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Are There Rules in War? 战争有规则吗?
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-04-11 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-04701002
Benjámin Borbás
This article summarizes new research on the custom of distributing the spoils of war amongst active military participants in the Holy Land. A letter of guarantee records an agreement between John of Brienne, king of Jerusalem, and the Teutonic Knights right after the capture of Damietta (1219) during the Fifth Crusade. This document is compared with contemporary sources reporting on military actions of the Teutonic Order. The article argues that the strength of a military order and power relations between parties participating in military campaigns can be studied through their sharing of the spoils of war.
本文总结了在圣地现役军人之间分配战利品习俗的新研究。一份保证书记载了第五次十字军东征占领达米埃塔(1219年)后,耶路撒冷国王布里安的约翰和条顿骑士团之间的协议。本文件与同时代报道条顿骑士团军事行动的资料进行了比较。本文认为,军事秩序的强弱和参与军事行动的各方之间的权力关系可以通过他们对战利品的分享来研究。
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引用次数: 0
Between Three Seas: Borders, Migrations, Connections 三海之间:边界、移民、联系
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-04-11 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-04701003
B. Nagy, K. Szende
In the summer of 2015, the countries of Central and Southeastern Europe were faced with a massive wave of refugees caused by the collapse of the established political order in the Near East. In the longue durée, this was not a new phenomenon. Throughout the Middle Ages the region of Central Europe, closed off by the Baltic, Black and Adriatic Seas, was at numerous times exposed to the large-scale movements of people, whether migrations or invasions, while its borders as well as political and cultural landscapes were constantly shaped and reshaped anew. Yet during this entire period migrations were also taking place on a micro level. As various individuals, objects, and ideas circulated to and fro, political, economic and cultural connections emerged that transcended borders both within and beyond the region.
2015年夏天,由于近东既定政治秩序的崩溃,中欧和东南欧国家面临着大规模的难民潮。在长期以来,这并不是一个新现象。在整个中世纪,被波罗的海、黑海和亚得里亚海封闭的中欧地区多次面临大规模的人口流动,无论是移民还是入侵,而其边界以及政治和文化景观不断被塑造和重塑。然而,在这整个时期,移民也在微观层面上发生。随着各种个人、物体和思想的来回传播,政治、经济和文化联系出现了,超越了该地区内外的边界。
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引用次数: 0
A Jewish Communist in Weimar Germany: The Life of Werner Scholem (1895–1940), written by Hoffrogge, Ralf 德国魏玛的一个犹太共产主义者:维尔纳·肖勒姆的一生(1895-1940),作者:拉尔夫·霍夫罗格
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-04-11 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-04701010
A. Kelemen
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引用次数: 0
Crusading Companies in the 1365th Year of Our Lord 公元1365年十字军公司
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-04-11 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-04701006
Tamás Ölbei
Louis of Hungary recognized the danger of the Ottomans and actively participated in the preparation of a crusade devoted to erasing the enemies of Christ from the Balkans. To achieve this he, along with Pope Urban v, the emperor Charles iv, and Charles v, designed a plan to send the most feared soldiers of their time, the “Magna Socieatas,” against the “Saracens,” the “proud disciples of Lucifer.” Under the leadership of the Arnauld de Cervole, “the Archpriest,” the routiers crossed the border of the Holy Roman Empire and intended to move towards the valley of the Danube to Hungary and later on to the Balkans.In my paper, I will analyze how the local authorities and people reacted to the migrating soldiers during their hundreds of kilometer long journey. I will describe what measures were taken by the towns and the magnates of the lands they traversed (Barrois, Lorraine, Alsace, Burgundy), what reactions we can read in the contemporary letters, and other different sources such as the chronicles and annals from Basel, Strasbourg, Lorraine, Metz. The sources used in my paper originate from the archives of Colmar, Kaysersberg, Selestat, and Strasbourg, as well as Dijon, Metz, and Barr-le-Duc.
匈牙利的路易认识到了奥斯曼人的危险,并积极参与了一场十字军东征的准备工作,致力于将基督的敌人从巴尔干半岛上抹去。为了实现这一目标,他与教皇乌尔班五世、皇帝查理四世和查理五世一起制定了一项计划,派遣当时最令人恐惧的士兵“大社会”对抗“路西法的骄傲弟子”“萨拉森人”,“大祭司”,溃兵们越过神圣罗马帝国的边界,打算向多瑙河流域进发,前往匈牙利,然后前往巴尔干半岛。在我的论文中,我将分析地方当局和人民在数百公里的长途旅行中对移民士兵的反应。我将描述他们所穿越的土地(巴罗斯、洛林、阿尔萨斯、勃艮第)的城镇和巨头们采取了什么措施,我们可以在当代信件中看到什么反应,以及其他不同的来源,如巴塞尔、斯特拉斯堡、洛林和梅茨的编年史和编年史。我论文中使用的资料来源于Colmar、Kaysersberg、Selestat和Strasbourg的档案,以及Dijon、Metz和Barr le Duc的档案。
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引用次数: 0
Victims of Political Choice 政治选择的受害者
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-04-11 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-04701007
Sobiesław Szybkowski
The political history of the small territory of Dobrzyń Land became much more complex at the beginning of Władysław Jagiełło’s rule (1386–1434). Władysław of Opole pledged part of Dobrzyń Land (the castle of Złotoria, 1391) to the Teutonic Knights. Then in 1392, after a short war against the king of Poland, Władysław of Opole pawned the entirety of Dobrzyń Land to the Teutonic knights. Neither King Władysław Jagiełło nor the Polish political elite recognized the legality of the pledge. However, the rule of the Teutonic Knights in Dobrzyń Land led to the polarization of political attitudes among the local noblemen. A faction of local noble elites, the so-called Teutonic party, accepted the rule of the Order and collaborated eagerly with the temporary rulers of the land. Another faction, the so-called the royal party, did not agree to the rule of the Order and chose to emigrate to territories ruled directly by Władysław Jagiełło. Their domains in Dobrzyń Land were confiscated by the Order. The Polish king in response gave them temporary possessions within the territory of the kingdom. The situation reversed in 1405 when Dobrzyń Land was redeemed by Władysław Jagiełło. As a consequence, the refugees returned and redeemed land confiscated by the Order. Repression in turn by the Polish ruler induced some of the Teutonic party to seek the protection of the Order in Prussia. A few years later, as a result of the Polish-Lithuanian–Teutonic war (1409–1411), Dobrzyń Land was again occupied by the Teutonic Knights. Once more, some of the nobles fled from their homeland to territories unoccupied by the Teutonic Knights, while some of the Teutonic party returned to Dobrzyń Land. In the end, as a result of the Teutonic Knights’s defeat at the Battle of Grunwald (1410) and decisions of the First Peace of Toruń (1411), Dobrzyń Land came again under the long-term rule of Polish kings. That meant the return of refugees from the royal party and again forced the Teutonic Knights’ supporters to go into exile. In the end, some of the latter reconciled with the Polish king and came back to their homeland. Some, however, remained in the Teutonic State, where they were given domains.
在瓦迪斯瓦夫·贾吉沃统治初期(1386-1434),多布日兰这片小领土的政治历史变得更加复杂。奥波莱的瓦迪斯瓦夫向条顿骑士团承诺将多布日恩地(1391年,Złotoria城堡)的一部分交给条顿骑士。1392年,在与波兰国王进行了一场短暂的战争后,奥波莱的瓦迪斯瓦夫将整个多布津地区典当给了条顿骑士。瓦迪斯瓦夫·贾吉沃国王和波兰政治精英都不承认这一承诺的合法性。然而,条顿骑士团在多布日兰的统治导致了当地贵族政治态度的两极分化。一个由当地贵族精英组成的派系,即所谓的条顿党,接受了骑士团的统治,并热切地与该国的临时统治者合作。另一个派别,即所谓的皇家党,不同意骑士团的统治,并选择移民到瓦迪斯瓦夫·贾吉沃直接统治的领土。骑士团没收了他们在多布日兰的领地。作为回应,波兰国王给了他们在王国领土内的临时财产。1405年,多布日兰被瓦迪斯瓦夫·贾吉沃赎回,情况发生了逆转。因此,难民返回并赎回了骑士团没收的土地。波兰统治者的镇压反过来促使条顿党的一些人寻求普鲁士骑士团的保护。几年后,由于波兰-立陶宛-条顿战争(1409–1411),多布津再次被条顿骑士团占领。又一次,一些贵族从他们的祖国逃到了条顿骑士团未占领的领土,而条顿党的一些人则回到了多布津。最终,由于条顿骑士团在格伦瓦尔德战役(1410年)中的失败和托伦第一次和平(1411年)的决定,多布津再次受到波兰国王的长期统治。这意味着来自皇室的难民返回,并再次迫使条顿骑士团的支持者流亡海外。最后,后者中的一些人与波兰国王和解,回到了自己的祖国。然而,有些人仍然留在条顿州,在那里他们被授予了领地。
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引用次数: 0
Rights to Weapons: Rights as a Resource in Workplace Conflicts in Late Socialist Bulgaria 武器权利:社会主义晚期保加利亚工作场所冲突中的权利资源
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-11-22 DOI: 10.1163/18763308-04602003
T. Hristov
Social rights are essentially rights to the betterment of life. And because of this, they lack any internal principle of limitation. Socialist governments recognized social rights as the core of human rights and therefore as legal rights, the implementation of which was a matter of obligation rather than policy. However, since the governments commanded limited resources, they had to limit the implementation of social rights. The article describes the ad hoc limitations on the implementation of social rights, developed by the Bulgarian Communist Party, which brought forth their transformation into instruments of government, and their appropriation by different forms of counter-conduct.
社会权利本质上是改善生活的权利。正因为如此,他们缺乏任何内部的限制原则。社会主义政府承认社会权利是人权的核心,因此也是法律权利,执行这些权利是一项义务而非政策。然而,由于政府拥有有限的资源,他们不得不限制社会权利的实施。这篇文章描述了保加利亚共产党对落实社会权利的特殊限制,这些限制导致社会权利转变为政府工具,并通过不同形式的反行为侵占社会权利。
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引用次数: 0
The Primacy of Economic Power: State-Led Privatization and the Dissolution of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic, 1990–1992 经济权力至上:国家主导的私有化和捷克斯洛伐克联邦共和国的解体,1990-1992
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-11-22 DOI: 10.1163/18763308-04602002
M. Guzmán
This historical and comparative analysis shows that neoliberal economic policy creating a domestic private sector triggered a series of events that culminated with the dissolution of post-communist Czechoslovakia in 1992. Placing primary emphasis on neoliberal economic reform, this research departs from existing accounts of the breakup positing ideological differences between Czech and Slovak elites or preexisting regional economic structures as the primary factors behind the dissolution. As neoliberal policies took place through the entire federation, an unexpected boom in tourism in Prague fostered the creation of a service sector catering to visitors, lowering the capital’s unemployment rate. Outside of Prague, neoliberal policy failed to alleviate the economic crisis. As federal economic policies failed to resolve mounting economic problems in Slovakia, particularly unemployment, the perception that federal policies did not fit regional needs gained salience. By 1992, whereas parties calling for the perpetuation of the federation lost popular support, separatist political parties gained the majority of seats in both regional parliaments, leading to the dissolution of the federation.
这一历史和比较分析表明,创造国内私营部门的新自由主义经济政策引发了一系列事件,最终导致1992年后共产主义捷克斯洛伐克的解体。本研究将主要重点放在新自由主义经济改革上,与将捷克和斯洛伐克精英之间的意识形态差异或先前存在的区域经济结构作为解体背后的主要因素的现有分裂描述不同。随着新自由主义政策在整个联邦实施,布拉格旅游业的意外繁荣催生了一个迎合游客的服务业,降低了首都的失业率。在布拉格之外,新自由主义政策未能缓解经济危机。由于联邦经济政策未能解决斯洛伐克日益严重的经济问题,特别是失业问题,联邦政策不符合区域需要的看法变得更加突出。到1992年,虽然要求维持联邦的政党失去了民众的支持,但分离主义政党在两个地区议会中获得了多数席位,导致联邦解散。
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引用次数: 0
The Failure of the Socialist Declaration of Human Rights 社会主义人权宣言的失败
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-11-22 DOI: 10.1163/18763308-04602008
Ned Richardson-Little
In the mid-1980s, the Eastern Bloc faced increased pressure on the issue of human rights from western governments, ngos, and indigenous dissident. Although the Socialist Bloc had claimed to represent the ideals of human rights throughout the Cold War, by 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev called on the leaders of the Eastern Bloc to work together on a coordinated response to this threat and in response East Germany proposed the creation of an international declaration based on the principles of socialist—rather than bourgeois—human rights. Within a few years, however, the project collapsed in ignominious failure as it provided a vehicle for reformers to challenge the status quo in the name of human rights by demanding greater democratization. Although the project was originally devised to refute the human rights claims of the West, it instead acted to spur on the intellectual collapse of the Eastern Bloc’s ideological unity at its time of greatest crisis.
20世纪80年代中期,东方集团在人权问题上面临着来自西方政府、非政府组织和土著异见人士的越来越大的压力。尽管社会主义集团在整个冷战期间一直声称代表人权理想,但到1985年,米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫呼吁东方集团领导人共同努力,协调应对这一威胁,作为回应,东德提议根据社会主义而非资产阶级人权原则制定一项国际宣言。然而,在几年内,该项目以可耻的失败告终,因为它为改革者提供了一个工具,以人权的名义通过要求更大的民主化来挑战现状。尽管该项目最初是为了反驳西方的人权主张,但它却在最严重的危机时刻刺激了东方集团意识形态团结的智力崩溃。
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引用次数: 2
New Perspectives on Socialism and Human Rights in East Central Europe since 1945 1945年以来东欧社会主义与人权的新视角
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-11-22 DOI: 10.1163/18763308-04602004
Ned Richardson-Little, Hella Dietz, J. Mark
In recent years, the study of human rights history has expanded beyond Western-centered narratives, though the role of Eastern European state socialism and socialists both on human rights concepts and politics is still underrated. This introductory essay synthesizes recent research of the role of Eastern Bloc socialist states in shaping the emergence of the post-war human rights system and the implications of this new research on the history of the Helsinki Accords as well as the collapse of state socialism in 1989/91. Ultimately, state socialist actors were not merely human rights antagonists, but contributed to shaping the international arena and human rights politics, motivated both strategically as well as ideologically. And the Eastern Bloc was not merely a region that passively absorbed the idea of human rights from the West, but a site where human rights ideas where articulated and internationalized as well as contested.
近年来,对人权史的研究已经超越了以西方为中心的叙述,尽管东欧国家社会主义和社会主义者在人权观念和政治方面的作用仍然被低估。这篇介绍性文章综合了最近关于东方集团社会主义国家在战后人权体系形成过程中的作用的研究,以及这项新研究对《赫尔辛基协定》历史的影响,以及1989/91年国家社会主义崩溃的影响。最终,国家社会主义行动者不仅是人权的反对者,而且在战略上和意识形态上都对塑造国际舞台和人权政治做出了贡献。东方集团不仅仅是一个被动地从西方吸收人权理念的地区,而且是一个人权理念得到阐述、国际化和争议的地方。
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引用次数: 4
Debate on Pieter M. Judson’s The Habsburg Empire: A New History 论彼得·贾德森的《哈布斯堡帝国:一个新的历史
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-11-22 DOI: 10.1163/18763308-04602009
E. Szívós, J. Surman, J. Benes, Mladen Medved, T. Scheer, Maureen Healy, P. Judson
Since its publication, Pieter M. Judson’s history of the Habsburg Empire: A New History has sparked discussion and debate as a result of its novel reframing of the relationship between nationalism and empire in the Central European polity. Judson offers a new narrative of a vibrant and adaptive state that had the ability to balance empire and nationality, and thus was not doomed to fail, as has been one of the well-worn interpretations of the empire. The contributors to this debate come to the book from different regional and academic standpoints, and take on a number of key issues raised by the book: the role of nationality in the empire; the nature of Habsburg imperial rule within the broader context of European empire building; the relationship of Hungary within the larger empire; and the position of the Habsburg Empire within European history as a whole. Together, these perspectives shed light on core issues raised by the book as well as offer reflections on the future of Habsburg studies.
彼得·贾德森(Pieter M. Judson)的《哈布斯堡帝国的历史:一种新的历史》(Habsburg Empire history: A New history)一书出版以来,由于其对中欧政治中民族主义与帝国之间关系的新颖重构,引发了讨论和辩论。贾德森提供了一个充满活力和适应性的国家的新叙述,它有能力平衡帝国和民族,因此不会注定失败,就像对帝国的一种老生常谈的解释一样。这场辩论的贡献者来自不同的地区和学术立场,并采取了书中提出的一些关键问题:民族在帝国中的作用;哈布斯堡帝国统治在欧洲帝国建设的大背景下的本质;匈牙利在大帝国内部的关系;以及哈布斯堡帝国在整个欧洲历史中的地位。总之,这些观点阐明了书中提出的核心问题,并对哈布斯堡研究的未来提供了反思。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
East Central Europe
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