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Overseas Korean Adoption and theBirth of Swedish Color-blindness: A Study of How Korean Adoptees Transformed Sweden’s Attitude to Race and the Relationship between Race and Swedishness 海外收养韩国人与瑞典色盲的产生:被收养的韩国人如何改变瑞典的种族态度及种族与瑞典性的关系研究
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20232202.71
Tobias Hübinette
This article consists of a study of how the first wave of Korean adoptees to Sweden were imagined and represented in a political debate that raged throughout the 1960s concerning whether or not Swedes would adopt non-white children from abroad. The study examines how the arrival of the Korean adoptees came to transform Swedes’ attitude to race and the relationship between race and Swedishness, and how they made it possible for Sweden to transition from a country with a racial obsession to an antiracist nation in the 1960s, whenSweden was one of the Western world’s whitest and most racially homogeneous countries.
这篇文章包括一项研究,关于瑞典人是否会从国外收养非白人儿童的政治辩论,如何在整个20世纪60年代被想象和代表到瑞典的第一波韩国被收养者。这项研究考察了被收养的韩国人的到来如何改变瑞典人对种族的态度以及种族与瑞典性之间的关系,以及他们如何使瑞典在20世纪60年代从一个种族主义困扰的国家转变为一个反种族主义的国家,当时瑞典是西方世界上白人最多、种族最单一的国家之一。
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引用次数: 0
A Reconsideration of the Ch’inilp’a (Pro-Japanese Collaborators) Criteria: Discussions Surrounding the 1947 and the 1948 Legislations 对“亲日派”标准的再思考:围绕1947年和1948年立法的讨论
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20232202.127
AhRan Ellie-BAe
In postwar southern Korea from 1945, the term ch’inilp’a is loosely used to describe a wide range of collaboration during the Japanese-administered colonial period. Although the term has been used to include questionable acts, many ambiguities among the criteria of ch’inilp’a are often overlooked or ignored. Tracing the origin of the criteria, this article considers how the term ch’inilp’a was defined, specifically within the Puil hyŏmnyŏkcha, minjok panyŏkcha, chŏnpŏm, kansangbae e taehan t’ŭkpyŏl pŏmnyul chorye (附日協力者・民族反逆者・戦犯・奸商. 輩에 대한特別法律条例 Special Law on Pro-Japanese, National Traitors, Warmongers, and Profiteers) of 1947 and the Panminjok haengwi ch’ŏbŏlbŏp (反民族行為処罰法 National Traitor Law) of 1948.
在1945年战后的韩国南部,“合作”一词被宽泛地用来描述日本殖民统治时期的广泛合作。虽然这一术语已被用来包括有问题的行为,但“犯罪”标准中的许多含糊之处往往被忽视或忽视。跟踪标准的起源,本文认为术语ch 'inilp如何被定义,特别在Puil hyŏmnyŏkcha, minjok公司ŏkcha, chŏnpŏm, kansangbae e taehan t 'ŭkpyŏl pŏmnyul chorye(附日協力者・民族反逆者・戦犯・奸商。1947年的《关于亲日、国奸、战争贩子和奸商的特别法》和1948年的《国奸法ŏbŏlbŏp》。
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引用次数: 0
Maternal Practices of Korean Healthcare Workers in Germany 韩国医护人员在德国的产妇实践
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20232202.11
Yonson Ahn
In the framework of the former West German government’s “guest worker”(Gastarbeiter) recruitment policy between 1955 and 1973, more than 11,000 South Korean nurses and nurse assistants moved to Germany to work in medical or nursing institutions to fill a gap in the provision of healthcare services as “guest workers.” Drawing on personal accounts, the current empirical study explores mothering practices primarily between the 1960s and 1990s in the families of Korean migrant healthcare workers who resided in Germany over the course of their working lives and/or returned to Korea. This study charts the manner in which these migrant mothers navigated and balanced competing social discourses around mothering that emerged from the different cultural and historical backgrounds in a new host society. The concepts around mothering consist of the ideology of “intensive mothering,” the Confucian ideal of “wise mother and good wife,” and the German notion of the “raven mother.” Special attention ispaid to the way in which mothering is negotiated and experienced by migrant mothers in gendered family roles over the time—the period from childhood to adulthood—spent in the host country. Various practices and strategies for childcare arrangements and education in sustaining a migrant family in the host country are discussed. Another salient question to explore is the manner in which the migrants’ ethnic culture and values inform their ethno-specific mothering practices. In this respect, the demands and aspirations of cross-cultural mothering to raise children with dual-cultural competence in both the culture of origin and that of destination are explored
1955年至1973年,在前西德政府的“客工”(Gastarbeiter)招聘政策的框架下,为了填补“客工”医疗服务的空白,1.1万多名韩国护士和护士助理前往德国的医疗或护理机构工作。根据个人账户,目前的实证研究主要探讨了20世纪60年代至90年代期间居住在德国和/或返回韩国的韩国移民医疗工作者家庭的育儿实践。本研究描绘了这些移民母亲在一个新的东道国社会中,如何驾驭和平衡来自不同文化和历史背景的关于母性的竞争性社会话语。有关母性的观念包括“强化母性”的意识形态、儒家“贤妻良母”的理想以及德国“乌鸦母亲”的观念。特别关注的是在东道国度过的从童年到成年这段时间内,移民母亲在性别家庭角色中的协商和经历育儿的方式。讨论了在东道国维持移民家庭的托儿安排和教育方面的各种做法和战略。另一个需要探讨的突出问题是,移民的民族文化和价值观如何影响其特定民族的育儿实践。在这方面,探讨了跨文化母亲在原籍文化和目的地文化中培养具有双重文化能力的孩子的要求和愿望
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引用次数: 0
The Evolution of Protestantism in Post-Soviet Russia and the Impactof South Korean Missionaries 后苏联时期俄罗斯新教的演变与韩国传教士的影响
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20222201.125
Zhanna Son, K. Sheiko
This article explores the revival, scale, and success of Protestantism as the result of Korean missionary activity in post-Soviet Russia. The authors argue that the post-Soviet religious rebirth and subsequent revival of Russia’s Protestantism, especially in the Far Eastern region of the country, has largely been the product of the activity of South Korean Protestant religious organizations. The pioneering analysis of the Korean missions’ work in Russia analyzes their proselytizing works on agrassroots level. The authors elucidate the societal role and status that Protestantism has historically had in Russia and explore the inter-confessional dialogue between contemporary Orthodoxy and Protestantism. They argue that despite the existing negative stereotypes and civilizational challenges, the post-Soviet version of Protestantism has become an inseparable part of Russia’s religious tapestry. Forthe first time, the authors collected a sample of Russia’s Protestant churches created under the auspices of Korean missionaries. Additionally, the research also presents a contemporary statistical overview of Russia’s Protestant churches. Finally, this article emphasizes a consistent duality of the Russian state’s attitude towardProtestantism evident throughout its consecutive historical periods.
这篇文章探讨了韩国在苏联解体后的俄罗斯传教活动中新教的复兴、规模和成功。作者认为,苏联解体后俄罗斯新教的宗教重生和随后的复兴,特别是在俄罗斯远东地区,在很大程度上是韩国新教宗教组织活动的产物。对韩国在俄传教工作的先驱性分析分析了朝鲜在俄传教工作的基层。作者阐明了历史上新教在俄罗斯的社会角色和地位,并探讨了当代东正教与新教之间的教派间对话。他们认为,尽管存在负面的刻板印象和文明挑战,后苏联版本的新教已经成为俄罗斯宗教挂毯中不可分割的一部分。作者首次收集了在韩国传教士的帮助下建立的俄罗斯新教教堂的样本。此外,该研究还提供了俄罗斯新教教会的当代统计概况。最后,本文强调了贯穿其连续历史时期的俄罗斯国家对新教的一贯的两重性态度。
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引用次数: 0
In Search of Talent: Startup Policy in South Korea 寻找人才:韩国的创业政策
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20222201.43
Felicia Istad
Countries have long considered immigrant entrepreneurship and high-skilled immigration as crucial sources of economic growth and innovation. Still, little is known about what governments do to attract, support, and retain tech entrepreneurs with foreign backgrounds. This article examines startup programs in South Korea. It demonstrates how the demand for tech entrepreneurship is approached through a new set of policies, conceptualized in this study as (im)migrant startup programs. Through these policies, the South Korean government simultaneously supports immigrant residents with opportunities for entrepreneurship while facilitating the additional immigration of high-skilled entrepreneurs. (Im)migrant startup programs are characterized by intersecting elements of innovation, entrepreneurship, and immigration policies. This combination distinguishes the approach from previously observed skills-based visas, investment programs, and economic integration strategies. The findings are discussed with implications for the global competition for talent and the mobility of high-skilled entrepreneurs.
长期以来,各国一直将移民创业和高技能移民视为经济增长和创新的重要来源。然而,对于政府如何吸引、支持和留住具有外国背景的科技企业家,人们知之甚少。本文考察了韩国的创业项目。它展示了如何通过一套新的政策来满足技术创业的需求,在本研究中,这些政策被概念化为移民创业计划。通过这些政策,韩国政府在为移民居民提供创业机会的同时,也为高技能企业家的额外移民提供了便利。移民创业项目的特点是创新、创业和移民政策的交叉要素。这种方法与以前观察到的基于技能的签证、投资项目和经济一体化战略不同。研究结果还讨论了对全球人才竞争和高技能企业家流动性的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Transformation of South Korean Government Digital Communications 韩国政府数字通信的转型
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20222201.7
Kyoung-Suk Cho
This study investigates the process of digital communication transformation following the specific policies of each South Korean administration. During the last twenty-five years, various political issues have arisen within Korean digital society, and each South Korean government has had to cope with those issues. However, the attitudes of the various political parties in South Korea toward the social issues resulting from digital communication have been very different.These attitudes can be generally divided into either mobilizational or controlling in relation to digital communication, which this paper will refer to as either “progressive” or “conservative.” Although digital communication technology has continuously evolved alongside political transformation, the development of South Korean democracy has varied depending on the strategies and approaches of different administrations
本研究根据韩国各届政府的具体政策,探讨数位通讯转型的过程。在过去的25年里,韩国数字社会出现了各种各样的政治问题,每届韩国政府都必须应对这些问题。然而,韩国各政党对数字通信带来的社会问题的态度却大相径庭。这些态度一般可以分为动员或控制的数字通信,这篇文章将称之为“进步”或“保守”。虽然数字通信技术随着政治转型而不断发展,但韩国民主主义的发展因不同政府的战略和方法而有所不同
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引用次数: 0
The Celebration of Children’s First Birthday (Asyandi/асянди) in the Korean Community of the Primorye Region in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century: History and Significance 20世纪下半叶滨海地区朝鲜族社区的周岁庆祝活动(Asyandi/асянди):历史与意义
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20222201.183
A. Kim, M. Surzhik, Aleksei Mamychev
Asyandi (асянди) in Hamgyŏng dialect (in Seoul dialect, tol 돌) is one of the most important holidays in the Korean diaspora around the world. It is the celebration of the first birthday of a child. In addition to an evening meal organized in honor of the birthday child, a form of divination is also carried out in the morning. This event, according to Korean tradition, determines the life of the child. The form of divination in the Primorye region is very different from the equivalent event in areas of the Korean Peninsula in modern times. The aim of this research note is to study asyandi as an event and consider its significance and processes in the local Korean diaspora in the southern part of the Russian Far East where this celebration is observed.
在世界各地的侨胞中,最重要的节日是“Hamgyŏng(汉城话)”(асянди)。这是庆祝一个孩子的第一个生日。除了为庆祝生日而组织的晚餐外,早上还会进行一种形式的占卜。根据韩国的传统,这一事件决定了孩子的一生。滨海地区的占卜形式与近代韩半岛地区的占卜形式大不相同。本研究报告的目的是研究作为一个事件,并考虑其在俄罗斯远东地区南部的当地韩国侨民的意义和过程,在那里庆祝这个庆祝活动。
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引用次数: 0
The King’s Gambit: Kojong’s Initiative to Set Up Chosŏn Legations in Japan, the United States, and Europe in 1887 《国王的开局:1887年高宗在日本、美国和欧洲设立公使馆Chosŏn》
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20222201.161
Daria Grishina
This paper examines the Chosŏn government’s first attempt to establish legations abroad, carried out in July–November of 1887. Taking that time’s geopolitical and internal situation into account, the author analyzes such events as the anti-Foulk campaign (early 1887) and the coup d’état rumors (summer of 1887) as factors that ensured the smooth dispatching of the Chosŏn (Korea) embassy to Japan in early August 1887. The geopolitical situation that surrounded the Korean Peninsula in late summer–autumn of 1887 will be analyzed as a factor, complicating the dispatch of Chosŏn diplomats to the United States and Europe later that year. In order to achieve these, and to reveal the deception and manipulation behind King Kojong’s actions at the time, the author relies on the analysis of Russian, Korean, and English primary sources.
本文考察了Chosŏn政府在1887年7月至11月间首次尝试在国外建立公使馆。作者结合当时的地缘政治和国内形势,分析了1887年初的反福克运动和1887年夏的政变传闻等事件是1887年8月初顺利派遣Chosŏn(韩国)驻日大使馆的因素。据分析,1887年夏秋之末围绕韩半岛的地缘政治局势是导致当年年末向美国和欧洲派遣Chosŏn外交官的原因之一。为了达到这些目的,并揭示当时高宗国王的行为背后的欺骗和操纵,作者依靠对俄语、韩语和英语原始资料的分析。
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引用次数: 0
South Korea’s Public Diplomacy Actors in Uzbekistan 韩国在乌兹别克斯坦的公共外交行为者
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20222201.95
Natalya Steane, Eunjung Hwang, Salvatore Coluccello
During the last decade, there has been growing academic interest in new public diplomacy, which anticipates a more collaborative approach to international relations and contributes to mutual understanding among nations and foreign publics. One of the central debates in recent public diplomacy research concerns the role and place of the new public diplomacy actors. This study aims to identify public diplomacy actors and their role in South Korea’s public diplomacy strategies in Uzbekistan, thereby providing additional insight into the implementation and development of public diplomacy mechanisms. Furthermore, the article explores and analyses the relationship between state and non-state actors to examine how these networks collaborate to promote South Korea’s national image. The findings show that South Korea has actively used cultural organizations, educational institutions, hospitals, and businesses as public diplomacy tools in Uzbekistan. The study also found that Koryŏin, or the local Korean diaspora, takes a special place in South Korea’s strategies
在过去十年中,学术界对新公共外交的兴趣日益浓厚,它期望以一种更加合作的方式处理国际关系,并有助于各国和外国公众之间的相互理解。在最近的公共外交研究的中心辩论之一涉及新的公共外交行为者的角色和地位。本研究旨在确定公共外交行为者及其在韩国对乌兹别克斯坦公共外交战略中的作用,从而为公共外交机制的实施和发展提供额外的见解。此外,本文还探讨和分析了国家和非国家行为体之间的关系,以研究这些网络如何合作促进韩国的国家形象。调查结果显示,韩国在乌兹别克斯坦积极利用文化团体、教育机关、医院、企业等作为公共外交工具。该研究还发现,Koryŏin,即当地的韩国侨民,在韩国的战略中占有特殊的地位
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引用次数: 0
Does South Korea Exercise Middle-Power Diplomacy Toward Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan? 韩国对哈萨克斯坦、乌兹别克斯坦实施了中等大国外交吗?
IF 0.1 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.33526/ejks.20222201.71
E. Varpahovskis
It is widely accepted that South Korea has obtained middle-power status because it has fulfilled the necessary behavioral principles in its diplomacy. Even though the Republic of Korea is an active player in Central Asia, the topic of relationships between South Korea and Central Asian republics has barely been explored. Using case studies, the author attempts to evaluate how much South Korea’s policy matches its middle-power status in relationships with two major partners in the region—Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. The author concludes that SouthKorea’s policy toward the two Central Asian partners only partly matches middle-power behavior criteria. The article discusses the practical obstacles to South Korea’s middle-power diplomacy toward Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan and elaborates on the shortcomings of the middle-power concept as an analytical framework.
人们普遍认为,韩国之所以成为中等强国,是因为在外交上履行了必要的行为原则。虽然大韩民国在中亚是一个积极的参与者,但韩国与中亚共和国之间的关系几乎没有被探讨过。通过案例研究,作者试图评估韩国的政策在多大程度上符合其与该地区两个主要合作伙伴乌兹别克斯坦和哈萨克斯坦的关系中的中等大国地位。作者的结论是,韩国对这两个中亚伙伴的政策只是部分符合中等大国的行为标准。本文讨论了韩国对哈萨克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦的中等大国外交的现实障碍,并阐述了中等大国概念作为分析框架的缺陷。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European Journal of Korean Studies
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