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Gianni Vattimo: política y democracia. Más conflicto que diálogo 詹尼·瓦蒂莫:政治与民主。冲突多于对话

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Analecta Politica

Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v11n21.a02

V. Rivera

Este artículo intenta esclarecer el concepto de democracia dentro de la hermenéutica nihilista de Gianni Vattimo. El objetivo principal es establecer las pautas que dan sentido a la retórica del autor en torno de temas públicos, que este encuentra ligado a un marco conceptual que la historiografía conoce como la posición “heideggeriana de izquierdas”. Este heideggerianismo se pretende de izquierdas en tanto agenda anarquista o comunista contra las instituciones de la democracia liberal como parte de un diagnóstico pesimista sobre el régimen hegemónico del Occidente, que considera “metafísico” y “falta de emergencia”, esto es, supuestamente impermeable a los cambios y reivindicaciones sociales. El turinés, sin embargo, pretende ser partidario de la democracia en un sentido distinto, en la fórmula “del diálogo al conflicto”; en este contexto, intentaremos mostrar el uso efectivo de “democracia” como concepto político y social en las obras de Vattimo, observar sus posibles incoherencias y ver la manera de encontrarles consistencia discursiva. Para eso, se va a mostrar que el turinés se halla dentro de una versión pluralista de la democracia por medio de un análisis comparativo con la versión radical de la democracia ofrecida por Chantall Mouffe en 2004. Con este procedimiento, se intenta dar indicios para reinterpretar la posición heideggeriana de izquierda como una forma alternativa de régimen político liberal en la clave pluralista o de democracia radical hermenéutica. Como un balance, esta propuesta de incorporar la retórica nihilista en una teoría democrática tendría la ventaja de dar cabida conceptual a los conflictos sociales como parte de las dinámicas de reconocimiento de la diversidad dentro de la democracia, pasando desde una postura metafísica y cerrada a otra abierta a la escucha de la diferencia y el cambio social.

在这篇文章中，我们试图阐明詹尼·瓦提莫虚无主义解释学中的民主概念。本文的主要目的是建立指导方针，使作者围绕公共问题的修辞具有意义，他发现这与史学所知的“海德格尔左翼”立场的概念框架相联系。这个heideggerianismo左翼的目的而无政府主义议程或共产主义者对自由民主机构作为一个诊断悲观,对西方的霸权体制,认为“形而上学”和“紧急需要”,也就是所谓的雨衣和社会要求的变化。然而，都灵人在“从对话到冲突”的公式中声称从另一种意义上支持民主;在此背景下，我们将试图展示“民主”作为政治和社会概念在瓦提莫作品中的有效使用，观察其可能的不一致，并看看如何找到话语一致性。本文将通过对2004年Chantall Mouffe提出的激进民主版本的比较分析，表明都灵人是民主的多元版本。本文的目的是分析海德格尔的左翼立场，作为一种自由主义政治制度的替代形式，在多元主义的关键或激进的解释学民主。作为一个平衡,该提案纳入民主理论的虚无主义修辞概念容纳优势应识别动态社会冲突作为内多样性的民主,从形而上学立场并关闭再打开窃听和社会变迁的区别。

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引用次数: 0

Un acercamiento al concepto de democracia desde los presupuestos sociales, políticos y filosóficos 从社会、政治和哲学的角度探讨民主的概念

IF 0.1

Analecta Politica

Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v11n21.a05

Armando Estrada Villa, William Cerón Gonsalez

El propósito de este artículo es interpretar el concepto de democracia a partir de algunos presupuestos sociales, políticos y filosóficos. Aunque la democracia es un sistema político basado en la participación del pueblo para elegir gobernantes, actualmente estudiosos como Anthony Giddens, Norberto Bobbio, David Held y otros en esta línea se han dado a la tarea de repensar el concepto teniendo presente las perspectivas sociales y políticas. Por tanto, el artículo explora, desde la mirada de varios autores, los aportes conceptuales que permiten ampliar el horizonte de comprensión de aquellas prácticas, instituciones y valores que, junto con las normas jurídicas, estructuran la democracia y la capacitan para cumplir sus objetivos, sin los cuales su funcionamiento sería defectuoso o, incluso, podría dejar de existir. Para la realización de este, se propone una metodología hermenéutica, que no solo permite la interpretación de los textos, sino que también viene a confluir con la experiencia de comprender sobre el mundo, sobre la cosa, esa experiencia que nos hace cercanos a lo que se des-oculta. En este sentido, la democracia no es algo dado, sino que está en continuo perfeccionamiento, busca siempre un ideal a seguir, lo cual permite mejorar la calidad de vida de sus gobernados y limitar los abusos del poder.

本文的目的是从一些社会、政治和哲学假设来解释民主的概念。虽然民主是一种以人民参与选举统治者为基础的政治制度，但安东尼·吉登斯(Anthony Giddens)、诺贝托·博比奥(Norberto Bobbio)、大卫·赫尔德(David Held)等学者目前正在考虑社会和政治观点，重新思考这一概念。因此,文章探讨,从人们脸上的多位作者为允许拓宽视野的概念性理解那些价值观、机构和做法符合法律标准一道,培训来实现其目标的民主的运作,没有这些缺陷,甚至还可能会停止存在。为了实现这一点，我们提出了一种解释学的方法论，它不仅允许对文本的解释，而且还与理解世界和事物的经验相结合，这种经验使我们接近被揭示的东西。从这个意义上说，民主不是给定的东西，而是不断完善的东西，它总是寻求一个理想来追求，这使它有可能提高被统治者的生活质量，限制权力的滥用。

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引用次数: 0

O efeito reverso das mudanças da legislação da propaganda eleitoral: Um estudo sobre as leis eleitorais a partir de 1992 选举宣传立法变化的反向影响:1992年以来选举法的研究

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Analecta Politica

Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v10n19.a06

Eneida Desiree Salgado, D. Neves

Rules design the field of political actors and condition their strategies. For the implementation of democratic and republican principles, legislation needs to be clear, consistent and consistently applied. However, since the 1988 Constitution, Brazil has lived a constant instability in the standards governing election. In view of this situation, this work intends to review how the various changes in electoral legislation from the 1988 Constitution to the most recent one in 2017 have drawn the rules of the electoral game with respect to political propaganda. It is assumed that the regulation drastically reduced street advertising and was transferred to the digital field, leading to a decrease in information. The analysis is carried out with a descriptive methodology, comparing changes in the revised laws, which occurred between 1992 and 2017.

规则设计了政治行为者的领域，并制约了他们的策略。为了落实民主和共和原则，立法必须明确、一致和一贯适用。然而，自1988年宪法颁布以来，巴西的选举标准一直不稳定。鉴于这种情况，本研究旨在回顾从1988年宪法到2017年最新宪法的选举立法的各种变化如何在政治宣传方面制定选举游戏规则。据推测，该规定大幅减少了街头广告，并转移到数字领域，导致信息减少。该分析采用描述性方法进行，比较了1992年至2017年间修订后的法律的变化。

引用次数: 0

Focus o estilo: ¿qué intereses defienden y cómo se comportan los concejales de la ciudad de Barranquilla? 焦点或风格：他们捍卫什么利益，巴兰基亚市议员如何表现？

IF 0.1

Analecta Politica

Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v10n19.a02

Carlos Enrique Guzmán Mendoza, Carlos Llinás

This article approached the analysis of the role of the political representation of the councilors of the city of Barranquilla, in Colombia, from the double dimension: focus (what interests they represent) and style (if they behave following instructions or, on the contrary, following their own interests). Likewise, it studied the knowledge on the socio-political and demographic characteristics of the local political elite of the city as well as the identification and definition of the factors that influence (or explain) the configuration of their role vis-a-vis their political representation. Similarly, based on the attitudes, beliefs and perceptions of the councilors, it also seeks to answer questions related to democracy, its actors and institutions, political guidelines and the rules of the local political game. The article ends highlighting the scarce literature on local political elites in the Colombian case and, therefore, the need to delve into the study and knowledge of the citizens’ closest representatives.

本文从焦点（他们代表什么利益）和风格（他们是否按照指示行事，或者相反，遵循自己的利益）这两个维度来分析哥伦比亚巴兰基亚市议员的政治代表的作用。同样，它研究了城市地方政治精英的社会政治和人口特征知识，以及影响（或解释）他们相对于政治代表的角色配置的因素的识别和定义。同样，根据议员们的态度、信仰和看法，它还试图回答与民主、其行为者和机构、政治指导方针和地方政治游戏规则有关的问题。文章最后强调了哥伦比亚案件中关于当地政治精英的文献稀少，因此，有必要深入研究公民最亲密代表的研究和知识。

引用次数: 0

La covid-19 y la democracia de miedo en Colombia 新冠病毒与哥伦比亚的恐惧民主

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Analecta Politica

Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v10n19.a00

Porfirio Cardona-Restrepo

引用次数: 0

Panamericanismo versus latinoamericanismo: tensión geopolítica y civilizacional 泛美主义与拉丁美洲主义：地缘政治和文明紧张局势

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Analecta Politica

Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v10n19.a03

Juan David Correa Henao

The objective of this article is to reveal the ideological tension in the debate between Pan-Americanism and Latin Americanism in light of the historical context that forged it. One of the variables to understand the emergence of both concepts is the expansionist geopolitical interest of the United States to consolidate its dominance over the American continent and, in turn, the search for autonomy of the new Hispanic American countries before the European and American powers. Another variable is the culturalist-civilizational one posed by the geo-cultural approach of International Relations. From this perspective, it will be concluded that the Pan-Americanist discourses tacitly expose that Latin America belongs to Western civilization, while the Latin Americanist discourses uphold the idea that Latin America itself constitutes a genuine civilization: the Latin American civilization. Through the tension in question, we will see three moments in the civilizational relationship between the United States and Latin America that denote the results of the investigation. The first moment, between the end of the 18th century and until the twenties of the 19th century, is a cordial relationship. The second, between the aforementioned decade and the end of the 19th century, is a relationship of divergence. The third moment, which runs from the late 19th century onwards, is a predominantly Pan-American relationship. The methodology used in this research is a critical analysis of the primary and secondary historical sources within the framework of the discipline of International Relations.

本文的目的是在形成泛美主义与拉丁美洲主义争论的历史背景下揭示其意识形态张力。理解这两个概念的出现的变量之一是美国的扩张主义地缘政治利益，以巩固其在美洲大陆的主导地位，反过来，新西班牙裔美洲国家在欧洲和美国列强之前寻求自治。另一个变量是国际关系的地缘文化方法所带来的文化-文明因素。从这个角度来看，我们可以得出结论:泛美洲主义的话语默认了拉美属于西方文明，而拉丁美洲主义的话语则坚持拉美本身就是一个真正的文明:拉丁美洲文明。通过所讨论的紧张局势，我们将看到美国和拉丁美洲之间的文明关系中的三个时刻，这些时刻表明了调查的结果。第一个时刻，从18世纪末到19世纪20年代，是一种亲切的关系。第二段时期(从上述10年到19世纪末)是一段分歧关系。第三个时刻，从19世纪末开始，是一个以泛美关系为主的时刻。本研究使用的方法是在国际关系学科框架内对主要和次要历史资料进行批判性分析。

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引用次数: 1

Mecanismos para la promoción del diálogo social en Colombia y la construcción de confianza para una mejor gobernanza: el caso de la Comisión Permanente de Concertación de Políticas Salariales y Laborales 促进哥伦比亚社会对话和建立信任以改善治理的机制：工资和劳工政策协调常设委员会的案例

IF 0.1

Analecta Politica

Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v10n19.a01

Camilo Arango Osorno, Jazmín Santa Álvarez

This article makes a theoretical approach to social dialogue for decent work at the national level, through the evaluation and case study of the operation of the Permanent Commission for the Agreement on Wage and Labor Policies of Colombia during the discussion and approval process of Law 1429/2010, of December 29 and of Law 1780/2016, of May 2. Social dialogue, a constitutive element of the agendas for the promotion of decent work conditions, has not been especially relevant in the normative developments of the International Labour Organization. However, it is fundamental for the agendas of sustainable development. This analysis accounts for the implementation challenges that, in the Colombian case, prevent the consolidation of trust relationships and the will to deepen communication models for the achievement of true social dialogue between social partners in the world of work.

本文通过对哥伦比亚工资和劳工政策协定常设委员会在讨论和批准2010年12月29日第1429/2010号法律和2016年5月2日第1780/2016号法律期间的运作情况进行评估和案例研究，从理论上探讨了在国家一级开展体面工作社会对话的方法。社会对话是促进体面工作条件议程的组成部分，在国际劳工组织的规范发展中并没有特别重要的意义。然而，这对于可持续发展议程来说是至关重要的。这一分析说明了执行方面的挑战，在哥伦比亚的案例中，这些挑战阻碍了信任关系的巩固，也阻碍了深化沟通模式以实现工作世界中社会伙伴之间真正的社会对话的意愿。

引用次数: 0

¿Por qué la guerra en Siria es una guerra interdicta? 为什么叙利亚战争是一场禁止战争?

IF 0.1

Analecta Politica

Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v10n19.a05

G. Marín

In this article, it is argued that the war in Syria is an interdicted war and it seeks to explain the reasons for this. So far, and according to the theoretical follow-up and tracking that has been carried out to write this article, the concept of interdicted war appears as a novel concept that has not been used until today in writings referring to wars and armed conflicts. Therefore, the aim of this writing is to develop the arguments that ultimately lead to the proposition that the war in Syria is an “interdicted war”. Within these arguments, an analysis is made of the term interdiction and in what cases and in what contexts the term has been used. On the other hand, the analysis of the Syrian war, which began in 2011 and persists until today, is addressed, with a study of its most relevant variables, as well as the external actors and agendas that “interdict” said conflict. For this, written sources related to the issues addressed were consulted, which provided the necessary input to conclude that the “interdicted war” is a concept that is applied to describe what is happening in the Syrian war. Finally, the conditionality to which the internal actors of the war in Syria are subjected is what indicates that this war is an “interdicted war”.

在这篇文章中，有人认为叙利亚战争是一场被阻止的战争，并试图解释其原因。到目前为止，根据为撰写本文而进行的理论跟踪和追踪，阻断战争的概念是一个新颖的概念，直到今天才在提及战争和武装冲突的著作中使用。因此，本文的目的是发展最终导致叙利亚战争是一场“被阻止的战争”的论点。在这些论点中，分析了“拦截”一词，以及在什么情况下、在什么背景下使用了这个词。另一方面，对始于2011年并一直持续到今天的叙利亚战争进行了分析，研究了其最相关的变量，以及“阻止”上述冲突的外部行为者和议程。为此，咨询了与所述问题有关的书面资料来源，这些资料提供了必要的投入，以得出结论，即“被阻止的战争”是一个用来描述叙利亚战争中正在发生的事情的概念。最后，叙利亚战争的内部行动者所受的条件表明，这场战争是一场“被阻止的战争”。

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引用次数: 0

Discusión teórica sobre la calidad de la democracia en el contexto suramericano y ecuatoriano 关于南美和厄瓜多尔背景下民主质量的理论讨论

IF 0.1

Analecta Politica

Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.18566/APOLIT.V10N18.A02

Manuel Alcántara Sáez, Ana Marcela Paredes Encalada

espanolEl objetivo de este trabajo es contrastar nueve metodos de medicion de la calidad de la democracia en el mundo: Freedom House, Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP), Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI), Evaluacion de la democracia: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), Indice de Transformacion de Bertelsmann (BTI), Indice de Desarrollo Democratico de America Latina (IDD-LAT), Levine y Molina (2011) y V-Dem (Coppedge et al., 2019), y destacar aspectos positivos y negativos de cada uno para concluir con un analisis de los factores que aportan a la confiabilidad de estos sistemas. Inicialmente recorre las diferentes acepciones de democracia y calidad que inciden en su medicion, observa las diferentes metodologias aplicadas y concluye en una sentida necesidad de reformular algunos planteamientos metodologicos que reflejen con mayor exactitud elementos endemicos de cada region y pais, sin caer en la homogeneizacion simplificadora, con expectativa de aplicacion en Suramerica y Ecuador EnglishThe objective of this work is to contrast nine methods of democracy quality measurement in the world and to highlight the positive and negative aspects of each of them, to end with an analysis of the factors that contribute to the reliability of such methods. The methods are Freedom House, Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP), Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI), Democracy Assessment: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI), Latin American Democratic Development Index (IDD-LAT), Levine and Molina (2011), and V-Dem (Coppedge et al., 2019). Initially, the work revises the different definitions of democracy and quality that affect its measurement. Then, it looks at the different methodologies applied. Finally, it concludes with a heartfelt need to reformulate some methodological approaches that more accurately reflect endemic elements of each region and country. This is done without falling into simplifying homogenization and with the expectation of its application in South America, particularly in Ecuador

这项工作的目的是比较九种衡量世界民主质量的方法:自由之家、经济学人智库(EIU)、拉丁美洲民意项目(LAPOP)、世界治理指标(WGI)、民主评估:国际民主和选举援助研究所(International IDEA),债券Transformacion伯特(BTI)、拉丁美洲(IDD-LAT Democratico)发展指数,Levine和Molina(2011年)和2019 V-Dem (Coppedge et al .,),并强调正面和负面的每个方面的最后一个因素分析这些系统的可靠性。最初浏览不同概念的民主和质量不同,注意到影响其medicion应用metodologias归结到一个诚挚无需编织一些思维metodologicos endemicos要素更准确地反映每个区域和国家,没有掉入homogeneizacion simplificadora,与《期望在南美和厄瓜多尔EnglishThe目标of this work is to对比九methods of quality measurement in the world and to强调积极消极aspects of所察,to end with an analysis of the factors that这种方法的可靠性。方法是自由之家(Freedom House),《经济学家》资料处(EIU), Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP)、《全球治理指标(它们),民主评估:国际民主和选举援助研究所(International IDEA),伯特Transformation Index (Latin American Democratic Development Index (IDD-LAT BTI)), Levine and莫利纳(2011年),and V-Dem (Coppedge et al ., 2019年)。首先，本文回顾了民主的不同定义和影响民主衡量的质量。然后是应用的不同方法。最后，它得出的结论是，需要重新制定一些更准确地反映每个区域和国家特有因素的方法。这是在没有简化均质化的情况下完成的，并期望其在南美洲，特别是厄瓜多尔得到应用。

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引用次数: 1

Elecciones al Parlamento catalán 2012-2017: ¿un proceso acelerado de realineamiento electoral? 2012-2017年加泰罗尼亚议会选举:选举重组的加速进程?

IF 0.1

Analecta Politica

Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.18566/apolit.v10n18.a06

Macià Serra, Gemma Ubasart-González, S. M. Puig

espanolEl articulo analiza las dinamicas de competencia electoral que se desarrollan en Cataluna entre 2012 y 2017 para validar la hipotesis de que el sistema de partidos catalan cambia su logica de competencia fruto de un proceso de realineamiento electoral. Se revisan las pautas de comportamiento electoral y la estructura del sistema de partidos en Cataluna desde las primeras elecciones despues de la recuperacion de la Generalitat (1980) hasta 2017, asi como los estudios mas relevantes sobre la cuestion. Desde 2012, ha aumentado la fragmentacion partidista y la competencia; antes centripeta, se ha convertido en centrifuga, a la vez que la disputa alrededor de la cuestion nacional se ha impuesto sobre el eje ideologico. El marco analitico utilizado es el del realineamiento electoral y la metodologia es la comparacion diacronica a partir de una descripcion densa de caso. En las conclusiones, se afirma que en Cataluna se ha llevado a cabo un acelerado proceso de realineamiento electoral. Los seis elementos que la literatura senala aparecen en el caso: una gran participacion electoral, la aparicion de conflictos en la nominacion de candidatos, la irrupcion de “terceros” partidos, el incremento de volatilidad, la aparicion de nuevos temas de conflicto y un aumento de la polarizacion politico-ideologica EnglishThe article analyzes the dynamics of electoral competition that take place in Catalonia between 2012 and 2017. The objective is to validate the hypothesis that the Catalan party system changes its logic of competition as a result of an electoral realignment process. The electoral behavior guidelines and the structure of the party system in Catalonia are reviewed from the first elections after the recovery of the Generalitat (1980) until 2017. Also, the most relevant studies on the matter are reviewed. Since 2012, partisan fragmentation and competition have increased. It has gone from being centripetal to centrifugal. At the same time, the dispute around the national matter has been imposed on the ideological axis. The analytical framework used is that of electoral realignment and the methodology is the diachronic comparison based on a dense case description. In the conclusions, it is stated that an accelerated electoral realignment process has been carried out in Catalonia. The six elements indicated by the literature appear in the case: a large electoral participation, the appearance of conflicts in the nomination of candidates, the emergence of “third” parties, the increase in volatility, the appearance of new issues of conflict and an increase of political-ideological polarization

本文分析了2012年至2017年加泰罗尼亚选举竞争的动态，以验证加泰罗尼亚政党制度改变其竞争逻辑的假设，这是选举重组过程的结果。本文回顾了加泰罗尼亚从1980年恢复政府后的第一次选举到2017年的选举行为模式和政党制度结构，以及关于这一问题的最相关的研究。自2012年以来，政党分裂和竞争加剧;它曾经是一个中心，现在已经变成了一个中心，围绕国家问题的争论已经占据了意识形态轴心。本研究的目的是分析在选举过程中发生了什么，以及在选举过程中发生了什么。结论指出，加泰罗尼亚已经进行了加速的选举调整进程。六要素的文学作品出现在选举案例:participacion越大,aparicion冲突在候选人nominacion irrupcion“第三方”政党、波动增加,aparicion新冲突问题,并增加polarizacion politico-ideologica EnglishThe条选举analyzes the dynamics of competition that take place in加泰罗尼亚2012年至2017年。其目的是验证以下假设:加泰罗尼亚政党制度因选举重新调整过程而改变其竞争逻辑。《加泰罗尼亚政党制度的选举行为准则和结构》从恢复总督(1980年)后的第一次选举到2017年进行了修订。此外，还审查了关于这一问题的最相关的研究。自2012年以来，党派分裂和竞争加剧。It has完美from being centripetal to离心。= =地理= =根据美国人口普查，这个县的面积为。所使用的分析框架是选举重新调整，方法是基于密集案例说明的历时比较。结论指出，加泰罗尼亚已经加快了选举重新调整进程。案例中出现的文献表明的六个因素:广泛的选举参与、候选人提名中出现的冲突、“第三方”的出现、动荡加剧、出现新的冲突问题以及政治意识形态两极分化加剧。

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引用次数: 1