Pub Date : 2021-10-22DOI: 10.37445/adiu.2021.04.12
V. A. Kyrkach
Despite the fact that Scythian weapons are quite typical, well studied and there is a large number of published samples, each new artifact becomes an interesting model for scientists and museum workers. That is why the sword this paper is focused on has received considerable attention from researchers, museum workers and restorers. This article describes the sword before its restoration. The sword has a zoomorphic volute-like top with «eyes» at the base. There is a beak or claws in the broken contours of the volutes. There are two grooves on the rectangular handle, as well as transverse relief lines. At a somewhat asymmetrical triangular intersection there is a notch in the base. The triangular blade also has five narrow lengthwise grooves. Its length was 73.5 cm. The blade is incomplete so that the initial length can be assumed to be about 80 cm. The entire surface of the sword is covered with corrosion layers of different intensity. The article provides a step-by-step description of the study and restoration of the sword. An X-ray examination conducted at the E. O. Paton Electric Welding Institute of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine resulted with radioscopic and radiographic images of the sword. The restoration of the sword was carried out by the artist-restorer of metal works Victor Holub, who also fulfilled a professional inspection of the subject, reconservation, consolidation of certain areas of the sword. These works continued the conservation of the sword in 2017. But after two years of exposure (since 2018), the sword began to get damaged again. Therefore, all cracks were again treated with an acidified solution based on tannin. Processing was done in several steps with 6 hours intervals. After that, all treated areas were impregnated with a polymer solution. The surface of the sword was covered with a layer of preservative. Cracks and some parts of the sword were also masticated. The article also provides recommendations for further correct storage of the sword including a stable temperature-humidity regime (18—20 °C, and humidity not more than 20 %) and protection against mechanical influences as well as some recommendations for materials for showcases to exhibit the sword.
{"title":"SCYTHIAN SWORD FROM SLOVIANSK. RESTORATION AND DESCRIPTION","authors":"V. A. Kyrkach","doi":"10.37445/adiu.2021.04.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2021.04.12","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the fact that Scythian weapons are quite typical, well studied and there is a large number of published samples, each new artifact becomes an interesting model for scientists and museum workers. \u0000That is why the sword this paper is focused on has received considerable attention from researchers, museum workers and restorers. \u0000This article describes the sword before its restoration. The sword has a zoomorphic volute-like top with «eyes» at the base. There is a beak or claws in the broken contours of the volutes. There are two grooves on the rectangular handle, as well as transverse relief lines. At a somewhat asymmetrical triangular intersection there is a notch in the base. The triangular blade also has five narrow lengthwise grooves. Its length was 73.5 cm. The blade is incomplete so that the initial length can be assumed to be about 80 cm. The entire surface of the sword is covered with corrosion layers of different intensity. \u0000The article provides a step-by-step description of the study and restoration of the sword. An X-ray examination conducted at the E. O. Paton Electric Welding Institute of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine resulted with radioscopic and radiographic images of the sword. \u0000The restoration of the sword was carried out by the artist-restorer of metal works Victor Holub, who also fulfilled a professional inspection of the subject, reconservation, consolidation of certain areas of the sword. These works continued the conservation of the sword in 2017. But after two years of exposure (since 2018), the sword began to get damaged again. Therefore, all cracks were again treated with an acidified solution based on tannin. Processing was done in several steps with 6 hours intervals. After that, all treated areas were impregnated with a polymer solution. The surface of the sword was covered with a layer of preservative. Cracks and some parts of the sword were also masticated. \u0000The article also provides recommendations for further correct storage of the sword including a stable temperature-humidity regime (18—20 °C, and humidity not more than 20 %) and protection against mechanical influences as well as some recommendations for materials for showcases to exhibit the sword.","PeriodicalId":406948,"journal":{"name":"Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine","volume":"71 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130522487","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-19DOI: 10.37445/adiu.2021.04.15
V. Hutsul
The text discusses the techniques of combat use of the spear on horseback by the Sarmathian cavalry reflected in visual sources. The author attempts to interpret the «Sarmatian military iconography» on the base of Western European martial treatises of the XV—XVI centuries and expressed his arguments about the presence or absence of mounted shock combat and a spear’s two-handed grip in the Sarmatian military practices. In conclusion full discussion of the «Sarmatian seat» is based on an a priori statement that the Sarmatians possessed the technique of mounted shock combat. The historical sources do not confirm this thesis. Instea, if we assume that the Sarmatians used the riding horse primarily as means of transport on the battlefield (rather than as a means of radically increasing the power of the blow, as did the knights during shock attack), then various techniques of holding and using a spear, including two-handed grip, look quite possible, especially at low speeds of the horse. But they should not look at the «Sarmatian seat» for anything specifically Sarmatian, their battle tactics were based on the tactical and technical characteristics of the spear as a weapon. To master the military technology of mounted shock combat a range of conditions were required: widespread use of metal armor, specially bred and trained horses, the presence of a saddle of special design and stirrups, as well as specific rider skills, including special landing in this saddle in «long» stirrups, and, most importantly, the appropriate economic base and cultural background on which the horseman who practiced such military technology were able to improve on their experience and to transfer competencies to the next generation of military elites. Such conditions developed as a result of the long evolution of military technology and military culture, relatively late, in the middle of the eleventh century. not everywhere in Europe, but exclusively in the Franco-Norman area and led to the genesis of Western European chivalry. Whereas no nomadic culture, even in the Middle Ages, was able to adapt the technology of mounted shock combat.
{"title":"MOUNTED SHOCK COMBAT AND «SARMATIAN SEAT» — REPORT ON THE OLEKSANDR SYMONENKO’S BOOK «THE SARMATIAN HORSEMEN OF NORTH PONTIC REGION»","authors":"V. Hutsul","doi":"10.37445/adiu.2021.04.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2021.04.15","url":null,"abstract":"The text discusses the techniques of combat use of the spear on horseback by the Sarmathian cavalry reflected in visual sources. The author attempts to interpret the «Sarmatian military iconography» on the base of Western European martial treatises of the XV—XVI centuries and expressed his arguments about the presence or absence of mounted shock combat and a spear’s two-handed grip in the Sarmatian military practices. \u0000In conclusion full discussion of the «Sarmatian seat» is based on an a priori statement that the Sarmatians possessed the technique of mounted shock combat. The historical sources do not confirm this thesis. Instea, if we assume that the Sarmatians used the riding horse primarily as means of transport on the battlefield (rather than as a means of radically increasing the power of the blow, as did the knights during shock attack), then various techniques of holding and using a spear, including two-handed grip, look quite possible, especially at low speeds of the horse. But they should not look at the «Sarmatian seat» for anything specifically Sarmatian, their battle tactics were based on the tactical and technical characteristics of the spear as a weapon. \u0000To master the military technology of mounted shock combat a range of conditions were required: widespread use of metal armor, specially bred and trained horses, the presence of a saddle of special design and stirrups, as well as specific rider skills, including special landing in this saddle in «long» stirrups, and, most importantly, the appropriate economic base and cultural background on which the horseman who practiced such military technology were able to improve on their experience and to transfer competencies to the next generation of military elites. Such conditions developed as a result of the long evolution of military technology and military culture, relatively late, in the middle of the eleventh century. not everywhere in Europe, but exclusively in the Franco-Norman area and led to the genesis of Western European chivalry. Whereas no nomadic culture, even in the Middle Ages, was able to adapt the technology of mounted shock combat.","PeriodicalId":406948,"journal":{"name":"Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125928588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-03DOI: 10.37445/adiu.2021.04.06
S. Dudarev, V. A. Berezhnaya, S. Kolková
In recent years, on the territory of rural areas adjacent to the city of Armavir (Russian Federation), historically representing the Zakubanye (Trans-Kuban) region (i. e., the area of the left bank of the Kuban River), the number of bronze mirrors of Scythian and Sarmatian Ages have been found by chance. They entered the museums and museum corners of some cities and villages or were recorded in the private collections with subsequent fixation by local historians. The purpose of this paper is to publish the finds of this category which form a small but quite interesting and expressive series. The earliest of the presented specimens are finds from the village Uspenskоe. The first mirror from the Uspenskoe village (fig. 1: 1, 2) can be attributed to section I, type I, option 1 (mirrors with a central handle, round flat disc with a rim and segment loop) after T. M. Kuznetsova, and can be dated to the 7th—6th centuries BC. The second mirror from the village Uspenskoe (fig. 1: 3, 4) belongs to the 3rd variant of the indicated type, with a trapezoid loop. According to T. M. Kuznetsova, most of these mirrors are dated to the 6th century BC. Mirror 1 (fig. 2: 3, 4) from stanitsa Chamlykskaya can be considered to belong to type II, option 2 (according to I. I. Marchenko), which attributes the mirrors of this option to the 3rd—2nd centuries BC. The findings of modern Russian archaeologists make it possible to confirm the total dating of mirrors with scallops, similar to the published sample 2 from stanitsa Chamlykskaya (fig. 2: 1, 2) as 3rd—1st centuries BC. Mirrors 1, 3, 4 (fig. 2: 5, 6; 3: 3—6) from stanitsa Voznesenskaya and mirror 3 from the village Uspenskoe (fig. 1: 5, 6), in our opinion, can be included to the number of copies of type III, version 1 by I. I. Marchenko. The date of the mirrors of this version, according to this author, is the second half of the 4th—3rd centuries BC. Mirror 2 from stanitsa Voznesenskaya (fig. 3: 1, 2) belongs to type I, option 2 according to I. I. Marchenko. The archaeologist dates the finds of type I option 2 to the second half of the 4th — 2nd centuries BC. The mirrors presented in the publication complement the geography and characteristics of the early Iron Age mirrors found in the eastern part of the Trans-Kuban region.
近年来，在毗邻Armavir市(俄罗斯联邦)的农村地区，历史上代表着Zakubanye(外库班)地区(即库班河左岸地区)，偶然发现了一些斯基泰时代和萨尔马提亚时代的铜镜。它们进入了一些城市和村庄的博物馆和博物馆角落，或者被当地历史学家记录在私人收藏中。本文的目的是发表这一类别的发现，这些发现形成了一个小但非常有趣和富有表现力的系列。展出的最早的标本是在乌斯彭斯科夫村发现的。乌斯彭斯科村的第一面镜子(图1:1,2)可归因于第I部分，类型1，选项1(带有中心把手的镜子，圆形扁平圆盘，边缘和分段环)，可追溯到公元前7 - 6世纪。来自Uspenskoe村的第二面镜子(图1:3,4)属于所指示类型的第三种变体，具有梯形环。根据t.m.库兹涅佐娃的说法，这些镜子大多可以追溯到公元前6世纪。stanitsa Chamlykskaya的1号镜子(图2:3,4)可以被认为属于II型，选项2(根据I. I. Marchenko的说法)，这将该选项的镜子归因于公元前3 - 2世纪。现代俄罗斯考古学家的发现使得用扇贝确定镜子的总年代成为可能，类似于从stanitsa Chamlykskaya发表的样本(图2:1,2)，大约在公元前3 - 1世纪。镜面1,3,4(图2:5,6;我们认为，stanitsa Voznesenskaya和Uspenskoe村的镜像3(图1:5,6)可以包括I. I. Marchenko的版本1的III型副本数量。根据作者的说法，这个版本的镜子的日期是公元前4 - 3世纪的下半叶。stanitsa Voznesenskaya的镜像2(图3:1,2)属于I型，根据I. I. Marchenko的选择2。考古学家将类型1选项2的发现日期定在公元前4 - 2世纪的下半叶。出版物中展示的镜子补充了在库班外地区东部发现的早期铁器时代镜子的地理和特征。
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Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.37445/adiu.2021.04.16
O. Frunt
Metal pole-tops of the 7th—4th centuries BC is one of the most wander materials associated with the tribes of the Eastern and Central Europe of the Scythian Age. However, opinions on their function are diverse. Now the pole-tops have a rather general name reflecting the purpose of these objects only approximately. Nevertheless, the study of these artifacts allow us to distinguish three periods: the first (1850—1940s), the second (1950—1980s) and the third (from the 1990s to the present). The first period (1950—1980s) begins with the excavations by I. E. Zabelin of steppe aristocratic barrows. In such barrows as Krasnokutsky, Slonovskaya Bliznitsa, Chertomlyk, a lot of Scythian pole-tops have been discovered. Thanks to localization of the finds in the burials I. E. Zabelin was able to suggest the function of these objects. He believed that the pole-tops could be the decoration of carts, nomadic tents on a chariot. The period is associated with the works of A. S. Lappo-Danilevsky, E. Minns, I. I. Tolstoy and N. P. Kondakov, J. Hampel, P. Reinicke, L. Marton et al. The result was summed up in the research of M. I. Rostovtsev. He supports the idea of a funerary vehicle and connects the origin of the finds with Hittite and Assyrian art, Transcaucasian tombs. In the second period (1950—1980s) there is a noticeable intensity of research on Scythian pole-tops, systematization of artifacts and the use of new approaches to the study. The typology proposed at this time is still used in research now. Almost all finds known at the end of the 70s were systematized in the paper by E. V. Perevodchikova. Different approaches were used in order to interpret the meaning of the pole-tops: as a part of the drawbar of a chariot (V. V. Shleev), shamanic musical instruments (K. Bakai), as the embodiment of the idea of a world tree which marks the ritual space (E. V. Perevodchikova, D. S. Raevsky). V. A. Ilyinskaya considered these artifacts to be multifunctional. The study of the chemical composition of the metal by T. B. Bartseva is important, since it demonstrates the existence of several production centers and sheds light on the origin of the finds. In the third period (from the 1990s to the present) the issue of the functional purpose and origin of the Scythian pole-tops was clarified. The scholars consider them the indicators, marking the arrival of Scythians in North Caucasus and North Pontic region (V. I. Klochko, V. Yu. Murzin, A. Yu. Alekseev, S. A. Skory, D. S. Grechko). T. V. Ryabkova connects the origin of the spherical pole-tops with the eastern territories considering these finds to be purely nomadic. N. L. Chlenova, M. M. Pogrebova, M. Castelluccia, R. Dan lead the line of origin of Scythian pole-tops from the rattles of Iran and Transcaucasia. The study of the technology of making bronze finds and their designs shows that they were cast on a lost wax model or in bivalve molds. In the interpretation of the function of Scythian pole-tops in the period
公元前7 - 4世纪的金属杆顶是与斯基泰时代东欧和中欧部落有关的最奇特的材料之一。然而，对其功能的看法不一。杆顶有一个相当笼统的名字，只是大致反映了这些物体的用途。然而，对这些文物的研究使我们能够区分三个时期:第一个时期(1850 - 1940年代)，第二个时期(1950 - 1980年代)和第三个时期(从1990年代到现在)。第一个时期(1950 - 80年代)开始于i.e. Zabelin对草原贵族墓葬的发掘。在克拉斯诺库茨基、斯洛诺夫斯卡娅·布利兹尼察、切尔托姆利克等地，人们发现了许多斯基泰人的杆顶。由于在墓葬中发现的本地化，Zabelin能够提出这些物品的功能。他认为杆顶可能是大车的装饰，也就是战车上的游牧帐篷。这一时期与A. S. Lappo-Danilevsky、E. Minns、I. I. Tolstoy和N. P. Kondakov、J. Hampel、P. Reinicke、L. Marton等人的作品有关。这一结果在罗斯托夫的研究中得到了总结。他支持殡葬车的观点，并将这些发现的起源与赫梯和亚述艺术、外高加索坟墓联系起来。在第二个时期(1950 - 80年代)，对斯基泰人的杆顶、人工制品的系统化和研究新方法的使用进行了显著的研究。当时提出的类型学至今仍在研究中使用。在70年代末，几乎所有已知的发现都在e.v. Perevodchikova的论文中被系统化。为了解释杆顶的意义，人们使用了不同的方法:作为战车拉杆的一部分(V. V. Shleev)，萨满乐器(K. Bakai)，作为标志仪式空间的世界树概念的体现(E. V. Perevodchikova, D. S. Raevsky)。V. A.伊利斯卡娅认为这些文物是多功能的。T. B. Bartseva对金属化学成分的研究很重要，因为它证明了几个生产中心的存在，并揭示了这些发现的起源。在第三个时期(从20世纪90年代到现在)，澄清了斯基泰杆顶的功能目的和起源问题。学者们认为它们是标志着斯基泰人到达北高加索和北本蒂克地区的指标(V. I. Klochko, V. Yu。Murzin, A. Yu。Alekseev, s.a. Skory, d.s. Grechko)。T. V. Ryabkova将球形极点的起源与东部地区联系起来，认为这些发现纯粹是游牧地区。N. L. Chlenova, M. M. Pogrebova, M. Castelluccia, R. Dan领导了来自伊朗和外高加索的摇尾器的斯基泰人极顶的起源路线。对青铜器制造技术及其设计的研究表明，它们是在一个丢失的蜡模型或双壳模具上铸造的。在解释20世纪90年代至2010年代期间斯基泰人杆顶的功能时，研究人员根据发现的背景将这些来自埋葬的物体与手推车联系起来(Yu。V. Boltryk)或限制祭祀仪式空间的木杆(A. R. Kantorovich, V. R. Erlikh)。帕辛格(H. Parzinger)和哈萨诺夫(S. Hasanov)将它们的使用与萨满教联系起来。因此，研究斯基泰杆顶的历史使得突出热点问题成为可能。这些是起源和功能，使用新方法改进类型学，澄清年表，发现分布与斯基泰时代东欧和中欧历史上关键事件的相关性。
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Pub Date : 2021-09-30DOI: 10.37445/adiu.2021.02.09
O. S. Probyiholova
This article is devoted to the publication of the results of excavations of the Late Bronze Age settlement Zymogiria 4 in the basin of the Lugan river. The indication of the culture is a debatable question that has led to the involvement of habitations in to different archeological cultures: bilozerka, Srubnaya, boguslav- bilozerka, ivanovka, otradnenska cultures. Observation of the inheritances of the population of the Berezhnovka-Maevka Srubnaya culture and the population of the Final Bronze Age is proceed with materials from the settlement. Problem of vagueness criteria for the identification post-Zrubna settlements and their clear extraction from Berezhnovka-Maevka Zrubna culture settlements necessitated the importance of research according to the new sources. The problem of the identification of the post-Zrubna horisont will be solved with Late Bronze Age settlement Zymogiria 4 stratigraphy observation. Analysis of the stratigraphic horisonts enables to extract the horisont of the late stage Berezhnovka-Maevka Zrubna culture and horisont post-Zrubna settlements. Presence of the periodization for burials Berezhnovka-Maevka Zrubna culture give possibility of the synchronization with settlements. The system of the settlement placement, organization of the inner space, traditions of the house building continue the line of development the Berezhnovka-Maevka Zrubna culture. At the same time, masonry wall technique of the Final Bronze Age horizon changes, pottery from the Final Bronze Age horizon of the settlement has its own characteristics, which are different from Berezhnovka-Maevka Zrubna culture. The new form of vessels are appearing, the ornamentation changes. New stone objects appear, that was not present in previous period: whetstone with tray or hole for hanging. In this work is made an attempt to separate the horizone of the Final Bronze Age of Zymogiria 4 settlement from the Berezhnovka-Maevka Zrubna culture horizones, which have many common features.
{"title":"THE LATE AND FINAL BRONZE AGE SETTLEMENT NEAR ZYMOGIRIA IN THE VALLEY OF THE LUGAN RIVER","authors":"O. S. Probyiholova","doi":"10.37445/adiu.2021.02.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2021.02.09","url":null,"abstract":"This article is devoted to the publication of the results of excavations of the Late Bronze Age settlement Zymogiria 4 in the basin of the Lugan river. The indication of the culture is a debatable question that has led to the involvement of habitations in to different archeological cultures: bilozerka, Srubnaya, boguslav- bilozerka, ivanovka, otradnenska cultures. Observation of the inheritances of the population of the Berezhnovka-Maevka Srubnaya culture and the population of the Final Bronze Age is proceed with materials from the settlement. Problem of vagueness criteria for the identification post-Zrubna settlements and their clear extraction from Berezhnovka-Maevka Zrubna culture settlements necessitated the importance of research according to the new sources. The problem of the identification of the post-Zrubna horisont will be solved with Late Bronze Age settlement Zymogiria 4 stratigraphy observation. Analysis of the stratigraphic horisonts enables to extract the horisont of the late stage Berezhnovka-Maevka Zrubna culture and horisont post-Zrubna settlements. Presence of the periodization for burials Berezhnovka-Maevka Zrubna culture give possibility of the synchronization with settlements. The system of the settlement placement, organization of the inner space, traditions of the house building continue the line of development the Berezhnovka-Maevka Zrubna culture. At the same time, masonry wall technique of the Final Bronze Age horizon changes, pottery from the Final Bronze Age horizon of the settlement has its own characteristics, which are different from Berezhnovka-Maevka Zrubna culture. The new form of vessels are appearing, the ornamentation changes. New stone objects appear, that was not present in previous period: whetstone with tray or hole for hanging. In this work is made an attempt to separate the horizone of the Final Bronze Age of Zymogiria 4 settlement from the Berezhnovka-Maevka Zrubna culture horizones, which have many common features.","PeriodicalId":406948,"journal":{"name":"Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114672194","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-30DOI: 10.37445/adiu.2021.02.08
N. Kotova, V. Dzhos, S. Makhortykh, S. Radchenko
Metal (copper and bronze) knives is one of the most striking categories of artefacts in the materials of the Black Sea cultures of the Early, Middle and Late Bronze Age. In addition to introducing new archaeological evidences to scientific community, the paper aims to analyze the place of a representative series of knives (8 items) from the vicinity of Kamyana Mohyla (Zaporizhzhya region) in the cultural and chronological coordinate system of the southern part of Eastern Europe Bronze Age. Three knives came from the Yamna culture burials. The one with an oval blade of the Zarechnoe type (kurgan 1, burial 8) is similar to those used on the vast area from the North-Western Black Sea region to the North Caucasus. Knives from Novopilipovka (kurgan 6, burial 5) and Semenovka (kurgan 2, burial 1) introduce some local features and were probably produced by the local metalworking center. Four other knives are related to the Catacomb culture. The one with a sub-triangular blade and an accented handle from Zarechnoe (kurgan 7, burial 1) belongs to the artefacts that occure rarely during the Catacomb time, but was common for the Yamnaya culture in Crimea and in the Dnieper region. Other types of artefacts do not meet the analogies in Yamnaya culture burials. Knives with a leaf-shaped short blade and maximum widening in their upper part (Zarechnoe, kurgan 17, burial 4) are usually attributed to the Catacomb culture of the Seversky Donets basin and to the east of the Don river. Knives of the Kamyana Mohyla 5 type with a leaf-shaped blade and a long handle are also usually found at the Catacomb sites of the Seversky Donets basin. Knives of the Sekiz 3 type with a long handle and a short sub-rhombic blade originated in the Catacomb culture and the final Novotitorovka group. They are localized in the eastern regions (the Don basin, the Lower Volga, and the North Caucasus). A knife from the Terpinnya site is associated with the monuments of the second period of the Berezhno-Mayevskaya Srubnaya culture and is similar to the finds coming from the archaeological sites in the steppe Dnieper region and Azov Sea region in the second half of the second millennium BC. The large number of metal knives found in the studied area during the Bronze Age, which originate both from burials and settlements was probably related to the use of Kamyana Mohyla Hill as a ritual place.
{"title":"METAL KNIVES OF THE BRONZE AGE FROM THE VICINITY OF KAMYANA MOHYLA (WESTERN AZOV SEA REGION)","authors":"N. Kotova, V. Dzhos, S. Makhortykh, S. Radchenko","doi":"10.37445/adiu.2021.02.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2021.02.08","url":null,"abstract":"Metal (copper and bronze) knives is one of the most striking categories of artefacts in the materials of the Black Sea cultures of the Early, Middle and Late Bronze Age. In addition to introducing new archaeological evidences to scientific community, the paper aims to analyze the place of a representative series of knives (8 items) from the vicinity of Kamyana Mohyla (Zaporizhzhya region) in the cultural and chronological coordinate system of the southern part of Eastern Europe Bronze Age. Three knives came from the Yamna culture burials. The one with an oval blade of the Zarechnoe type (kurgan 1, burial 8) is similar to those used on the vast area from the North-Western Black Sea region to the North Caucasus. Knives from Novopilipovka (kurgan 6, burial 5) and Semenovka (kurgan 2, burial 1) introduce some local features and were probably produced by the local metalworking center. Four other knives are related to the Catacomb culture. The one with a sub-triangular blade and an accented handle from Zarechnoe (kurgan 7, burial 1) belongs to the artefacts that occure rarely during the Catacomb time, but was common for the Yamnaya culture in Crimea and in the Dnieper region. Other types of artefacts do not meet the analogies in Yamnaya culture burials. Knives with a leaf-shaped short blade and maximum widening in their upper part (Zarechnoe, kurgan 17, burial 4) are usually attributed to the Catacomb culture of the Seversky Donets basin and to the east of the Don river. Knives of the Kamyana Mohyla 5 type with a leaf-shaped blade and a long handle are also usually found at the Catacomb sites of the Seversky Donets basin. Knives of the Sekiz 3 type with a long handle and a short sub-rhombic blade originated in the Catacomb culture and the final Novotitorovka group. They are localized in the eastern regions (the Don basin, the Lower Volga, and the North Caucasus). A knife from the Terpinnya site is associated with the monuments of the second period of the Berezhno-Mayevskaya Srubnaya culture and is similar to the finds coming from the archaeological sites in the steppe Dnieper region and Azov Sea region in the second half of the second millennium BC. The large number of metal knives found in the studied area during the Bronze Age, which originate both from burials and settlements was probably related to the use of Kamyana Mohyla Hill as a ritual place.","PeriodicalId":406948,"journal":{"name":"Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121025575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-30DOI: 10.37445/adiu.2021.02.23
N. Burdo
Problems of culturogenesis and structure of the cultural complex of Trypillia-Сucuteni become relevant in the last decades of the XXth century. The emergence of new sources and methods encourages researchers to understand the phenomenon of Trypillia-Сucuteni on a new level. There is a noticeable tendency to single out individual archaeological cultures instead of structural subdivisions of the cultural community at the turn of the XX—XXIth centuries. The binary scheme of the division of the Trypillia culture into the «East Trypillia» and «West Trypillia» cultures became popular in the national Trypillia studies. However, such an «innovation» is not sufficiently substantiated both at the level of methodological principles and analysis of specific materials. Elucidation of the real structure of the cultural complex of Trypillia-Сucuteni shows its versatility and proves the artificiality of its division into two archaeological cultures, which is proposed by O. V. Tsvek and S. M. Ryzhov. The division of the Trypillia-Сucuteni cultural complex into separate archeological cultures (two or more) is impossible until its final stage CII, because almost all its structural units are selected on the basis of ceramic traditions, and the other parameters (character of house-building, tools producing, sacred tradition) are more or less the same. All structural units combine a genetic link with the Precucuteni-Trypillya A times, which demonstrates all the features of the Trypillia-Сucuteni cultural complex as a whole, with the exception of ceramic traditions. These traditions are the most dynamic, act as an indicator of the cultural identity of certain groups of the population and reflect the structure of the cultural complex. The structure of the cultural complex Trypillia-Сucuteni is a spatio-temporal continuum, its complexity is due to dynamic and multifaceted processes of internal transformations of individual units of the structure, the interaction of traditions and innovations, constant contacts between them, the movement of specific groups, their interaction with surrounding cultural complexes. The binary concept of the «East Trypillia» and the «West Trypillia» cultures, which became too popular today, is an artificial construction and does not reflect the real structure of Trypillia Culture.
在20世纪的最后几十年里，文化发生和文化复合体-Сucuteni的结构问题变得相关。新的来源和方法的出现鼓励研究人员在一个新的水平上理解锥虫-Сucuteni现象。在20 - 21世纪之交，有一种明显的趋势，即挑出单个的考古文化，而不是文化共同体的结构性分支。将锥虫文化划分为“东锥虫”和“西锥虫”文化的二元方案在国家锥虫研究中流行起来。然而，这种“创新”在方法论原则和具体材料分析的层面上都没有得到充分的证实。对特普利亚文化综合体-Сucuteni的真实结构的阐释显示了它的多样性，并证明了它被人为地分为两种考古文化，这是由O. V. Tsvek和S. M. Ryzhov提出的。在最后阶段CII之前，将特里皮利亚-Сucuteni文化综合体划分为单独的考古文化(两个或更多)是不可能的，因为几乎所有的结构单元都是在陶瓷传统的基础上选择的，其他参数(房屋建筑的特征，工具生产，神圣传统)或多或少是相同的。所有的结构单元都与Precucuteni-Trypillya a时代结合在一起，这表明了整个Trypillia-Сucuteni文化综合体的所有特征，除了陶瓷传统。这些传统是最有活力的，是人口中某些群体的文化特性的指标，反映了文化综合体的结构。文化综合体Trypillia-Сucuteni的结构是一个时空连续体，其复杂性是由于结构的单个单元的内部转换，传统和创新的相互作用，它们之间的不断接触，特定群体的运动，他们与周围文化综合体的相互作用的动态和多方面的过程。今天过于流行的“东特崔illia”和“西特崔illia”文化二元概念是一种人为建构，并没有反映特崔illia文化的真实结构。
{"title":"EAST TRYPILLIA AND WEST TRYPILLIA CULTURES: MYTH OR REALITY?","authors":"N. Burdo","doi":"10.37445/adiu.2021.02.23","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2021.02.23","url":null,"abstract":"Problems of culturogenesis and structure of the cultural complex of Trypillia-Сucuteni become relevant in the last decades of the XXth century. The emergence of new sources and methods encourages researchers to understand the phenomenon of Trypillia-Сucuteni on a new level. There is a noticeable tendency to single out individual archaeological cultures instead of structural subdivisions of the cultural community at the turn of the XX—XXIth centuries. The binary scheme of the division of the Trypillia culture into the «East Trypillia» and «West Trypillia» cultures became popular in the national Trypillia studies. However, such an «innovation» is not sufficiently substantiated both at the level of methodological principles and analysis of specific materials. Elucidation of the real structure of the cultural complex of Trypillia-Сucuteni shows its versatility and proves the artificiality of its division into two archaeological cultures, which is proposed by O. V. Tsvek and S. M. Ryzhov. \u0000The division of the Trypillia-Сucuteni cultural complex into separate archeological cultures (two or more) is impossible until its final stage CII, because almost all its structural units are selected on the basis of ceramic traditions, and the other parameters (character of house-building, tools producing, sacred tradition) are more or less the same. All structural units combine a genetic link with the Precucuteni-Trypillya A times, which demonstrates all the features of the Trypillia-Сucuteni cultural complex as a whole, with the exception of ceramic traditions. These traditions are the most dynamic, act as an indicator of the cultural identity of certain groups of the population and reflect the structure of the cultural complex. \u0000The structure of the cultural complex Trypillia-Сucuteni is a spatio-temporal continuum, its complexity is due to dynamic and multifaceted processes of internal transformations of individual units of the structure, the interaction of traditions and innovations, constant contacts between them, the movement of specific groups, their interaction with surrounding cultural complexes. The binary concept of the «East Trypillia» and the «West Trypillia» cultures, which became too popular today, is an artificial construction and does not reflect the real structure of Trypillia Culture.","PeriodicalId":406948,"journal":{"name":"Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126892202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-30DOI: 10.37445/adiu.2021.02.24
J. Romaniszyn, P. Makarowicz
The purpose of this article is to present a complex analysis of recently recognised funeral structures discovered in Trzciniec Cultural Circle barrows. These features are rectangular and stones are typically situated in the corners, in the middle of the sides, or along the walls, creating unique structures with clearly delineated interior spaces. However, the function of these features is not well understood. This feature form is fragile and slight, which makes them difficult to record using traditional excavation methods. The majority of these features have been discovered over the last decade now that new documentation and exploration tools are available to archaeologists. These constructions are only known from barrow cemeteries and the remains of in situ cremation were also documented in their context. Their occurrence confirms the variety and complexity of funeral rites of the Trzciniec Cultural Circle community. To date, eight structures of this type are known. Four (Barrow 1/I/2010 — Feature 3; Barrow 7/I/2014 — Features 6 and 7; Barrow 2/I/2010/2012 — Feature 1) were registered in the Bukivna cemetery during the Polish-Ukrainian expedition realized by scholars from Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine in Kiev, and Vasyl Stephanyk Precarpathian University in Ivano-Frankivsk. The study of archival materials from pre-war excavations conducted by T. Sulimirski and J. Grabowski in Komariv revealed another three features of this type (Barrow 34 — Features A and B; Barrow 45 — Feature 1). One structure of this type (Grave 2) was also excavated in Nieciecz Włościańska in the northeast enclave of the Trzciniec Cultural Circle during recent investment research. Due to radiocarbon analysis, the authors have securely established the chronology of these features. The obtained radiocarbon values indicate that these constructions were erected during the classic stage of the Trzciniec Cultural Circle, attributable to the 18 to 16th centuries BC, which was confirmed by archaeological material found within these features. The discussion of the function and symbolism of these constructions suggest that they could play the role of burials. This is also suggested by geochemical analysis of soil samples from the Bukivna cemetery. However, due to the lack of osteological material in most of these features, this aspect remains shrouded in mystery and requires additional studies. Regardless, the form, location in barrows, and funerary inventory of these features suggest that they played important role in funeral rites of the Trzciniec Cultural Circle society.
{"title":"REAL BURIALS OR CENOTAPHS? A STUDY OF THE MYSTERIOUS UNDER-MOUND FUNERARY CONSTRUCTIONS OF THE TRZCINIEC CULTURAL CIRCLE","authors":"J. Romaniszyn, P. Makarowicz","doi":"10.37445/adiu.2021.02.24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2021.02.24","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is to present a complex analysis of recently recognised funeral structures discovered in Trzciniec Cultural Circle barrows. These features are rectangular and stones are typically situated in the corners, in the middle of the sides, or along the walls, creating unique structures with clearly delineated interior spaces. However, the function of these features is not well understood. This feature form is fragile and slight, which makes them difficult to record using traditional excavation methods. The majority of these features have been discovered over the last decade now that new documentation and exploration tools are available to archaeologists. These constructions are only known from barrow cemeteries and the remains of in situ cremation were also documented in their context. Their occurrence confirms the variety and complexity of funeral rites of the Trzciniec Cultural Circle community. To date, eight structures of this type are known. Four (Barrow 1/I/2010 — Feature 3; Barrow 7/I/2014 — Features 6 and 7; Barrow 2/I/2010/2012 — Feature 1) were registered in the Bukivna cemetery during the Polish-Ukrainian expedition realized by scholars from Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine in Kiev, and Vasyl Stephanyk Precarpathian University in Ivano-Frankivsk. The study of archival materials from pre-war excavations conducted by T. Sulimirski and J. Grabowski in Komariv revealed another three features of this type (Barrow 34 — Features A and B; Barrow 45 — Feature 1). One structure of this type (Grave 2) was also excavated in Nieciecz Włościańska in the northeast enclave of the Trzciniec Cultural Circle during recent investment research. \u0000Due to radiocarbon analysis, the authors have securely established the chronology of these features. The obtained radiocarbon values indicate that these constructions were erected during the classic stage of the Trzciniec Cultural Circle, attributable to the 18 to 16th centuries BC, which was confirmed by archaeological material found within these features. \u0000The discussion of the function and symbolism of these constructions suggest that they could play the role of burials. This is also suggested by geochemical analysis of soil samples from the Bukivna cemetery. However, due to the lack of osteological material in most of these features, this aspect remains shrouded in mystery and requires additional studies. Regardless, the form, location in barrows, and funerary inventory of these features suggest that they played important role in funeral rites of the Trzciniec Cultural Circle society.","PeriodicalId":406948,"journal":{"name":"Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine","volume":"76 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126582911","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-30DOI: 10.37445/adiu.2021.02.14
E. Ovchinnikov
During 2011—2017 Trypillian expedition of the Institute of Archaeology of NASU carried out research of the residential-industrial complex «Ceramist’s Family 1» on the trypillian settlement-giant Talyanki (3800 BC, Tomashivskaia locally-chronological version of the culture). This complex was located in the western part of the northern sector of the settlement. Its boundaries determined by gaps in the built-up of a single line of the houses. As a separate structure of the settlement, this complex consisted from five houses, three kilns, a production pit, consisting of several depressions, and two small pits. This article is devoted to analysis of ceramic items that are usually associated with ritual and ceremonial activities and foundon the territory of the designated complex, primarily their planigraphic distribution. The collection consists of 67 items and includes 17 anthropomorphic and 9 zoomorphic figurines, 2 models of dwellings, 18 models of sledges, 4 models of vessels, 6 small geometric objects (balls, cones, chips), 3 ceramic ornaments and 8 small relief pieces that are not part of ceramic vessels. Most of the items found in the pit (46 items), a smaller number of them are associated with the residential sector of the complex (20 items) and only half of them (12 items) originate directly from houses, the rest are distributed in the adjacent territory within a radius of 1—4 m from residential buildings. Only one item found in the kiln «D». The vast majority of «terracotta» items are fragmented. Its disposal, like the ceramic dishes, went the same way — the debris taken out of the houses. Most of them fell into the pits; a smaller part of the ceramic broken used as a building material for the construction of kilns. Overall, the ratio of vessels fragments and fragments of «terracotta» items at different objects of the complex is close. Therefore, for 20 units of «terracotta» items found in houses and the adjacent territory, there are about 11 thousand ceramic fragments of vessels. Forty-six of «terracotta» items from the big pit oppose for about 13 thousand of ceramic fragments of dishes. Only one fragment of the sledge model comes directly from the kiln construction. Unique «terracotta» items, high quality wares, did not lose their importance, probably even after the breakdown. They either put in special places or disposed of in a special way. Thus, entire models of sledges was found on the podium in house 47, and a model of a uniquely shaped found in the lowest ash layer in one of the depressions of the large pit near the kiln «D». In rare cases, anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines founded in the deepest parts of the pit. The difference in the technical and technological characteristics of various «terracotta» items may indicate that the need to make sculptures sometimes arose spontaneously and was far from always associated with the specialized work of the kiln. We assume the likelihood of a wide range of participants in the «terr
{"title":"«TERRACOTTA» ITEMS FROM THE TRYPILLIAN SETTLEMENT-GIANT TALYANKI (COMPLEX «CERAMIST’S FAMILY 1», EXCAVATIONS 2011—2017)","authors":"E. Ovchinnikov","doi":"10.37445/adiu.2021.02.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2021.02.14","url":null,"abstract":"During 2011—2017 Trypillian expedition of the Institute of Archaeology of NASU carried out research of the residential-industrial complex «Ceramist’s Family 1» on the trypillian settlement-giant Talyanki (3800 BC, Tomashivskaia locally-chronological version of the culture). This complex was located in the western part of the northern sector of the settlement. Its boundaries determined by gaps in the built-up of a single line of the houses. As a separate structure of the settlement, this complex consisted from five houses, three kilns, a production pit, consisting of several depressions, and two small pits. \u0000This article is devoted to analysis of ceramic items that are usually associated with ritual and ceremonial activities and foundon the territory of the designated complex, primarily their planigraphic distribution. The collection consists of 67 items and includes 17 anthropomorphic and 9 zoomorphic figurines, 2 models of dwellings, 18 models of sledges, 4 models of vessels, 6 small geometric objects (balls, cones, chips), 3 ceramic ornaments and 8 small relief pieces that are not part of ceramic vessels. Most of the items found in the pit (46 items), a smaller number of them are associated with the residential sector of the complex (20 items) and only half of them (12 items) originate directly from houses, the rest are distributed in the adjacent territory within a radius of 1—4 m from residential buildings. Only one item found in the kiln «D». \u0000The vast majority of «terracotta» items are fragmented. Its disposal, like the ceramic dishes, went the same way — the debris taken out of the houses. Most of them fell into the pits; a smaller part of the ceramic broken used as a building material for the construction of kilns. Overall, the ratio of vessels fragments and fragments of «terracotta» items at different objects of the complex is close. Therefore, for 20 units of «terracotta» items found in houses and the adjacent territory, there are about 11 thousand ceramic fragments of vessels. Forty-six of «terracotta» items from the big pit oppose for about 13 thousand of ceramic fragments of dishes. Only one fragment of the sledge model comes directly from the kiln construction. Unique «terracotta» items, high quality wares, did not lose their importance, probably even after the breakdown. They either put in special places or disposed of in a special way. Thus, entire models of sledges was found on the podium in house 47, and a model of a uniquely shaped found in the lowest ash layer in one of the depressions of the large pit near the kiln «D». In rare cases, anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines founded in the deepest parts of the pit. \u0000The difference in the technical and technological characteristics of various «terracotta» items may indicate that the need to make sculptures sometimes arose spontaneously and was far from always associated with the specialized work of the kiln. We assume the likelihood of a wide range of participants in the «terr","PeriodicalId":406948,"journal":{"name":"Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine","volume":"129 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122101108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-30DOI: 10.37445/adiu.2021.02.05
Yu.M. Brovender
Large-scale works have been carried out at the beginning of this century on the background of the set of Bronze Age monuments in the zone of Kartamysh copper ore occurrence in the Bakhmut basin of Donbass. Taking into account some previously researched monuments of mining and metallurgical activities within other ore occurrences of the Donetsk ridge, those works enable to compare the monuments of the Donetsk Mining and Metallurgical Center (DMMC) with other specialized monuments of Srubnaya cultural community in the copper ore territories of the Eastern European steppe. The monuments of Kartamysh archaeological microdistrict, as well as the other monuments of the Donetsk mining and metallurgical center, located in the zone of copper ore occurrences in the Bakhmut basin of Donbass, give evidences of all the cycles of ancient metal production. The majority of them are the evidence of the mining and ore-dressing cycle. Thus, the considerable volumes of mined and dressed ore, found in Kartamysh, as well as in other ore occurrences of the Bakhmut basin, currently suggest that the monuments in the ore territory of Donbass mainly operate within mining system. Similar specialization is observed in other mining and metallurgical areas in Eastern Europe, such as Mikhailo-Ovsyanka (Povolzhye) and Kargaly (South Ural). A feature of the DMMC is far lesser intensity of metallurgy and metalworking in its cultural frames. Limited range of DMMC monuments indicate that the production of metal products was focused only on domestic consumption. Fracturing of the Donbass bedrock, in contrast to the monolithic bedrock of Povolzhye, and especially to the Southern Urals, facilitated the effective use of stone tools in the process of mining. In the MMC, operating within the eastern production zone of the Srubnaya cultural community (Mikhailo-Ovsyanka, Kargaly), miners and metallurgists had to develop metallurgy more actively, since the features of geology in these regions required the use of metal tools to extract copper ores. Obviously, this circumstance explains a large number of end fragments of metal pickaxes found at Kargaly, as well as casting molds for casting these tools. The functioning of the full-scale cycle of ancient metal production and even visually recorded scale of ancient mining activity in the zone of copper ore occurrences of the Bakhmut basin gives reasons to assert the existence of mining and metallurgical center focused on large-scale production in the Donetsk Ridge in the Bronze Age. The main products of the DMMC were not metal items or even ingots, as it had been considered previously, but enriched copper ore (concentrate) as raw material for metallurgical production. Enriched ore was the commodity to be exchanged by the miners and metallurgists of the Donetsk center. It could be possibly done via professional traders with neighboring and distant tribes, and was exchanged for livestock and agriculture products, as well as for various househol
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