Pub Date : 2018-10-01DOI: 10.33526/EJKS.20181801.97
Denzenlkham Ulambayar
Since the 1990s, when previously classified and top secret Russian archival documents on the Korean War became open and accessible, it has become clear for post-communist countries that Kim Il Sung, Stalin and Mao Zedong were the primary organizers of the war. It is now equally certain that tensions arising from Soviet and American struggle generated the origins of the Korean War, namely the Soviet Union’s occupation of the northern half of the Korean peninsula and the United States’ occupation of the southern half to the 38th parallel after 1945 as well as the emerging bipolar world order of international relations and Cold War. Newly available Russian archival documents produced much in the way of new energies and opportunities for international study and research into the Korean War.2 However, within this research few documents connected to Mongolia have so far been found, and little specific research has yet been done regarding why and how Mongolia participated in the Korean War. At the same time, it is becoming today more evident that both Soviet guidance and U.S. information reports (evaluated and unevaluated) regarding Mongolia were far different from the situation and developments of that period. New examples of this tendency are documents declassified in the early 2000s and released publicly from the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in December 2016 which contain inaccurate information. The original, uncorrupted sources about why, how and to what degree the Mongolian People’s Republic (MPR) became a participant in the Korean War are in fact in documents held within the Mongolian Central Archives of Foreign Affairs. These archives contain multiple documents in relation to North Korea. Prior to the 1990s Mongolian scholars Dr. B. Lkhamsuren,3 Dr. B. Ligden,4 Dr. Sh. Sandag,5 junior scholar J. Sukhee,6 and A. A. Osipov7 mention briefly in their writings the history of relations between the MPR and the DPRK during the Korean War. Since the 1990s the Korean War has also briefly been touched upon in the writings of B. Lkhamsuren,8 D. Ulambayar (the author of this paper),9 Ts. Batbayar,10 J. Battur,11 K. Demberel,12 Balảzs Szalontai,13 Sergey Radchenko14 and Li Narangoa.15 There have also been significant collections of documents about the two countries and a collection of memoirs published in 200716 and 2008.17 The author intends within this paper to discuss particularly about why, how and to what degree Mongolia participated in the Korean War, the rumors and realities of the war and its consequences for the MPR’s membership in the United Nations. The MPR was the second socialist country following the Soviet Union (the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics) to recognize the DPRK (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) and establish diplomatic ties. That was part of the initial stage of socialist system formation comprising the Soviet Union, nations in Eastern Europe, the MPR, the PRC (People’s Republic of China) and the DPRK. Acco
现在同样可以肯定的是,苏联和美国的斗争所引起的紧张局势产生了朝鲜战争的根源,即苏联在1945年后占领朝鲜半岛的北半部和美国占领到三八线的南半部,以及正在出现的两极世界国际关系秩序和冷战。新获得的俄罗斯档案文件为朝鲜战争的国际研究提供了新的能量和机会。2然而,在这项研究中,迄今为止很少发现与蒙古有关的文件,关于蒙古为什么以及如何参加朝鲜战争的具体研究也很少。与此同时,今天越来越明显的是,苏联的指导和美国关于蒙古的情报报告(经过评估的和未经评估的)与那个时期的情况和发展大不相同。这种趋势的新例子是21世纪初解密并于2016年12月由美国中央情报局(CIA)公开发布的文件,其中包含不准确的信息。关于蒙古人民共和国(MPR)为何、如何以及在多大程度上成为朝鲜战争的参与者的原始、未受破坏的资料来源,实际上是蒙古外交事务中央档案馆保存的文件。这些档案中有许多与朝鲜有关的文件。20世纪90年代以前,蒙古学者B. Lkhamsuren博士、B. Ligden博士、4 . Sh Sandag博士、5 .初级学者J. Sukhee、6和A. A. osipov博士在他们的著作中简要地提到了朝鲜战争期间蒙古人民共和国与朝鲜的关系史。自20世纪90年代以来,B. Lkhamsuren, D. Ulambayar(本文作者),9 . t . Batbayar,10 . J. Battur,11 . K。Demberel,12 Balảzs Szalontai,13 Sergey Radchenko14和Li Narangoa.15也有关于这两个国家的重要文件收集,以及2007年和2008年出版的回忆录收集。作者打算在本文中特别讨论蒙古为什么,如何以及在多大程度上参加了朝鲜战争,战争的谣言和现实及其对蒙古人民共和国加入联合国的影响。中华人民共和国是继苏联(苏维埃社会主义共和国联盟)之后第二个承认朝鲜民主主义人民共和国(朝鲜民主主义人民共和国)并建立外交关系的社会主义国家。这是社会主义制度形成初期阶段的一部分,包括苏联、东欧国家、中华人民共和国、中华人民共和国和朝鲜。因此,人民民主共和国和朝鲜民主主义人民共和国之间建立了基于无产阶级和社会主义国际主义原则的兄弟般的友谊和合作框架在这一框架下,朝鲜战争在中华人民共和国对外外交环境和国家主权的历史上留下了深刻的痕迹
{"title":"The Role of the Mongolian People’s Republic in the Korean War","authors":"Denzenlkham Ulambayar","doi":"10.33526/EJKS.20181801.97","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33526/EJKS.20181801.97","url":null,"abstract":"Since the 1990s, when previously classified and top secret Russian archival documents on the Korean War became open and accessible, it has become clear for post-communist countries that Kim Il Sung, Stalin and Mao Zedong were the primary organizers of the war. It is now equally certain that tensions arising from Soviet and American struggle generated the origins of the Korean War, namely the Soviet Union’s occupation of the northern half of the Korean peninsula and the United States’ occupation of the southern half to the 38th parallel after 1945 as well as the emerging bipolar world order of international relations and Cold War. Newly available Russian archival documents produced much in the way of new energies and opportunities for international study and research into the Korean War.2 However, within this research few documents connected to Mongolia have so far been found, and little specific research has yet been done regarding why and how Mongolia participated in the Korean War. At the same time, it is becoming today more evident that both Soviet guidance and U.S. information reports (evaluated and unevaluated) regarding Mongolia were far different from the situation and developments of that period. New examples of this tendency are documents declassified in the early 2000s and released \u0000publicly from the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in December 2016 which contain inaccurate information. The original, uncorrupted sources about why, how and to what degree the Mongolian People’s Republic (MPR) became a participant in the Korean War are in fact in documents held within the Mongolian Central Archives of Foreign Affairs. These archives contain multiple documents in relation to North Korea. Prior to the 1990s Mongolian scholars Dr. B. Lkhamsuren,3 Dr. B. Ligden,4 Dr. Sh. Sandag,5 junior scholar J. Sukhee,6 and A. A. Osipov7 mention briefly in their writings the history of relations between the MPR and the DPRK during the Korean War. Since the 1990s the Korean War has also briefly been touched upon in the writings of B. Lkhamsuren,8 D. Ulambayar (the author of this paper),9 Ts. Batbayar,10 J. Battur,11 K. Demberel,12 Balảzs Szalontai,13 Sergey Radchenko14 and Li Narangoa.15 There have also been significant collections of documents about the two countries and a collection of memoirs published in 200716 and 2008.17 The author intends within this paper to discuss particularly about why, how and to what degree Mongolia participated in the Korean War, the rumors and realities of the war and its consequences for the MPR’s membership in the United Nations. The MPR was the second socialist country following the Soviet Union (the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics) to recognize the DPRK (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) and establish diplomatic ties. That was part of the initial stage of socialist system formation comprising the Soviet Union, nations in Eastern Europe, the MPR, the PRC (People’s Republic of China) and the DPRK. Acco","PeriodicalId":40316,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Korean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90996722","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-10-01DOI: 10.33526/EJKS.20181801.63
P. Korhonen, Werner Koidl
The Ŭnhasu Orchestra was a major North Korean ensemble in 2009–2013. It was established by Kim Jong Il (Kim Chŏng’il, 김정일) and was composed of young musicians and singers of both genders, several of them having studied in foreign higher educational institutions in countries like Austria, Italy, Russia and China. Its members represented the core class of the North Korean society. It was ostensibly meant to display the high quality of North Korean art and engage at this level also in international cultural diplomacy, both in terms of physical visits, and in terms of DVD and internet publishing. In addition to domestic concerts, the Ŭnhasu Orchestra performed with visiting Russian artists, and gave a concert in Paris in 2012. The Ŭnhasu Orchestra exemplifies also the problems with regime transition in North Korea. It was so closely tied with the Kim Jong Il regime that the change at the end of 2011 to the Kim Jong Un (Kim Chŏng’un, 김정은) regime did not proceed altogether smoothly. In August 2013 it was disbanded rather abruptly, causing an international uproar, and signalling the beginning of a wave of other purges leading up to the highest leadership levels. The article attempts to shed light on the nature of the Orchestra as a North Korean cultural phenomenon and the reasons for its sudden ending, trying to dispel some of the disinformation surrounding the event.
Ŭnhasu乐团是2009-2013年朝鲜的主要乐团。它建立了金正日(Kim Chŏng如果김정일)和年轻的音乐家和歌手由两性组成,他们中的一些人在研究了国外高等教育机构在国家如奥地利、意大利、俄罗斯和中国。其成员代表了朝鲜社会的核心阶层。从表面上看,这是为了展示朝鲜艺术的高质量,并在这一层面上参与国际文化外交,包括实地参观,以及DVD和互联网出版。除了国内音乐会,Ŭnhasu乐团还与来访的俄罗斯艺术家一起演出,并于2012年在巴黎举办了一场音乐会。Ŭnhasu管弦乐团也体现了北韩政权过渡的问题。它与金正日政权的关系如此紧密,以至于2011年底金正恩(Kim Jong Un)政权的更迭并没有完全顺利进行。2013年8月,它突然解散,引起了国际上的一片哗然,并标志着一波其他清洗浪潮的开始,导致最高领导层。这篇文章试图揭示乐团作为一种朝鲜文化现象的性质和突然解散的原因,试图消除围绕该事件的一些不实信息。
{"title":"The Rise and Fall of the Ŭnhasu Orchestra","authors":"P. Korhonen, Werner Koidl","doi":"10.33526/EJKS.20181801.63","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33526/EJKS.20181801.63","url":null,"abstract":"The Ŭnhasu Orchestra was a major North Korean ensemble in 2009–2013. It was established by Kim Jong Il (Kim Chŏng’il, 김정일) and was composed of young musicians and singers of both genders, several of them having studied in foreign higher educational institutions in countries like Austria, Italy, Russia and China. Its members represented the core class of the North Korean society. It was ostensibly meant to display the high quality of North Korean art and engage at this level also in international cultural diplomacy, both in terms of physical visits, and in terms of DVD and internet publishing. In addition to domestic concerts, the Ŭnhasu Orchestra performed with visiting Russian artists, and gave a concert in Paris in 2012. The Ŭnhasu Orchestra exemplifies also the problems with regime transition in North Korea. It was so closely tied with the Kim Jong Il regime that the change at the end of 2011 to the Kim Jong Un (Kim Chŏng’un, 김정은) regime did not proceed altogether smoothly. In August 2013 it was disbanded rather abruptly, causing an international uproar, and signalling the beginning of a wave of other purges leading up to the highest leadership levels. The article attempts to shed light on the nature of the Orchestra as a North Korean cultural phenomenon and the reasons for its sudden ending, trying to dispel some of the disinformation surrounding the event.","PeriodicalId":40316,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Korean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73711766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One scenario put forward by researchers, political commentators and journalists for the collapse of North Korea has been a People’s Power (or popular) rebellion. This paper analyses why no popular rebellion has occurred in the DPRK under Kim Jong Un. It challenges the assumption that popular rebellion would happen because of widespread anger caused by a greater awareness of superior economic conditions outside the DPRK. Using Jack Goldstone’s theoretical expla-nations for the outbreak of popular rebellion, and comparisons with the 1989 Romanian and 2010–11 Tunisian transitions, this paper argues that marketi-zation has led to a loosening of state ideological control and to an influx of infor-mation about conditions in the outside world. However, unlike the Tunisian transitions—in which a new information context shaped by social media, the Al-Jazeera network and an experience of protest helped create a sense of pan-Arab solidarity amongst Tunisians resisting their government—there has been no similar ideology unifying North Koreans against their regime. There is evidence of discontent in market unrest in the DPRK, although protests between 2011 and the present have mostly been in defense of the right of people to support themselves through private trade. North Koreans believe this right has been guaranteed, or at least tacitly condoned, by the Kim Jong Un government. There has not been any large-scale explosion of popular anger because the state has not attempted to crush market activities outright under Kim Jong Un. There are other reasons why no popular rebellion has occurred in the North. Unlike Tunisia, the DPRK lacks a dissident political elite capable of leading an opposition movement, and unlike Romania, the DPRK authorities have shown some flexibility in their anti-dissent strategies, taking a more tolerant approach to protests against economic issues. Reduced levels of violence during periods of unrest and an effective system of information control may have helped restrict the expansion of unrest beyond rural areas.
研究人员、政治评论员和记者提出的朝鲜崩溃的一种情况是人民力量(或民众)叛乱。本文分析了金正恩领导下的朝鲜没有发生群众叛乱的原因。它挑战了一种假设,即由于人们更加了解朝鲜以外的优越经济条件而引起的广泛愤怒,将会发生民众叛乱。本文运用杰克·戈德斯通(Jack Goldstone)对民众起义爆发的理论解释,并与1989年罗马尼亚和2010-11年突尼斯的转型进行比较,认为市场化导致了国家意识形态控制的放松,以及有关外部世界状况的信息的涌入。然而,与突尼斯的过渡不同——在突尼斯的过渡中,社会媒体、半岛电视台网络和抗议经历塑造了新的信息环境,帮助突尼斯人在反抗政府的过程中形成了一种泛阿拉伯团结的感觉——朝鲜没有类似的意识形态来团结他们的政权。有证据表明,朝鲜市场动荡中存在不满情绪,尽管2011年至今的抗议活动大多是为了捍卫人民通过私人贸易维持生计的权利。朝鲜人相信这一权利得到了金正恩(Kim Jong Un)政府的保障,或者至少是默许。民众的愤怒没有大规模爆发,因为在金正恩(Kim Jong Un)的领导下,朝鲜政府没有试图彻底摧毁市场活动。北方没有发生大规模叛乱还有其他原因。与突尼斯不同,朝鲜缺乏能够领导反对派运动的持不同政见者政治精英,与罗马尼亚不同,朝鲜当局在反异见者战略上表现出一定的灵活性,对针对经济问题的抗议采取了更宽容的态度。动荡时期暴力程度的降低和有效的信息控制系统可能有助于限制动荡向农村地区以外的地区扩展。
{"title":"Why Has There Been No People’s Power Rebellion in North Korea?","authors":"A. D. Jackson","doi":"10.33526/ejks.2018181.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33526/ejks.2018181.1","url":null,"abstract":"One scenario put forward by researchers, political commentators and journalists for the collapse of North Korea has been a People’s Power (or popular) rebellion. This paper analyses why no popular rebellion has occurred in the DPRK under Kim Jong Un. It challenges the assumption that popular rebellion would happen because of widespread anger caused by a greater awareness of superior economic conditions outside the DPRK. Using Jack Goldstone’s theoretical expla-nations for the outbreak of popular rebellion, and comparisons with the 1989 Romanian and 2010–11 Tunisian transitions, this paper argues that marketi-zation has led to a loosening of state ideological control and to an influx of infor-mation about conditions in the outside world. However, unlike the Tunisian transitions—in which a new information context shaped by social media, the Al-Jazeera network and an experience of protest helped create a sense of pan-Arab solidarity amongst Tunisians resisting their government—there has been no similar ideology unifying North Koreans against their regime. There is evidence of discontent in market unrest in the DPRK, although protests between 2011 and the present have mostly been in defense of the right of people to support themselves through private trade. North Koreans believe this right has been guaranteed, or at least tacitly condoned, by the Kim Jong Un government. There has not been any large-scale explosion of popular anger because the state has not attempted to crush market activities outright under Kim Jong Un. There are other reasons why no popular rebellion has occurred in the North. Unlike Tunisia, the DPRK lacks a dissident political elite capable of leading an opposition movement, and unlike Romania, the DPRK authorities have shown some flexibility in their anti-dissent strategies, taking a more tolerant approach to protests against economic issues. Reduced levels of violence during periods of unrest and an effective system of information control may have helped restrict the expansion of unrest beyond rural areas.","PeriodicalId":40316,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Korean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81675634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-10-01DOI: 10.33526/EJKS.20181801.131
A. Cathcart, R. Winstanley-Chesters
This article analyses scholarship and memoir writing by German geographer Gustav Fochler-Hauke with respect to Korean settlement in Manchuria, and along the Tumen and Yalu/Amnok rivers in the 1930s and early 40s. The research note demonstrates that while Focher-Hauke’s work has its value—not least due to the access he received thanks to the Japanese military government—his concepts of geopolitics and the influence of his mentor and collaborator, Karl Haushofer, renders the work flawed; its value as a historical source for scholars today is therefore limited. The research note begins with Fochler-Hauke’s rising profile within German geopolitical studies and turns toward that field’s documentation of Koreans in Manchuria, the role of borders between Korea and Manchuria, the blind eye turned toward Korean resistance to Japan, and the rehabilitation of some of these scholars and works after World War II.
{"title":"German Studies of Koreans in Manchuria: Gustav Fochler-Hauke and the Influence of Karl Haushofer’s National Socialist Geopolitics","authors":"A. Cathcart, R. Winstanley-Chesters","doi":"10.33526/EJKS.20181801.131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33526/EJKS.20181801.131","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses scholarship and memoir writing by German geographer Gustav Fochler-Hauke with respect to Korean settlement in Manchuria, and along the Tumen and Yalu/Amnok rivers in the 1930s and early 40s. The research note demonstrates that while Focher-Hauke’s work has its value—not least due to the access he received thanks to the Japanese military government—his concepts of geopolitics and the influence of his mentor and collaborator, Karl Haushofer, renders the work flawed; its value as a historical source for scholars today is therefore limited. The research note begins with Fochler-Hauke’s rising profile within German geopolitical studies and turns toward that field’s documentation of Koreans in Manchuria, the role of borders between Korea and Manchuria, the blind eye turned toward Korean resistance to Japan, and the rehabilitation of some of these scholars and works after World War II.","PeriodicalId":40316,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Korean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90914812","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-10-01DOI: 10.33526/EJKS.2018181.35
Goeun Lee
This study attempts to shed light on how missionaries marginalized the role played by local Koreans engaged in the translation of an evangelical tract, The Peep of Day (1833), into Korean by comparing the English source text with its Chinese and Korean translations. The subjects of comparison for this exercise were the translators’ choice of words from the source text for adaptation, addition and omission. This analysis revealed: 1) That the Chinese translation was the source text for Korean version; 2) Chinese translators were more active in acculturating the tract by adapting, omitting or adding to the source text; and 3) Korean translators were for the most part faithful to the Chinese version. In addition to this comparative analysis, research on the translators themselves has been included in this paper to trace how Protestant Christianity was trans-mitted to Korea and the dynamics of early missionary work.
本研究通过对福音小册子《白天的窥视》(the Peep of Day, 1833年)的英文原文与中文和韩文译本进行比较,试图揭示传教士在翻译韩文时如何忽视了当地韩国人的作用。本练习的比较对象是译者选择原文中的词语进行改编、添加和省略。分析结果表明:1)汉译本是韩文版的原文;2)中国译者更积极地进行文化同化,对原文进行改编、删减或增补;3)韩国翻译者在很大程度上忠实于中文版本。除了这种比较分析之外,本文还包括对译者本身的研究,以追踪新教基督教如何传播到韩国以及早期传教工作的动态。
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