社会基本权利(南方强调),而不是自下而上地建立一个公平的社会(北方强调)。北方还强调了第二个问题,即南方 "反动派 "破坏朝鲜民主社会发展的行为。最终,双方都未能建立起与其言论相符的民主社会。
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引用次数: 0
Fire in Hansŏng: Conflagrations and Arson in Fifteenth-Century Korea 汉城之火十五世纪朝鲜的战火与纵火
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20232301.123
Kateřina Kocinová
The use of fire and its associated risks are universal across all cultures. In pre-industrial times, it was common for people to use open flames daily. Nonetheless, while fire brought many valuable aspects to their everyday lives, it could quickly get out of control and become a significant threat to human settlements and lives. The capital city of Chosŏn Kingdom 朝鮮 (1392–1897), Hansŏng 漢城, was no exception when it came to its susceptibility to conflagrations. Regardless of their origin, repeated fire incidents played a significant role in the formative processes of the city. While many English-language publications have been written on the fire history of various countries, the history of fire prevention and protection in pre-indus- trial Korea remains relatively unexplored and unknown to anglophone audiences. This paper aims to shed light on this lesser-known aspect of Korean history by addressing the topic of urban fires and arson in fifteenth-century Chosŏn, focusing on the capital city area and its struggles with anthropogenic fires. By examining some of the extant early Chosŏn administrative records, the paper explores how the administration of the capital city reacted to and coped with repeated incidences of fire. The paper shows that religious and practical approaches toward fire disasters coexisted alongside each other without being mutually exclusive, and introduces two major conflagrations that significantly influenced government policy towards fire incidents—the great fire of Hansŏng in 1426 and the Ch’angdŏk palace fire in 1467.
火的使用及其相关风险在所有文化中都很普遍。在前工业时代,人们每天使用明火很常见。然而,尽管火为人们的日常生活带来了许多宝贵的方面,但它很快就会失去控制,成为对人类住区和生命的重大威胁。朝鲜王国朝鮮(1392-1897 年)的首都汉城也不例外。无论起因如何,屡屡发生的火灾事件在这座城市的形成过程中扮演了重要角色。虽然许多英文出版物都介绍了不同国家的火灾历史,但对于英语读者来说,印前韩国的火灾预防和保护历史仍相对缺乏了解和认识。本文旨在探讨十五世纪朝鲜的城市火灾和纵火问题,重点是首都地区及其与人为火灾的斗争,从而揭示韩国历史中这一鲜为人知的方面。通过研究现存的一些早期朝鲜行政记录,本文探讨了都城行政部门如何应对和处理屡屡发生的火灾。论文表明,宗教和实际方法并存而不相互排斥,并介绍了对政府火灾政策产生重大影响的两场重大火灾--1426 年的汉城大火和 1467 年的正德宫大火。
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引用次数: 0
Dreams of Socialism Reflected in a 1947 North Korean School Textbook 1947 年北朝鲜学校教科书中反映的社会主义梦想
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20232301.5
Sergei Kurbanov
In 1945, with the participation of the Soviet Union, which sent naval forces to the northern coast of the Korean peninsula as well as paratroopers to Pyongyang, Korea was liberated from Japanese colonial rule. A limited contingent of Red Army units was dispatched in the northern part of the Korean peninsula to accept Japanese surrender and maintain law and order until the establishment of the national administration. From 1945 to 1948, Soviet citizens who worked in North Korea and the new North Korean authorities both made efforts to propagate a positive image of Soviet socialism. Their efforts would be successful among the lower classes of Korean society. The middle school textbook the “Kugŏ (Native Speech 국어),” published in 1947 in North Korea, provides a clear example of how the positive image of the USSR, when it came to village development, was presented to the Korean younger generation in the framework of traditional dreams about the lives of peasants. In particular, the Korean language textbook broke down the Japanese perception of the socialist village where, according to the former Japanese colonial authorities, peasants have no private property. The “Native Speech” textbook stated that the “peasants who choose socialism will own their land themselves and will be able to have private property.”
1945 年,在苏联的参与下,朝鲜从日本的殖民统治下获得解放,苏联向朝鲜半岛北部海岸派遣了海军部队,并向平壤派遣了伞兵部队。苏联向朝鲜半岛北部派遣了一支有限的红军部队,以接受日本投降并维持法律和秩序,直至建立国家行政机构。 从 1945 年到 1948 年,在北朝鲜工作的苏联公民和新的北朝鲜当局都在努力宣传苏联社会主义的正面形象。他们的努力在朝鲜社会底层取得了成功。1947 年在朝鲜出版的中学教科书《土语국어》提供了一个明显的例子,说明苏联在乡村发展方面的正面形象是如何在传统农民生活梦想的框架内呈现给朝鲜年轻一代的。 特别是,朝鲜语教科书打破了日本人对社会主义村庄的认识,根据前日本殖民当局的说法,在那里农民没有私有财产。乡土演讲》教科书指出,"选择社会主义的农民将拥有自己的土地,能够拥有私有财产"。
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引用次数: 0
Red Star over Seoul: Facts and the Myths of the Ninety-Day-Long Communist Rule over the South Korean Capital in 1950 首尔上空的红星1950 年共产党对韩国首都长达九十天统治的事实与神话
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20232301.51
Mózes Csoma
During its long history, the city of Seoul has suffered three major sieges and occupations. The first happened in 1592, the second occupation of the capital was in 1636, and the third occasion when the city was besieged and occupied by an enemy army was during the first phase of the Korean War. The main goal of this study is to describe facts and myths about the ninety-day-long communist rule over the South Korean capital in 1950. During my research, I compared all available documentary sources with recollections and memoirs to ascertain how the city and its citizens survived that difficult period. I collected impressions about the North Korean invaders to examine everyday life in the occupied city. I also attempted to determine if there is any truth to the myth that the North Korean leader Kim Il Sung visited occupied Seoul. The main primary sources used here are the contemporary newspapers of the DPRK: the Rodong Sinmun, which published several news items about occupied Seoul, and the Haebang Ilbo (Liberation Daily), which was published in Seoul during the North Korean occupation. The documentation about the ninety-day-long occupation of Seoul began right after the liberation of the capital in fall 1950. The first book, which collected the experiences of some elite members of South Korean society, was published by the Soodo Munhwasa company, under the title Konan ŭi 90 il (90 days of suffering).1 The reminiscences of the authors—university professor Yu Chin-oh, poet Mo Yun-suk, lawyer-scholar Yi Geon-ho, and news reporter Ku Chul-hoi—were published in English soon after the Korean version. The Reds Take a City was the first non-Korean book that collected available pieces of infor- mation about the occupation.2 In the second year of the Korean War, another important collection titled Chok Hwa Sam Sak Kuinjip (赤禍三朔九人集, Three Months under the Reds) was published.3 The book contained nine recollections from those who experienced communist rule and were forced to collaborate with the North Koreans regarding minor matters. Its publisher was the anti-communist Podo yŏnmaeng (보도연맹, Podo League) organization, which was established before the Korean War to “erase” citizens’ leftist ideologies.4 Some other important sources of the ninety-day-long occupation of Seoul are the personal recollections, written by well-known South Korean intellectuals. Park Wan-suh’s popular novel Ku manhtŏn shinga nun nuga ta mŏgŏssŭlkka? (그 많던 싱아는 누가 다 먹었을까? Who Ate up all the Shinga?) and Kim Seong-chil’s famous diary, Yŏksa ap’ eso (역 사 앞에서 In Front of History), included important observations about that period. Kim Won-Il’s reminiscences, which are particularly meaningful because his father had been involved in the developments, also provide useful information.5 To add more North Korean elements to the puzzle of the ninety-day-long occupation, one important source is the novel 50 nyŏn yŏrŭm (50년 여름, Summer of the year 50), which contains details about Kim Il Sung’s allege
在漫长的历史中,首尔市曾遭受过三次大规模的围攻和占领。第一次是在 1592 年,第二次是在 1636 年,第三次是在朝鲜战争的第一阶段。本研究的主要目的是描述 1950 年共产党对韩国首都长达九十天的统治的事实和神话。在研究过程中,我将所有可用的文献资料与回忆和回忆录进行了比较,以确定这座城市及其市民是如何度过那段艰难时期的。我收集了对北朝鲜侵略者的印象,以研究被占领城市的日常生活。我还试图确定北朝鲜领导人金日成访问被占领首尔的传说是否属实。 这里使用的主要原始资料来源是朝鲜的当代报纸:《劳动新闻》和《解放日报》,《劳动新闻》刊登了几条关于被占领首尔的新闻,《解放日报》在朝鲜占领期间在首尔出版。1950 年秋天首都解放后,有关长达九十天的首尔占领期的文献记录立即开始。第一本书收集了一些韩国社会精英的经历,由 Soodo Munhwasa 公司出版,书名为《苦难的九十天》(Konan ŭi 90 il)1。赤祸三朔九人集》(Chok Hwa Sam Sak Kuinjip,《赤祸三朔九人集》)是另一本重要的文集。该书的出版商是反共产主义的 Podo yŏnmaeng(보도연맹,波多联盟)组织,该组织成立于朝鲜战争之前,旨在 "清除 "公民的左派意识形态。朴万洙(Park Wan-suh)的畅销小说《谁吃光了新加 坡》(Ku manhtŏn shinga nun nuga ta mŏgŏssŭlkka?)和金成日的著名日记《历史的前方》(Yŏksa ap' eso)中都包含了对那个时期的重要观察。金元日的回忆也提供了有用的信息,因为他的父亲也参与了当时的事态发展,这些回忆尤其有意义。为了给长达九十天的占领之谜增添更多的朝鲜元素,小说《50 年的夏天》(50 년 여름,Summer of the year 50)是一个重要的资料来源,其中包含了据称金日成当时首尔之行的细节。事实证明,中欧和东欧的资料来源往往最有帮助,因为这些前共产主义国家的档案远比朝鲜的档案更容易获取,后者的档案非常有限。当时,苏联集团国家的党组织每天都会发布有关事态发展的消息,其记者也会亲自从朝鲜战场发回报道。其中包括匈牙利驻平壤公使馆的外交报告档案,现存于匈牙利国家档案馆的外交部目录中。
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引用次数: 0
Together but Separate: Relationships and Boundaries between North andSouth Koreans in Multiethnic Britain 在一起却又分开:在多民族的英国,南北朝鲜人之间的关系和边界
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20232202.45
Jihye Kim
The United Kingdom hosts the largest North Korean immigrant community in Europe, and the majority have settled in New Malden, London’s Koreatown. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, this study examines the relationships North Korean immigrants have established with their South Korean counterparts in the course of secondary migration from South Korea to the UK, focusing on how the shift from a majority–minority relationship between the two communities in ethnic-hierarchical South Korea to a minority–minority relationship in multi-ethnic Britain has influenced the North Koreans’ perceptions of and boundaries with South Koreans. Faced with language barriers and many other disadvantages in the host society, North Korean immigrants in the UK make pragmatic use of commonalities they share with their South Korean counterparts as well as of previous experiences and skills learned in South Korea. However, insteadof fully assimilating into the South Korean immigrant community, they freelyacknowledge the differences in the post-partition era, resulting in an enduring invisible boundary between the two groups. In doing so, they perceive that the two groups are in a relatively equal position as respective minorities vis-à-vis broader society, and the sense of ethnic stratification and hierarchy between them is largely dissolved. This study thus offers insights into how ethnic relations are contingent on social contexts and how migrants as transnational agents use and navigate their experiences, resources, and relationships to position themselves in the host society and shape their everyday life practices in a complex migration context.
英国拥有欧洲最大的朝鲜移民社区,其中大多数人定居在伦敦韩国城新马尔登。在民族志田野调查的基础上,本研究考察了朝鲜移民在从韩国到英国的二次移民过程中与韩国移民建立的关系,重点关注从种族等级森严的韩国两个社区之间的多数-少数民族关系到多民族英国的少数民族-少数民族关系的转变如何影响了朝鲜移民对韩国人的看法和与韩国人的界限。面对东道国社会的语言障碍和许多其他不利因素,在英国的朝鲜移民务实地利用他们与韩国同行的共同点,以及以前在韩国学到的经验和技能。然而,他们没有完全融入韩国移民社区,而是自由地承认后分裂时代的差异,导致两个群体之间存在持久的无形边界。在这样做的过程中,他们认为这两个群体作为各自的少数群体在-à-vis更广泛的社会中处于相对平等的地位,他们之间的种族分层和等级观念在很大程度上消失了。因此,本研究提供了关于种族关系如何取决于社会背景的见解,以及作为跨国代理人的移民如何利用和驾驭他们的经验、资源和关系,以便在复杂的移民背景下在东道国社会中定位自己,并塑造他们的日常生活实践。
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引用次数: 0
Mother, Warrior, and Prophet: The Myth of Kim Jong Suk in DPRK Cinema 母亲、战士与先知:朝鲜电影中的金正淑神话
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20232202.99
Roman Husarski
In the late 1970s, North Korean propaganda began to increasingly idolize various members of the Kim Il Sung family. Among the hagiographies of the so-called bloodline of Mt. Paektu is that of Kim Jong Suk (1917–1949), the first wife of Kim Il Sung and the mother of Kim Jong Il. Although her cult has attracted the attention of many scholars, this is the first study on the representation of Kim Jong Suk on the screen. The article provides an analysis of five movies dedicated to her, created between 1979 and 1985. All were written by Paek In-jun, the most important screenwriter in Kim Jong Il’s film production unit. The image of Kim Jong Suk in cinema is highly idealized and she is ascribed attributes that exceed typical human capacities; however, cinematic representations of her are careful not to suggest any that might be interpreted as supernatural. Kim Jong Suk is a master in both the male and female spheres. She is a compassionate mother, healer, and nurturer, and at other times as ruthless, merciless warrior. The Mother-Warrior figure she represents refers to paradigms popular in the Communist sphere, and Kim Jong Suk’s selflessness is characteristic of the so-called hidden heroes of North Korean cinema. Theuniqueness of Kim Jong Suk lies in her close relation with Kim Il Sung, not as a wife but as his most faithful follower. It makes her a convincing messenger of his messianic role.
在20世纪70年代末,朝鲜的宣传开始越来越崇拜金日成家族的各个成员。在所谓的白头山血统的传记中,金日成的第一个妻子,金正日的母亲金正淑(1917-1949)的传记受到了很多学者的关注,但这是第一次研究金正淑在银幕上的表现。这篇文章分析了1979年至1985年间创作的五部献给她的电影。所有这些都是由金正日电影制作部门最重要的编剧白仁俊撰写的。电影中的金正淑形象被高度理想化,她被赋予了超越典型人类能力的属性;然而,对她的电影表现都很小心,不暗示任何可能被解释为超自然的东西。金正锡是男性和女性领域的大师。她是一位富有同情心的母亲、治疗者和养育者,但在其他时候,她是一位无情、无情的战士。她所代表的母亲战士形象是指共产主义领域流行的范式,金正淑的无私是朝鲜电影中所谓隐藏英雄的特征。金正淑的独特之处在于她与金日成的亲密关系,不是作为妻子,而是作为他最忠实的追随者。这使她成为他救世主角色的令人信服的信使。
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引用次数: 0
Gradual, Diverse, Complex—and Unnoticed: Korean Migration in Europe 渐进、多样、复杂和不被注意:欧洲的韩国移民
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20232202.1
Jihyea Kim, Yonson Ahn
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引用次数: 1
期刊
European Journal of Korean Studies
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