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Atravessamentos às Ciências Sociais e Humanas no Brasil: ensino superior privatizado e economia do conhecimento 巴西社会和人文科学的交叉:私有化的高等教育和知识经济
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v12n23.a01
Ivanise Monfredini
Nesse texto desenvolvemos ideias apresentadas no evento “La Educación Superior en el actual debate sobre la privatización de la ciencia” aprofundando a análise sobre os desafios que se colocam para a pesquisa e produção de conhecimentos em ciências sociais e humanas no Brasil, considerando a predominância do setor privado no ensino superior, e a economia do conhecimento a ele relacionada. Trata-se de um ensaio desen-volvido a partir da análise de literatura sobre o tema e que teve o objetivo de apresentar e problematizar os atravessamentos colocados para essa área do conhecimento num momento histórico do país em que o desmonte de políticas científicas e tecnológicas e a sua posterior retomada em outros termos, pode afetar as ciências sociais, no seu estatuto epistemológico. A conclusão é a de que a área passa por desvalorização e tentativa de submissão aos critérios rentáveis, para adaptação às exigências da economia do conhe-cimento, no Brasil.
本文开发的想法在“事件写高于en el当前啦privatización的科学争论”加深所面临的挑战的分析研究和生产的社会科学和人文科学领域的知识程度,考虑到巴西私营部门在经济和高等教育的相关知识。这是一个测试开发-volvido分析的文献介绍的主题和有目标和新的知识交叉放置到这个地区的国家的历史性时刻:科技政策及其部位,换句话说,会影响其社会科学,在认识论上的地位。结论是,该地区正在经历贬值,并试图服从盈利标准,以适应巴西知识经济的要求。
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引用次数: 0
Structural Violence: Let`s Face It 结构性暴力:让我们面对它
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v12n22.a000
Susan Harper
Renowned African American essayist, author, and cultural critic James Baldwin (1962) famously reminded us that “not everything that is faced can be changed, but nothing can be changed until it is faced” (p.11). Learning to face and to name that which is in need of transformation, in need of justice, is in some ways the most difficult aspect of social justice work. This is both because we are trained from an early age not to see those injustices (especially when we occupy positions of social privilege) and because the most profound injustices tend to work at a level just below that which we can readily see, recognize, and name. Perhaps the real power of structural violence (sometimes known as institutional violence) is its very invisibility or its ability to skim along just under the surface of the social and individual consciousness, the way it is inextricably part of the warp and weft of society is such that to recognize the violence inherent in our structures and institutions is to question (and to some minds, threaten) the very foundations of a way of life.
著名的非裔美国散文家、作家和文化评论家詹姆斯·鲍德温(James Baldwin, 1962年)曾提醒我们,“并非所有面对的事情都能改变,但如果不面对,什么也改变不了”(第11页)。学会面对并说出那些需要转变,需要正义的人,在某种程度上是社会正义工作中最困难的方面。这一方面是因为我们从小就被训练不去看那些不公正(尤其是当我们占据社会特权的位置时),另一方面是因为最深刻的不公正往往发生在我们容易看到、认识和命名的层次之下。也许结构性暴力(有时也被称为制度性暴力)的真正力量是它的不可见性,或者它在社会和个人意识的表面下穿行的能力,它是社会经纬的不可分割的一部分,因此,认识到我们的结构和制度中固有的暴力,就是质疑(在某些人看来,是威胁)一种生活方式的基础。
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引用次数: 0
La poiesis de la pedagogía 教育学的起源
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v12n23.a07
Judith Naidorf, Catalina López Ordoñez
La pedagogía y su definición requiere ser repensada desde su causa, es decir, el “por qué”, y sentida desde una mirada poética, tras la cual su enunciación nunca es neutral ni exenta de ideología. Este texto procura reflexionar y recuperar algunas de las definiciones clásicas y aquellas más recientes, a partir de una amplia indagación en torno a la misma. El objetivo ha sido reconocer y cuestionar las definiciones contextuadas y contrapuestas que considera una indagación teórica, producto de un reconocimiento enlazado con la experticia dada por el quehacer pedagógico como actores educati- vos, mismo que nos lleva a dialogar con diversos autores. Además, propone una ruta para ampliar el camino a través de pensadores y corrientes hegemónicas y subalternizadas, desde una vital revisión que recupere los desafíos de las múltiples perspectivas de género y de la mirada sensible sobre una pedagogía crítica (y revolucionaria) de construcción permanente. De ahí que nos refiramos a la poiesis de la pedagogía como el camino para una actividad productiva, fabricativa, amorosa, de integralidad, social, cultural y política; que, a decir de Gabriela Mistral (2017), habrá que asumirla como praxis deliberada que incumbe al pedagogue y le posiciona desde una mirada libre, ética, estética y espiritual.
教育学及其定义需要从它的原因,即“为什么”重新思考,并从诗意的角度去感受,在这之后,它的表达从来都不是中立的,也不是没有意识形态的。本文试图反映和恢复一些经典的和最近的定义,基于对它的广泛调查。在这篇文章中,我们提出了一种方法,通过这种方法,我们可以从不同的角度来看待教育过程的各个方面,并从不同的角度来看待教育过程的各个方面。此外,它提出了一条路径,通过霸权和从属的思想家和潮流,从一个至关重要的修订,恢复多重性别视角的挑战,以及对永久建设的批判性(和革命性)教育学的敏感看法。因此,我们将教育学的poiesis视为一种生产、制造、爱、完整性、社会、文化和政治活动的途径;用Gabriela Mistral(2017)的话来说,有必要将其视为一种深思熟虑的实践,这是教师的责任,并从自由、伦理、美学和精神的角度定位它。
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引用次数: 0
Perpetrator Trauma as a Possible Solution for Cultural Trauma: The Case of Joshua Oppenheimer’s The Act of Killing (2012) and The Look of Silence (2014) 肇事者创伤作为文化创伤的可能解决方案:约书亚·奥本海默的《杀戮演绎》(2012)和《沉默的表情》(2014)的案例
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v12n22.a02
Yago Paris
The present article analyzes Joshua Oppenheimer’s documentaries The Act of Killing (2012) and The Look of Silence (2014) from the perspective of trauma. The aim of this study is to give new approaches that could allow a deeper understanding of such a complex sociopolitical situation as the one that is taking place in nowadays Indonesia. First, I will introduce the term cultural trauma to explain the situation of the victims of the 1965-66 mass killings that took place in Indonesia. Then, I will make use of the concept of the political taboo to better understand how the official narrative imposed by the government has worked, and still works, as some sort of unquestionable myth. Afterward, I will point out that these two concepts give birth to a vicious cycle from which escaping becomes highly unlikely. A possible solution I propose here comes from studying another type of trauma, that of the perpetrator, since, in an indirect way, it can lead to an improvement of cultural trauma. By approaching trauma in a non-moralistic sense, allowing the perpetrator the status of a victim, I intend to highlight the importance of empathy and understanding in the process of healing of not only perpetrator trauma, but also, and more importantly, cultural trauma.
本文从创伤的角度分析约书亚·奥本海默的纪录片《杀戮演绎》(2012)和《沉默的表情》(2014)。这项研究的目的是提供新的方法,使人们能够更深入地了解当今印度尼西亚正在发生的这种复杂的社会政治局势。首先,我将引入“文化创伤”一词来解释1965年至1966年在印度尼西亚发生的大规模屠杀的受害者的情况。然后,我将利用政治禁忌的概念来更好地理解政府强加的官方叙事是如何作为某种不容置疑的神话而起作用的。之后,我将指出,这两个概念产生了一个恶性循环,从中逃脱是极不可能的。我在这里提出的一个可能的解决方案来自于研究另一种类型的创伤,即肇事者的创伤,因为它可以间接地改善文化创伤。通过以非道德的方式处理创伤,允许加害者作为受害者,我想强调在治愈过程中移情和理解的重要性,不仅是加害者的创伤,更重要的是,文化创伤。
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引用次数: 0
Desafíos a la evaluación de la investigación orientada a la movilización del conocimiento en transición hacia la ciencia abierta: un análisis a partir del caso de los Grupos de Trabajo del Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales 在向开放科学过渡的过程中,以知识动员为导向的研究评估面临的挑战:来自拉丁美洲社会科学理事会工作组的案例分析
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v12n23.a02
P. Vommaro, L. Rovelli
Diversos debates e iniciativas recientes vuelven a posicionar en un primer plano la necesidad de reforma de la evaluación de la investigación y su mayor ligadura con la sociedad, a partir de una creciente apertura, colaboración y participación en el plano del conocimiento, siguiendo algunos de los principios de transición hacia la ciencia abierta. Lo anterior acarrea múltiples desafíos para el diseño de instrumentos de promoción de la investigación y su evaluación. Tomando como caso una experiencia en el Área de Investigación del Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales (Clacso), este artículo se propone describir y analizar los desafíos de la evaluación de la investigación orientada a la movilización del conocimiento, a partir de la configuración de los Grupo de Trabajo del Clacso, con foco en los criterios de la convocatoria 2019-2022. En particular, se exploran las características específicas de los criterios de evaluación involucrados en este programa y sus alcances en relación con la inclusión, apertura, colaboración e interacción con la sociedad. El abordaje es de corte cualitativo y se beneficia de la recolección de datos principalmente documentales relacionados con las bases de la convocatoria a los Grupos de Trabajo 2019-2022, las grillas de evaluación utilizadas y las acciones organizacionales promovidas en torno a algunos de los principios del acceso abierto y la ciencia abierta.
一些最新的讨论和重新定位在改革前沿,需要研究和评估公司最大的带子、从一个日益开放、协作和分享知识方面,遵循一些原则过渡到科学开放。在这一过程中,研究人员和研究人员之间的关系往往是复杂的。利用领域的情况下体验拉丁美洲社会科学研究理事会(拉美社科),本文拟进行描述和分析评估的研究挑战知识动员配置起拉美社科工作小组,在招标标准2019-2022对焦。特别地,它探讨了该方案所涉及的评价标准的具体特点及其在包容、开放、协作和与社会互动方面的范围。质量是切割的方法并受益于数据收集与数据库有关的纪录片主要2019-2022召开工作组,组织行动所使用的评估和grillas主持围绕一些开放存取和开放式科学原则。
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引用次数: 1
¿Ayudar al Estado a pensar? Sobre las dinámicas de interacción entre la investigación social y la política 帮助国家思考?社会研究与政治互动的动态
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v12n23.a06
Mauro Alonso, D. Perrotta, Guido Riccono
La discusión sobre las contribuciones que hace el conocimiento social al proceso de toma de decisiones de políticas públicas es un tema nodal de la problematización sobre la relación ciencia- Estado y conocimiento-política. La conceptualización de la movilización del conocimiento científico supone una propuesta interesante para la reflexión y problematización de esa compleja relación y ofrece algunos indicios para situar las dinámicas de interacción entre los procesos de producción de conocimiento de las ciencias sociales y los agentes extraacadémicos que pueden apropiarse y usar los resultados de la investigación social. En este trabajo, construyendo sobre aportes previos, discutimos sobre las dinámicas de movilización de conocimiento científico en ciencias sociales, en particular para el campo de la ciencia política, revisitando diversos emergentes analíticos que observan la relación academia-entorno, y presentamos algunas conclusiones de base empírica de un trabajo de campo sobre percepciones de investigadores de las ciencias sociales sobre el proceso de producción de conocimiento, las estrategias y formas de interacción, y los principales usuarios de sus investigaciones. En primer lugar, el trabajo caracteriza el campo regional de la ciencia política y sus dinámicas; en segundo lugar, problematizamos los enfoques teórico-analíticos que analizan la relación entre el modo de producción de conocimiento y sus dinámicas de uso y apropiación social, y, finalmente, la tercera sección introduce los primeros emergentes de base empírica de un estudio en curso sobre las dinámicas de interacción entre investigadores sociales y usuarios extraacadémicos.
在这一背景下,本文提出了一种方法,通过这种方法,社会知识可以在公共政策决策过程中发挥重要作用。动员概念化的科学知识提供了一个有趣的提议和problematización反省和提供一些迹象来处理复杂的关联,这之间的动态和社会科学知识和生产流程extraacadémicos行动者能够夺取和使用社会研究成果。在这个工作,对以前的贡献,已经讨论了动态调动科学知识社会学领域,特别是在政治科学,revisitando各种新兴瞪academia-entorno的关系进行了分析,并提出一些结论一个实地工作经验基础社会科学研究对知识、对生产过程互动的策略和形式,以及他们研究的主要用户。首先,本文描述了政治科学的区域领域及其动态;其次,problematizamos teórico-analíticos方法分析知识的生产方式之间的关系及其使用和占有社会动态,最后,第三节引入第一批新兴经验基础的一项研究,目前关于动态extraacadémicos研究社会和用户之间的互动。
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引用次数: 1
Faceless Violence and the Gestural Commons: The Ethics and Politics of Destitution and Support in Butler, Agamben, and Federici 无面暴力和手势公地:巴特勒、阿甘本和费代里奇的《贫困和支持的伦理和政治》
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v12n22.a3
Carlo Comanducci Carlo
This article brings to bear different strands of critical theory on the issue of police violence and securitarian capitalism, with a focus on the current situation in France, discussing Judith Butler’s argument for nonviolence in The Force of Nonviolence in relation to Jacques Rancière’s distinction of politics and police, Giorgio Agamben’s ideas of gesture and act, and Silvia Federici’s understanding of primitive accumulation and reproductive commons. These authors, from their different perspectives, address how the questions of the distribution and the legitimation of violence involve forms of individuation that cut into a common dimension of relationality and interdepen- dency, systematically denying structural violence. On this basis, they understand the ethics and politics of nonviolence to be the matter of a common use of bodies: Butler, in the sense of an aggressive defence of those interrelational bonds that are formative of human subjects; Agamben, in the sense of a shift in our mode of thinking and doing from property and belonging to use and dwelling, as part of the destitution of the biopolitical and juridical capture of lives; Federici, as forms of mutual support organised in a struggle against the imposition of capitalist relations of production and reproduction. Moving from the question of the figuration of violence and the State’s semantic monopoly on its attribution to that of police violence and its centrality in the current paradigm of government, the article connects the various epistemologies of subjectivity in Butler, Agamben, and Federici to the critique of techniques of individuation and structural forms of vulnerabilisation that are characteristic of the police State, proposing an anarchist perspective on nonviolence as part of a larger defence of reproductive and gestural commons.
本文介绍了警察暴力和安全资本主义问题的不同批判理论,重点关注法国的现状,讨论了朱迪思·巴特勒在《非暴力的力量》中关于非暴力的论点,以及雅克·朗西弗里特对政治和警察的区分,乔治·阿甘本的姿态和行为思想,以及西尔维娅·费德里西对原始积累和再生产公地的理解。这些作者,从他们不同的角度,讨论了暴力的分布和合法化问题如何涉及到个性化的形式,这些形式切入了关系和相互依存的共同维度,系统地否认了结构性暴力。在此基础上,他们将非暴力的伦理和政治理解为身体的共同使用问题:巴特勒,在对那些形成人类主体的相互关系的积极辩护的意义上;阿甘本,从某种意义上说,我们的思维模式和行为模式发生了转变,从财产和归属到使用和居住,作为生命政治和法律捕获的贫困的一部分;在反对资本主义生产和再生产关系的斗争中组织起来的相互支持的形式。从暴力的形象和国家对其归属的语义垄断问题转向警察暴力及其在当前政府范式中的中心地位问题,文章将巴特勒、阿甘本和费德里奇的各种主体性认识论与对警察国家特征的个性化技术和脆弱性结构形式的批评联系起来。提出一种无政府主义的非暴力观点,作为更大范围的保护生殖和姿态公地的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
Repression and dispossession in the implementation of the Eastern Antioquia hydroelectrical complex 东安蒂奥基亚水电站建设中的镇压和剥夺
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v11n21.a07
Illimani Patiño Giraldo
This article sketches the role of state-sponsored violence in the implementation of the Eastern Antioquia hydroelectrical complex between 1964 and 1998. Through an historical analysis based on literature and media review, this paper argues that the ‘development’ strategy conceived by the Antioquia’s elite to meet the growing demand of energy of the Medellín’s industry was imposed on the local population, leading to systematic land appropriation and to forced displacement. Moreover, the persecution of the pacific local grassroot organizations directly triggered a 30-year-long cycle of violence that destroyed the region’s social fabric, while benefiting the interests of the industrial elite of Antioquia.
本文概述了1964年至1998年间国家支持的暴力在东安蒂奥基亚水电站建设中的作用。通过基于文献和媒体回顾的历史分析,本文认为安蒂奥基亚精英为满足Medellín工业日益增长的能源需求而制定的“发展”战略被强加给当地人口,导致系统性的土地征用和被迫流离失所。此外,对太平洋地区基层组织的迫害直接引发了长达30年的暴力循环,破坏了该地区的社会结构,同时使安蒂奥基亚工业精英的利益受益。
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引用次数: 1
Proposta de construção e validação de escala para preferências ideológicas do eleitorado 提出选民意识形态偏好量表的构建与验证
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v12n23.a04
José Iran BATISTA DE MELO FILHO, Ezequiel ALVES LOBO, Brenno Buarque, José Leonel PAREJA CREDIDIO
O objetivo do estudo é propor um modelo para construção e validação de uma escala capaz de agrupar preferências ideológicas. Primeiramente, foi proposta uma escala na qual a ideologia é categorizada em três aspectos: civil, moral e econômica. Posteriormente foi realizado o julgamento desta escala por 6 especialistas. Após estas etapas, procedeu-se com a aplicação do questionário que obteve 110 respostas visando a validação da escala, os resultados obtidos do Alfa de Cronbach e dos indicadores da Análise Fatorial Exploratória -AFE se mostraram promissores, após o tratamento da escala. Da AFE resultaram três fatores: Conservado nos Costumes e Liberal na economia; Intervenção e Assistência Estatal e A Esquerda Conservadora, denota-se que dentro dos fatores houve contradição dos indivíduos quanto ao seu posicionamento ideológico. Ademais, Tarouco e Madeira (2013) argumentan, que os partidos carregam suas ideologías, sendo os de esquerdas brelacionados a regulação do mercado, planejamento econômico, economían controlada, analise marxista, expansao do estado de bem estar social e defensa a classe operária; enquanto que os partidos com preferencias ideológicas di ndireita se posicionam com: mencoes positivas as forcas armadas, livre mercado, ortodoxia económica, limitacao ao assitencialismo e referências favoráveis à clase empresarial.
本研究的目的是提出一个模型来构建和验证一个能够分组意识形态偏好的量表。首先,提出了一个尺度,其中意识形态分为三个方面:公民、道德和经济。随后,由6名专家对该量表进行了判断。在这些步骤之后,我们进行了问卷的应用,获得了110个答案,旨在验证量表,Cronbach alpha和探索性因子分析-AFE指标的结果显示有希望,在量表处理后。AFE产生了三个因素:习俗保守和经济自由;干预和国家援助以及保守的左翼,表明在这些因素中存在着个人在意识形态定位方面的矛盾。此外,Tarouco和Madeira(2013)认为,政党携带着他们的意识形态,左翼与市场监管、经济计划、经济控制、马克思主义分析、社会福利国家的扩张和工人阶级的防卫有关;而具有意识形态偏好的右翼政党将自己定位为:积极的武装力量、自由市场、经济正统、限制援助主义和有利于企业阶级的参考。
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引用次数: 0
Holo-polo, or the sweet tales of the Holocaust Holo-polo,或者大屠杀的甜蜜故事
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v12n22.a05
Sylwia Chutnik
This article describes the phenomenon of editorial kitsch trends around the Holocaust literature and its impact on the Holocaust memory. "Holo-polo" is a way of dealing with the “discomfort” of the horrors of war and violence, by creating a more comfortable version of it. The article problematizes the ways of representation of a frequently debated and controversial issue, the Holocaust. By analyzing individual publications, the article addresses the issues of memory, forgetting, objectivity and truth of historical representation, and, inevitably, the ethical issue of historical fiction. The article argues that embellishing the history of the Holocaust is not only inappropriate, but also indecent. Instead of describing the horrors of the Holocaust, Holo-polo trivializes and misrepresents its significance, depicting melancholy, sentiment, and nostalgia in the light of a pop-cultural emotional trap. Or maybe is it just being moved by our own emotions. Kitschy clichés are misused and certainly do not serve memory, literature, or respect for Holocaust victims and survivors.
本文描述了围绕大屠杀文学的编辑媚俗趋势现象及其对大屠杀记忆的影响。“Holo-polo”是一种通过创造一个更舒适的版本来处理战争和暴力恐怖带来的“不适”的方式。这篇文章对经常辩论和有争议的大屠杀问题的表现方式提出了质疑。通过对个别出版物的分析,本文探讨了历史再现的记忆、遗忘、客观性和真实性问题,以及不可避免的历史小说的伦理问题。文章认为,美化大屠杀的历史不仅是不合适的,而且是不雅的。《Holo-polo》没有描述大屠杀的恐怖,而是淡化和歪曲了大屠杀的意义,从流行文化的情感陷阱的角度描绘了忧郁、伤感和怀旧。也可能只是被我们自己的情绪所感动。俗套的陈词滥调被滥用了,当然不利于记忆、文学或对大屠杀受害者和幸存者的尊重。
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引用次数: 0
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Analecta Politica
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