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Uso bélico de las normas penales en Colombia (1962-1980): arma estatal para derrotar al enemigo 哥伦比亚刑法的战争使用(1962-1980):打败敌人的国家武器
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v10n18.a03
L. Villegas
The present text addresses the issue of the use of criminal laws as a weapon to restore order and to combat an imprecise and variable enemy, specifically during the period 1962-1980. During this period, the enemy changes from being the liberal atheist to the communist guerrilla man. The issuing of the Penal Code of 1980 ultimately determines the preference for punishment in the history of Colombia as the most qualified answer to the issue of violence to achieve “national salvation”, or simply to recover or maintain the institutional and social order. Possibly, the option of political power through the penal solution is a simple and irrational alternative or, in any case, the option for the war use of the penal norms that, from the beginning, evaded any expert advice. Therefore, this article investigates the value of the Comision Investigadora de las Causas y Situaciones Presentes de la Violencia (Investigative commission for the causes and present state of violence), whose diagnose of the use of the Penal Code was valid during such period.
本案文涉及利用刑法作为恢复秩序和打击不精确和多变敌人的武器的问题,特别是在1962-1980年期间。在这一时期,敌人从自由的无神论者转变为共产主义游击队员。1980年《刑法典》的颁布最终决定了哥伦比亚历史上对惩罚的偏好,将其作为解决暴力问题的最合格答案,以实现“民族救赎”,或仅仅是恢复或维护制度和社会秩序。通过刑事解决方案获得政治权力的选择可能是一种简单而不合理的选择,或者在任何情况下,选择战争使用从一开始就回避任何专家建议的刑事规范。因此,本文调查了暴力原因和现状调查委员会(Comision Investigadadora de las Causas y Situaciones Presents de la Violencia)的价值,该委员会对《刑法典》的使用情况的诊断在这一时期是有效的。
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引用次数: 0
Campaña permanente en contexto de crisis de representación: análisis de la Propaganda Partidaria Gratuita (PPG) del Partido de los Trabajadores (PT) 代表危机背景下的永久运动:工人党(PT)免费政党宣传(PPG)分析
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v10n18.a08
C. K. Fernandes, Luiz Ademir de Oliveira, Thamiris Franco Martins, Vinícius Borges Gomes
espanolEl articulo hace un analisis de la Propaganda Partidaria Gratuita (PPG) del Partido de los Trabajadores (PT), en un momento de crisis de representacion politica. Su objetivo es analizar el uso que hace el PT del recurso de campana permanente, la cual es definida por la confluencia establecida entre los temas de la campana electoral y la comunicacion gubernamental (Ornstein y Mann, 2000). Se parte de la premisa de que, en el contexto de la crisis politica, desencadenada por la reeleccion de Dilma Rousseff (PT) y el posterior proceso de destitucion del presidente del PT, el espacio de la PPG tenia la intencion de reforzar los ideales politicos del partido, con el fin de acercarse alas principales banderas de la leyenda, que otrora fueron relevantes para el ejercicio y el mantenimiento del poder. Para este proposito, se toman como objeto las PPG del PT, en el periodo comprendido entre 2015 y 2017, cuando se intensifico la crisis politica, y se hace un analisis de contenido, tomando como base a Bardin (2011) EnglishThe article analyzes the Free Party Propaganda (PPG) of the Workers’ Party (PT), at a time of crisis of political representation. It aims to analyze the PT’s use of the permanent campaign resource, which is defined by the confluence established between the themes of the electoral campaign and government communication (Ornstein and Mann, 2000). It is based on the premise that, in the context of the political crisis, triggered by the re-election of Dilma Rousseff (PT) and the subsequent impeachment process of the PT president, the PPG space was intended to reinforce the party’s political ideals, seeking to get closer to the main flags of the legend, which were once relevant to the exercise and maintenance of power. For this purpose, the PT’s PPGs are taken as an object, in the period from 2015 to 2017, when the political crisis intensified,and a content analysis is made, based on Bardin (2011) portuguesO artigo traz uma analise da Propaganda Partidaria Gratuita (PPG) do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), num momento de crise de representacao politica. Tem como objetivo analisar o uso que o PT faz do recurso da campanha permanente, definida pela confluencia que se estabelece entre os temas da campanha eleitoral e da comunicacao governamental (Ornstein e Mann, 2000). Parte-se da premissa que, no contexto de crise politica, deflagrada com a reeleicao de Dilma Rousseff (PT) e o posterior processo impeachment da presidente petista, o espaco do PPG foi destinado para reforcar os idearios politicos do partido, buscando se aproximar das principais bandeiras da legenda, que outrora foram relevantes para o exercicio e a manutencao do poder. Para isso, toma-se como objeto as PPGs do PT, no periodo de 2015 ate 2017, momento em que ocorreu a intensificacao da crise politica. Para tanto, utiliza-se da analise de conteudo, com base em Bardin (2011)
这篇文章分析了在政治代表危机时期,工人党(PT)的免费政党宣传(PPG)。本文的目的是分析劳工党对永久竞选资源的使用,这是由竞选主题和政府沟通之间建立的融合定义的(Ornstein和Mann, 2000)。碎屑的前提,即在政治危机方面reeleccion Dilma Rousseff (PT)和随后destitucion进程主席PT PPG有空间,意图加强党的政治理想旗帜,以临近的主要相关传说,从前被权力的行使和维护。为这个目的,PPG的PT的对象,在2015年至2017年期间,intensifico政治危机时,分析内容前,根据Bardin (2011) EnglishThe条analyzes the Free (PPG) of the Party宣传工作者' Party (PT), at a time of危机of political representation。它的目的是分析劳工党的使用常设竞选资源的情况,常设竞选资源的定义是选举竞选主题与政府沟通的汇合点(Ornstein和Mann, 2000年)。It is based on the premise that, in the context of the political危机,triggered by the re-election of Dilma Rousseff (PT) and the以后impeachment process of the PT会长,PPG space是一项阐述the party ' s political ideals, seeking to get更贴近主要flags of the传奇,是十一个行使和维护权力有关。的PT的PPGs are as an object, in the from 2015年至2017年,when the political,危机,and a content analysis is made, based on Bardin (2011) portuguesO artigo traz uma analise da政党宣传免费(PPG) do两党Trabalhadores (PT), num representacao政治危机的时刻。它的目的是分析PT对永久性竞选资源的使用,这是由竞选主题和政府沟通之间建立的融合定义的(Ornstein和Mann, 2000)。Parte-se premissa,不是政治危机的背景下,com deflagrada reeleicao Dilma Rousseff (PT)和过程或impeachment无关petista总统espaco do PPG foi项reforcar idearios领袖do党,给你拉近给她数一数二bandeiras legenda, outrora逮捕相关或exercicio和manutencao do权力。为此,它以PT的PPGs为对象,在2015年至2017年期间,政治危机加剧。为此,我们使用了基于Bardin(2011)的内容分析。
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引用次数: 0
Cambio en la dinámica interna y desplazamiento hacia el centro: un estudio de caso sobre el Partido de los Trabajadores en Porto Alegre 内部动态的变化和向中心的转移:阿雷格里港工人党的案例研究
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v10n18.a04
Marcos Todt, Rafael Machado Madeira
espanolEl presente trabajo parte de la hipotesis de que los cambios en la vida interna del Partido de los Trabajadores (PT), que causaron una reduccion significativa en los espacios de debate y militancia politica, estan relacionados con el movimiento del partido hacia el centro en el espectro politico brasileno. Para evaluar esta hipotesis, hemos construido tres perfiles de afiliados: Militantes, Afiliados con Praxis y Afiliados Puros; se sistematizaron previamente los posicionamientos considerados de izquierda en el debate del partido. Luego, se aplicaron 109 cuestionarios y se llevaron a cabo 21 entrevistas semiestructuradas con afiliados al PT en Porto Alegre. Se logro verificar que, de hecho, los miembros menos activos en la vida del partido tambien son los menos criticos de las decisiones de los lideres y tienden a identificarse menos con las posiciones de la izquierda petista EnglishThis study starts from the hypothesis that the modifications in the internal life of the Workers’ Party (PT) are related to its displacement towards centrism in the Brazilian political spectrum. These changes seem to have caused a significant reduction of debate spaces and political militancy. In order to test this hypothesis, three profiles of affiliates were built: Militants, Affiliates with Praxis and Pure Affiliates. As a first step, positions that were considered as left-winged in the party debate were systematized. Then, 109 questionnaires were applied and 21 semi-structured interviews with affiliates to the PT in Porto Alegre were conducted. It can be concluded that, indeed, the affiliates who are less active in the party-political life are also less critical of the decisions of their leaders and tend to identify less with the left-wing positions of their party portuguesO presente trabalho parte da hipotese de que as modificacoes na vida interna do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), que ocasionaram expressiva diminuicao dos espacos de debate e militância politica, tem relacao com o deslocamento do partido em direcao ao centro no espectro politico brasileiro. Para testar essa hipotese, construimos tres perfis de filiados (Militantes, Filiados com Praxis e Filiados Puros); sistematizamos previamente as posturas consideradas de esquerda no debate do partido; aplicamos cento e nove questionarios e realizamos entrevistas semiestruturadas com vinte e um filiados ao PT em Porto Alegre. Conferimos que, de fato, os filiados menos ativos na vida do partido sao tambem menos criticos as decisoes dos dirigentes e tendem a se identificar menos com as posicoes da esquerda petista
西班牙目前的工作是基于这样一种假设,即工人党内部生活的变化导致辩论和政治激进主义空间的显着减少,与该党在巴西政治派别中向中心的运动有关。为了评估这一假设,我们建立了三个附属机构概况:激进分子、与Praxis的附属机构和纯粹的附属机构;以前,在该党的辩论中被认为是左翼的立场被系统化了。然后,应用109份问卷,对阿雷格里港的PT分支机构进行了21次半结构化采访。事实上,可以证实,在党的生活中最不活跃的成员也是对领导人决定批评最少的成员,往往对英国请愿左翼的立场不太认同。这项研究始于这样一种假设,即工人党内部生活的变化与其在巴西政治光谱中向中心主义的转变有关。这些变化似乎导致辩论空间和政治武装分子大幅减少。为了验证这一假设,建立了三个分支机构概况:激进分子、有实践的分支机构和纯粹的分支机构。作为第一步,在党内辩论中被认为是左翼的立场得到了系统化。然后,应用了109份问卷,对阿雷格里港的PT分支机构进行了21次半结构化采访。可以得出的结论是,事实上,在党的政治生活中不那么活跃的附属机构对其领导人的决定也不那么关键,往往对其葡萄牙政党的左翼立场的认同程度较低,目前的特拉巴略党假设,作为修改者,Na Vida internal do party dos Trabalhadores(PT)会造成明显的缩小两个辩论空间和政治民兵,Tem Relacao Com或Deslocamento do party em direcao ao中心不是巴西政治幽灵。为了测试Essa抵押,我们建立了三个分支机构(激进分子、共同实践分支机构和纯粹分支机构);我们以前系统化了被认为是埃斯奎达的立场,而不是政党辩论;我们使用Cento和Nove问卷,并进行了半结构化的ComVinte和UM Filiados AO PT em Porto Alegre采访。我们认为,在最后通牒中,不那么激进的Na Vida do Partia Sao也不那么批评两位领导人的决定,并且倾向于不那么认同Posicoes da Esquerda请愿者的共同立场
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引用次数: 0
¿La delegación permanente de funciones jurisdiccionales a las superintendencias colombianas vulnera los derechos humanos? 将司法职能永久下放给哥伦比亚监督机构是否侵犯了人权?
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-06-15 DOI: 10.18566/APOLIT.V10N18.A09
J. Gómez
This article studies the phenomenon of the delegation of jurisdictional functions to the Colombian superintendencies and the possible transgression that this may have in terms of human rights, since judicial independence could be compromised as an essential value of the concept of justice. To do this, the institution of the separation of powers is analyzed, as well as the legal process that Colombia lived to separate these functions from the judicial branch. In sum, this phenomenon is examined in light of the control of conventionality that the judges must do in compliance with international human rights treaties. The conclusion of this study is that the delegation of jurisdictional functions in the Colombian superintendencies violates the fundamental and human right to be tried by an independent judicial operator.
这篇文章研究了将管辖权下放给哥伦比亚监督机构的现象,以及这可能在人权方面造成的侵犯,因为司法独立作为正义概念的一个基本价值可能会受到损害。为此,分析了分权制度,以及哥伦比亚将这些职能与司法部门分离的法律程序。总之,这一现象是根据法官必须遵守国际人权条约对惯例的控制来审查的。这项研究的结论是,哥伦比亚监督机构的管辖权下放侵犯了由独立司法机构审判的基本人权。
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引用次数: 0
Los datos son buenos consejeros polí­ticos... si conocemos sus lí­mites: consideraciones epistemológicas sobre medición y modelación durante la pandemia de COVID-19 数据是很好的政治顾问。。。如果我们知道它的局限性:新冠疫情期间测量和建模的认识论考虑
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-06-15 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v10n18.a01
Carlos Gonzalez-Sierra, Jaime Andrés Areiza Serna
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引用次数: 0
Estudio reconstrucción del caso ocurrido en 2006 en el corregimiento de Montebonito, en el departamento de Caldas 2006年发生在卡尔达斯省蒙特博尼托镇的案例重建研究
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-05-21 DOI: 10.18566/APOLIT.V10N18.A05
Macià Serra, Gemma Ubasart i González, S. M. Puig
This article presents the research results of the reconstruction of the case that took place in 2006 in the Montebonito district, municipality of Marulanda, department of Caldas. The objectives of such reconstruction were to describe what happened and to consider some of the consequences for the inhabitants, the police and their families. The study was framed in a qualitative paradigm, with a case study approach. The events that occurred as well as some testimonies of the wounded, some inhabitants of the township, relatives and friends of the deceased were reconstructed. Likewise, assets and other personal resources destroyed, along with social and institutional damages were reported on the part of those affected. The affectations of the surviving uniformed officers are also raised, as well as those suffered by the families of the deceased, from the psychological, physical and economic aspects.
本文介绍了2006年发生在卡尔达斯省马鲁兰达市蒙特博尼托区的病例重建的研究结果。这种重建的目的是描述所发生的情况,并考虑对居民、警察及其家属造成的一些后果。该研究是在定性范式框架,与案例研究的方法。所发生的事件以及一些受伤者、一些城镇居民、死者的亲戚和朋友的证词被重建。同样,据报告,受影响者的资产和其他个人资源遭到破坏,社会和体制也受到损害。还提出了幸存的军警的影响,以及死者家属在心理、身体和经济方面所遭受的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Políticas públicas y la investigación en el postgrado en educación: consideraciones de producciones académicas 教育研究生的公共政策与研究:学术成果的考虑
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v10n18.a07
Natali de Fátima dos Santos
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引用次数: 0
Biopolítica e innovación en la educación: retos en época de poshumanismo 生物政治与教育创新:后人文主义时代的挑战
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.18566/APOLIT.V10N19.A08
Richard Alonso Uribe Hincapié, Juan Eliseo Montoya Marín
This article asks about the relationship between innovation and education in a post- humanist context. For this purpose, biopolitics is assumed as an interpretive and critical key through the concept of dispositive (understood here as an explanatory mechanism), which will allow evaluating the dynamics of the exercise of power, control and normalization of education through the discourse of innovation. In this way, it is intended to understand innovation in education as a discourse that establishes concrete practices to cope, govern and live reality. Finally, the forms of integration between innovation and education in a specific context, that of post-humanism, are referred to in order to reflect on the functions of the school in this new human habitat and to propose the possibilities of post-human education, in this case, from some postulates of critical pedagogy.
本文探讨了后人文主义语境下创新与教育的关系。为此目的,生命政治被认为是通过决定性的概念(在这里被理解为一种解释机制)来解释和批判的关键,这将允许通过创新的话语来评估权力、控制和教育正常化的动态。通过这种方式,它旨在将教育创新理解为一种话语,这种话语建立了应对、管理和生活现实的具体实践。最后,本文参考了创新与教育在后人文主义背景下的整合形式,以反思学校在这个新的人类栖息地中的功能,并从批判教育学的一些假设出发,提出了后人类教育的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Políticas públicas efectivas y eficientes, reforma del Estado y buen gobierno: ¿una ecuación imposible en Francia? 有效和高效的公共政策,国家改革和良好治理:一个不可能的等式在法国?
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v10n19.a04
Mohamed Badine EL YATTIOUI
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引用次数: 0
Mediaciones de la acción política performativa 表演性政治行动的中介
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.18566/APOLIT.V10N19.A07
D. Rodríguez, Carlos Valerio Echavarría
This article collects the partial results of the doctoral research: Performative political action: relationality and assemblage in the current forms of claim. This research asked about the performative nature in some current forms of social claim. It specifically focused in those in which recourse to repertoires or mediations of an aesthetic or artistic nature is implied. In this sense, this article collects some of the theoretical elements of performance studies and of the understanding of performativity. Along with this, it alludes to performative ethnography analyzing three mediations: the graffiti, “Who gave the order?,” the report “Never again” by the Pacifistas digital portal, and the photographic exhibition Madres terra to put the “false positives” case on the public scene. The findings reveal four functions of performativity that shed some light on the variability in languages, the expressivities and the effects that are generated in these forms of claim. The first function refers to political actions such as convergence and materialization of the claim through graffiti, performances, tattoos, photographs, The second function talks about how mediations are expressions of a rituality that is responsible for updating and renewing symbols. The third function proposes that such expressions are used, above all, by victims as a way of embodying the complaint. And the fourth of these functions establishes how through mediations, it is possible to mobilize the conventional senses regarding the claim and the complaint.
本文收集了部分博士研究成果:行为性政治行动:当前主张形式中的关系与集合。本研究探讨了当前一些社会要求形式的表演性。它特别侧重于那些诉诸于美学或艺术性质的曲目或调解。在这个意义上,本文收集了一些表演研究的理论元素和对表演的理解。与此同时,它暗示了行为民族志分析三种调解:涂鸦,“谁下的命令?”, pacificas数字门户网站的报告《永不再来》(Never again),以及马德雷斯特拉(Madres terra)摄影展,将“误报”案件呈现在公众面前。研究结果揭示了行为能力的四种功能,这些功能揭示了语言的可变性、表达能力以及这些形式的主张所产生的影响。第一个功能指的是政治行动,如通过涂鸦、表演、纹身、照片等方式实现诉求的趋同和物质化。第二个功能则是讨论调解如何成为一种负责更新和更新符号的仪式的表达。第三种功能建议,这种表达首先是由受害者作为体现控诉的一种方式使用的。这些功能中的第四个建立了如何通过调解,有可能调动关于索赔和投诉的传统感官。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Analecta Politica
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