On fols. 2–3 of British Library Add. MS. 11250 is an unusual text in the hand of bishop Gissur Einarsson with the title “Annotationes ex marginibus legisterij [T]horuardi legiferi quæ non transtuli in meum legisterium” (Annotations from the margins of the law-book of Þorvarður lögmaður Erlendsson which I did not copy into my law-book). The collection, which appears to be entirely unparalled, consists of short extracts from various texts: Icelandic and foreign laws, amendments, proverbs, sagas, jokes, wordplay and more. The texts are in Icelandic, Latin and German. The collection is here edited in its entirety for the first time and its contents discussed together with their connection to other texts and manuscripts. An attempt is also made to find the exemplar, though the conclusion is that this no longer exists, and it is suggested that this lost law-book was also among the sources used by Gottskálk Jónsson í Glaumbæ when compiling his miscellany, British Library Add. MS. 11242.
指出。大英图书馆Add. MS. 11250中的2-3是Gissur Einarsson主教手中的一份不寻常的文本，标题为“Annotationes ex marginibus legisterij [T]horuardi legiferi quanon transtuli in meum legisterium”(注释来自Þorvarður lögmaður Erlendsson的法律书的页边空白，我没有抄进我的法律书)。这本书似乎是完全无与伦比的，由各种文本的简短摘录组成:冰岛和外国的法律、修正案、谚语、传奇、笑话、文字游戏等等。书中有冰岛语、拉丁语和德语。在这里，该系列首次被完整地编辑，其内容连同它们与其他文本和手稿的联系一起被讨论。也有人试图找到范例，虽然结论是它已经不存在了，有人建议，这本丢失的法律书也是Gottskálk Jónsson í Glaumbæ在编辑他的杂记时使用的来源之一，大英图书馆Add. MS. 11242。
{"title":"\"Ex marginibus\". Law-Book Marginalia Copied Out by Gissur Einarsson","authors":"Jon Wright","doi":"10.33112/gripla.33.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33112/gripla.33.6","url":null,"abstract":"On fols. 2–3 of British Library Add. MS. 11250 is an unusual text in the hand of bishop Gissur Einarsson with the title “Annotationes ex marginibus legisterij [T]horuardi legiferi quæ non transtuli in meum legisterium” (Annotations from the margins of the law-book of Þorvarður lögmaður Erlendsson which I did not copy into my law-book). The collection, which appears to be entirely unparalled, consists of short extracts from various texts: Icelandic and foreign laws, amendments, proverbs, sagas, jokes, wordplay and more. The texts are in Icelandic, Latin and German. The collection is here edited in its entirety for the first time and its contents discussed together with their connection to other texts and manuscripts. An attempt is also made to find the exemplar, though the conclusion is that this no longer exists, and it is suggested that this lost law-book was also among the sources used by Gottskálk Jónsson í Glaumbæ when compiling his miscellany, British Library Add. MS. 11242.","PeriodicalId":40705,"journal":{"name":"Gripla","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69502670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Old Norse-Icelandic word mál, variously “measure, speech, poetry, case, matter,” is strategically called on at various points throughout Kormáks saga. Its diverse significations all bear on the life of the warrior-poet, who is himself characterized as precipitous by nature. He achieves in his poetry what eludes him in life and love: moderation (hóf), the midway point in measures of all kinds. Subject to comparisons with other males in the saga, mocked in his masculinity by an insolent servant, and cursed by a sorceress, he does not attain the body of his beloved Steingerðr but succeeds in recreating her in ideal form in skaldic poetry. Away from Iceland on Viking expeditions, he finds an equilibrium that was denied him in Icelandic society. The overall judgment of the Christian author is of a successful career in art yet one limited in life by an impulsive character, curse (this, too, a kind of mál), the judgement of others – in all, a pagan destiny. In significant ways Kormákr prefigures the Iceland of the thirteenth century.
{"title":"Ringing Changes. On Old Norse-Icelandic mál in Kormáks saga","authors":"W. Sayers","doi":"10.33112/gripla.33.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33112/gripla.33.3","url":null,"abstract":"The Old Norse-Icelandic word mál, variously “measure, speech, poetry, case, matter,” is strategically called on at various points throughout Kormáks saga. Its diverse significations all bear on the life of the warrior-poet, who is himself characterized as precipitous by nature. He achieves in his poetry what eludes him in life and love: moderation (hóf), the midway point in measures of all kinds. Subject to comparisons with other males in the saga, mocked in his masculinity by an insolent servant, and cursed by a sorceress, he does not attain the body of his beloved Steingerðr but succeeds in recreating her in ideal form in skaldic poetry. Away from Iceland on Viking expeditions, he finds an equilibrium that was denied him in Icelandic society. The overall judgment of the Christian author is of a successful career in art yet one limited in life by an impulsive character, curse (this, too, a kind of mál), the judgement of others – in all, a pagan destiny. In significant ways Kormákr prefigures the Iceland of the thirteenth century.","PeriodicalId":40705,"journal":{"name":"Gripla","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69502611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The post-medieval revival of the annalistic format in Iceland in the early seventeenth century involved a deliberate and very successful decision to align contemporary history-writing with a long and venerable past tradition. Although the post-medieval annals were not structured around an Easter table like their medieval counterparts, they did not record secular history in a modern sense. Temporal time and space existed within an infinitely vaster eternity, and the true goal of earthly life was accepted to be salvation of the soul. Death was represented in meditative literature of the seventeenth century as a life-long journey rather than a single isolated event, during which journey divine punishments might be deservedly meted out to individuals and communities as corrective action for those who strayed from the straight and narrow path. In this context, annals were a means of situating the past, present and future within a single narrative space. Early modern Icelandic annals such as Skarðsárannáll, compiled by Björn Jónsson of Skarðsá (1574–1655), have been approached as a source of well-structured data on very diverse topics, but far fewer studies have examined their internal narrative structure across and within individual entries. The present article focuses on an entry for the year 1553 in Skarðsárannáll that provides a cautionary tale on discipline and justice for early modern audiences. The entry describes the misfortunes of Bjarni of Efranes in Skagaströnd, who killed his first wife for killing their older son for killing their younger son. What has to date been received as a gory historical account of a chain of deaths set in motion by a mother’s inappropriate threat to castrate her misbehaving young sons is actually a hitherto unknown Icelandic variant of a well-known tale type, AT 2401/ATU 1343* (“The Children Play at Hog-Killing”). Very close parallels can be found in contemporary folklore collected in the twentieth century (Brunvand 03250, “The Mother’s Threat Carried Out”), and the narrative in Skarðsárannáll supports the circulation of older versions of ATU 1343* involving a castration threat. Comparison with a letter written by Bishop Guðbrandur Þorláksson of Hólar suggests that the character of Bjarni of Efranes in Skarðsárannáll is partly based on a farmer in Skagaströnd whose son died suddenly while fishing with a neighbour and his three grown sons. The incident was not investigated as a possible murder case until many years later, but one of the sons was arrested in c. 1611. The bishop’s letter indicates concern that fair judicial procedure had not been followed in detaining the man, who was later released. There was no evidence that murder had taken place, and the accused swore that the young man had died of natural causes. The case was never prosecuted, but it was an unsatisfactory conclusion for all parties involved, and Skarðsárannáll demonstrates that the suspects were widely believed to be guilty within their local com
17世纪早期，冰岛的编年史形式在中世纪后的复兴，涉及到一个深思熟虑且非常成功的决定，即将当代历史写作与悠久而可敬的过去传统结合起来。虽然后中世纪的编年史不像中世纪的编年史那样围绕着复活节的桌子编纂，但它们并没有记录现代意义上的世俗历史。暂时的时间和空间存在于无限广阔的永恒之中，而尘世生活的真正目标被认为是灵魂的救赎。在17世纪的冥想文学中，死亡被描绘成一段一生的旅程，而不是一个孤立的事件，在这段旅程中，神圣的惩罚可能理所当然地给予个人和社区，作为对那些偏离了正道的人的纠正行动。在这种背景下，编年史是将过去、现在和未来置于单一叙事空间中的一种手段。早期现代冰岛编年史，如由Björn Jónsson of skar - ð s(1574-1655)编纂的Skarðsárannáll，被认为是非常多样化主题的结构良好的数据来源，但很少有研究检查它们在单个条目之间和内部的内部叙事结构。本文着重于Skarðsárannáll上1553年的一个条目，它为早期现代观众提供了一个关于纪律和正义的警示故事。该条目描述了Skagaströnd中Efranes的Bjarni的不幸，他杀死了他的第一任妻子，因为他杀死了他们的大儿子，因为他杀死了他们的小儿子。一个母亲不恰当地威胁要阉割她行为不正常的小儿子，从而引发了一连串的死亡事件，迄今为止被认为是一个血腥的历史故事，实际上是一个迄今为止未知的冰岛版本，改编自一个著名的故事类型，AT 2401/ATU 1343*(“孩子们在杀猪游戏”)。在二十世纪收集的当代民间传说中可以找到非常接近的相似之处(Brunvand 03250，“母亲的威胁实施”)，Skarðsárannáll的叙述支持旧版本的ATU 1343*的流通，涉及阉割威胁。与Hólar的古古·布兰德尔主教Þorláksson所写的一封信相比，Skarðsárannáll中Efranes的Bjarni的性格部分是基于Skagaströnd的一个农民，他的儿子在与邻居和他的三个成年儿子钓鱼时突然死亡。这件事直到很多年以后才被当作可能的谋杀案来调查，但其中一个儿子在1611年被捕。主教的信对在拘留该男子时没有遵循公正的司法程序表示关切，该男子后来被释放。没有证据表明发生了谋杀，被告发誓说那个年轻人是自然死亡。该案件从未被起诉，但对所有有关各方来说，这是一个令人不满意的结论，Skarðsárannáll表明，在当地社区，人们普遍认为嫌疑人有罪。根据Skarðsárannáll的说法，这位邻居和他的三个儿子在不久之后的一场饥荒中作为饥饿的流浪者遭遇了悲惨的结局。故事暗示，死于饥荒是对他们企图隐瞒的罪行的惩罚。通过将这一事件与ATU 1343*联系起来，叙述还表明，受害者家庭的罪行可以解释案件中明显的司法失败:受害者是Efranes的Bjarni的第三个儿子。Bjarni据说赤脚在冰岛走了三次，作为在定居Efranes之前杀害第一任妻子的罪的忏悔，但即使这样的行为也不足以为杀害他的妻子伸张正义，他的世俗生活是一个被定罪的人。虽然他再婚并试图开始新的生活，但谋杀会被判处死刑，在改革后的冰岛，忏悔不足以弥补这种行为。就像在现代早期欧洲流传的ATU 1343*的其他版本一样，Efranes的Bjarni死于悲伤。因为这是路德教的典范，没有圣人能给他带来安慰:终生悔改的做法是他得救的唯一希望。
{"title":"Til þess eru ill dæmi að varast þau: Um Bjarna í Efranesi í Skarðsárannál","authors":"K. Parsons","doi":"10.33112/gripla.32.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33112/gripla.32.9","url":null,"abstract":"The post-medieval revival of the annalistic format in Iceland in the early seventeenth century involved a deliberate and very successful decision to align contemporary history-writing with a long and venerable past tradition. Although the post-medieval annals were not structured around an Easter table like their medieval counterparts, they did not record secular history in a modern sense. Temporal time and space existed within an infinitely vaster eternity, and the true goal of earthly life was accepted to be salvation of the soul. Death was represented in meditative literature of the seventeenth century as a life-long journey rather than a single isolated event, during which journey divine punishments might be deservedly meted out to individuals and communities as corrective action for those who strayed from the straight and narrow path. In this context, annals were a means of situating the past, present and future within a single narrative space. Early modern Icelandic annals such as Skarðsárannáll, compiled by Björn Jónsson of Skarðsá (1574–1655), have been approached as a source of well-structured data on very diverse topics, but far fewer studies have examined their internal narrative structure across and within individual entries. The present article focuses on an entry for the year 1553 in Skarðsárannáll that provides a cautionary tale on discipline and justice for early modern audiences. The entry describes the misfortunes of Bjarni of Efranes in Skagaströnd, who killed his first wife for killing their older son for killing their younger son. What has to date been received as a gory historical account of a chain of deaths set in motion by a mother’s inappropriate threat to castrate her misbehaving young sons is actually a hitherto unknown Icelandic variant of a well-known tale type, AT 2401/ATU 1343* (“The Children Play at Hog-Killing”). Very close parallels can be found in contemporary folklore collected in the twentieth century (Brunvand 03250, “The Mother’s Threat Carried Out”), and the narrative in Skarðsárannáll supports the circulation of older versions of ATU 1343* involving a castration threat. Comparison with a letter written by Bishop Guðbrandur Þorláksson of Hólar suggests that the character of Bjarni of Efranes in Skarðsárannáll is partly based on a farmer in Skagaströnd whose son died suddenly while fishing with a neighbour and his three grown sons. The incident was not investigated as a possible murder case until many years later, but one of the sons was arrested in c. 1611. The bishop’s letter indicates concern that fair judicial procedure had not been followed in detaining the man, who was later released. There was no evidence that murder had taken place, and the accused swore that the young man had died of natural causes. The case was never prosecuted, but it was an unsatisfactory conclusion for all parties involved, and Skarðsárannáll demonstrates that the suspects were widely believed to be guilty within their local com","PeriodicalId":40705,"journal":{"name":"Gripla","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69502516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The manuscript Rask 98, also known as Melódía (in the Arnamagnæan Collection, Copenhagen), was written ca. 1660–70 by an unknown scribe and contains 223 notated songs. The manuscriptʼs heading states that it contains “foreign tunes to Icelandic poetry.” Since none of the songs in Rask 98 carries an attribution, tracing their origins has proved to be an arduous task. In an article published in this journal in 2012, the present author identified models for five “foreign tunes” in Rask 98, extending our knowledge of musical repertoire and transmission in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Iceland. One further piece can now be added to the collection: Jacobus Clemens (non Papa)ʼs four-part song Godt es mijn licht, first published in Leuven in 1567 but in Nuremberg a year later to a text in German, Gott ist mein liecht. Only the latter version repeats the songsʼs last two phrases, a repeat that is also found in Rask 98. Thus the Nuremberg print can be identified as the source for the version in Rask 98. The Icelandic text, Englar og menn og allar skepnur líka senn, is not a translation, but seems to be a free paraphrase of Psalm 148. Rask 98 (and JS 138 8vo, a later manuscript that seems to be a direct copy) contains only Clemensʼs tenor part in a non-rhythmic notation. Like the other polyphonic pieces that were brought to Iceland in the second half of the sixteenth century, Englar og menn was presumably sung in four parts while vocal resources allowed, and its lower parts were still transmitted on their own a century later.
手稿Rask 98，也被称为Melódía(在哥本哈根的Arnamagnæan Collection中)，大约在1660-70年由一个不知名的抄写员写的，包含223首有符号的歌曲。手稿的标题写道，它包含了“冰岛诗歌的外国曲调”。由于Rask 98中的歌曲都没有注明出处，因此追踪它们的起源是一项艰巨的任务。在2012年发表在该杂志上的一篇文章中，本文作者确定了rask98中五个“外国曲调”的模型，扩展了我们对16世纪和17世纪冰岛音乐曲目和传播的了解。还有一件作品现在可以加入到收藏中:雅各布·克莱门斯(非爸爸)的四部分歌曲《上帝是光明的》，1567年首次在鲁汶出版，一年后在纽伦堡以德文文本《上帝是光明的》出版。只有后一个版本重复了歌曲的最后两个短语，这种重复也出现在Rask 98中。因此，纽伦堡的版画可以确定为1998年版本的来源。冰岛文本，英语og menn og allar skepnur líka senn，不是翻译的，但似乎是诗篇148的自由意译。rask98(和JS 138 8vo，一个后来的手稿，似乎是一个直接复制)只包含克莱门斯的男高音部分在一个无节奏的符号。就像其他在16世纪下半叶传入冰岛的复调音乐一样，在声乐资源允许的情况下，英国的og menn可能被分成四个声部来唱，一个世纪后，它的低声部仍然独立传播。
{"title":"Enn einn „útlenskur tónn'' í Rask 98","authors":"Á. Ingólfsson","doi":"10.33112/gripla.32.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33112/gripla.32.11","url":null,"abstract":"The manuscript Rask 98, also known as Melódía (in the Arnamagnæan Collection, Copenhagen), was written ca. 1660–70 by an unknown scribe and contains 223 notated songs. The manuscriptʼs heading states that it contains “foreign tunes to Icelandic poetry.” Since none of the songs in Rask 98 carries an attribution, tracing their origins has proved to be an arduous task. In an article published in this journal in 2012, the present author identified models for five “foreign tunes” in Rask 98, extending our knowledge of musical repertoire and transmission in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Iceland. One further piece can now be added to the collection: Jacobus Clemens (non Papa)ʼs four-part song Godt es mijn licht, first published in Leuven in 1567 but in Nuremberg a year later to a text in German, Gott ist mein liecht. Only the latter version repeats the songsʼs last two phrases, a repeat that is also found in Rask 98. Thus the Nuremberg print can be identified as the source for the version in Rask 98. The Icelandic text, Englar og menn og allar skepnur líka senn, is not a translation, but seems to be a free paraphrase of Psalm 148. Rask 98 (and JS 138 8vo, a later manuscript that seems to be a direct copy) contains only Clemensʼs tenor part in a non-rhythmic notation. Like the other polyphonic pieces that were brought to Iceland in the second half of the sixteenth century, Englar og menn was presumably sung in four parts while vocal resources allowed, and its lower parts were still transmitted on their own a century later.","PeriodicalId":40705,"journal":{"name":"Gripla","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69502817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article provides a diplomatic edition of the Algorismus, an Old Norse translation of the Carmen de Algorismo of Alexander of Villedieu (c. 1170–c. 1240), found in the encyclopedic manuscript GKS 1812 4to 13v1–16v31. This version has not been published previously. It has various characteristics, most notably in the script as well as in some readings, which distinguish it from previous editions that were based on AM 544 4to, a part of Hauksbók. Also, included here is, as far as is known, the first English translation of the Algorismus.
{"title":"Algorismus in GKS 1812 4to: Transcription and translation","authors":"Dan Sloughter","doi":"10.33112/gripla.32.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33112/gripla.32.3","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides a diplomatic edition of the Algorismus, an Old Norse translation of the Carmen de Algorismo of Alexander of Villedieu (c. 1170–c. 1240), found in the encyclopedic manuscript GKS 1812 4to 13v1–16v31. This version has not been published previously. It has various characteristics, most notably in the script as well as in some readings, which distinguish it from previous editions that were based on AM 544 4to, a part of Hauksbók. Also, included here is, as far as is known, the first English translation of the Algorismus.","PeriodicalId":40705,"journal":{"name":"Gripla","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69502839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The author of this article conclusively traces the source of the two Aesopic fables retold in the prologue to Adonias saga to the medieval collection of Latin fables known as Anonymus Neveleti (alias Romulus elegiacus), fragments of which are preserved in two Icelandic vellum bifolia (Þjms frag 103 and 104) that probably originate from the Benedictines monastic houses of North Iceland. In a review of various ancient and medieval collections of Aesop’s fables, the author concludes that the unknown Icelandic author of Adonias saga must have been familiar with the two fables in this particular Latin version, even though his Icelandic rendering of them is free and likely based on memory. A parallel to a Latin couplet cited in the prologue is furthermore identified in a bilingual encyclopædic manuscript, AM 732 b 4to, also associated with the northern Benedictines. The author of the article suggests the possibility that the incorporation of two Aesopic fables in the prologue to Adonias saga, a riddarasaga, is an indication that such sagas ought to be interpreted like fables, that is not only read as entertainment but also as ethical instruction.
这篇文章的作者最终追溯了阿多尼亚传奇的序言中重新讲述的两个伊索寓言的来源，中世纪的拉丁寓言集被称为Anonymus Neveleti(别名Romulus elegiacus)，其中的碎片被保存在两个冰岛牛皮纸bifolia (Þjms frag 103和104)中，可能起源于冰岛北部的本笃会修道院。在对各种古代和中世纪的伊索寓言集的回顾中，作者得出结论，这位不知名的冰岛《阿多尼亚传奇》作者一定熟悉这个特殊的拉丁版本的两个寓言，尽管他对它们的冰岛翻译是自由的，很可能是基于记忆。序言中引用的拉丁对联的平行部分在一本双语百科全书的手稿中进一步确定，AM 732 b 4to，也与北本笃会有关。文章的作者提出了一种可能性，即在《阿多尼亚传奇》的序言中加入两个伊索寓言，这是一种暗示，表明这些传奇应该像寓言一样被解读，不仅作为娱乐，而且作为道德教育。
{"title":"Tvær dæmisögur Esóps og latnesk skrifaravers í formála Adonias sögu og tengsl þeirra við latínubrotin í Þjms frag 103,104 og AM 732 b 4to","authors":"Gottskálk Jensson","doi":"10.33112/gripla.32.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33112/gripla.32.5","url":null,"abstract":"The author of this article conclusively traces the source of the two Aesopic fables retold in the prologue to Adonias saga to the medieval collection of Latin fables known as Anonymus Neveleti (alias Romulus elegiacus), fragments of which are preserved in two Icelandic vellum bifolia (Þjms frag 103 and 104) that probably originate from the Benedictines monastic houses of North Iceland. In a review of various ancient and medieval collections of Aesop’s fables, the author concludes that the unknown Icelandic author of Adonias saga must have been familiar with the two fables in this particular Latin version, even though his Icelandic rendering of them is free and likely based on memory. A parallel to a Latin couplet cited in the prologue is furthermore identified in a bilingual encyclopædic manuscript, AM 732 b 4to, also associated with the northern Benedictines. The author of the article suggests the possibility that the incorporation of two Aesopic fables in the prologue to Adonias saga, a riddarasaga, is an indication that such sagas ought to be interpreted like fables, that is not only read as entertainment but also as ethical instruction.","PeriodicalId":40705,"journal":{"name":"Gripla","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69502377","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article discusses a number of interdisciplinary aspects of Icelandic law manuscripts, produced in the fifteenth century, which contain important vernacular legal codes dealing with secular and ecclesiastical matters in medieval Iceland, such as Jónsbók and Kristinréttr Árna Þorlákssonar. In this article, it is argued that a continuity of law manuscript production exists in Iceland following the Black Death in 1402–04; this is seen in several ways: indications are found in textual and artistic parts of the manuscripts, as well as in para-texts that accompany the law texts in the margins. With particular focus on the manuscript AM 136 4to (Skinnastaðabók), this article discusses four distinctive cross-disciplinary features of fifteenth-century Icelandic law manuscripts: the adaptation and further development of textual contents initially found in law manuscripts dating back to previous centuries, select types of layouts chosen by the initial scribes, the book painting, and the use of the margins by later users and owners for comments and discussion on the textual content. The article concludes that with the changing Scandinavian politics in the late fourteenth century, Icelandic law manuscripts in the fifteenth century were first and foremost written for, and inspired by, domestic productions. While texts related to Norwegian royal supremacy and trade are rarely featured, the texts most used for domestic issues appear more frequently. On the other hand, statutes and concordats occur as regularly in these manuscripts as they do in earlier works, which indicates ongoing contact with the Norwegian Archdiocese of Niðaróss during the fifteenth century.
{"title":"Law manuscripts from fifteenth-century Iceland","authors":"S. Drechsler","doi":"10.33112/gripla.32.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33112/gripla.32.7","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses a number of interdisciplinary aspects of Icelandic law manuscripts, produced in the fifteenth century, which contain important vernacular legal codes dealing with secular and ecclesiastical matters in medieval Iceland, such as Jónsbók and Kristinréttr Árna Þorlákssonar. In this article, it is argued that a continuity of law manuscript production exists in Iceland following the Black Death in 1402–04; this is seen in several ways: indications are found in textual and artistic parts of the manuscripts, as well as in para-texts that accompany the law texts in the margins. With particular focus on the manuscript AM 136 4to (Skinnastaðabók), this article discusses four distinctive cross-disciplinary features of fifteenth-century Icelandic law manuscripts: the adaptation and further development of textual contents initially found in law manuscripts dating back to previous centuries, select types of layouts chosen by the initial scribes, the book painting, and the use of the margins by later users and owners for comments and discussion on the textual content. The article concludes that with the changing Scandinavian politics in the late fourteenth century, Icelandic law manuscripts in the fifteenth century were first and foremost written for, and inspired by, domestic productions. While texts related to Norwegian royal supremacy and trade are rarely featured, the texts most used for domestic issues appear more frequently. On the other hand, statutes and concordats occur as regularly in these manuscripts as they do in earlier works, which indicates ongoing contact with the Norwegian Archdiocese of Niðaróss during the fifteenth century.","PeriodicalId":40705,"journal":{"name":"Gripla","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69502423","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present study examines the transmission history of the story of Hrómundur Gr(e)ipsson in Icelandic. Its focus lies in the investigation of textual relationships between four works dealing with the story of Hrómundur: two in metric from, Griplur and Hrómundar rímur Greipssonar (RHG), and two in prose, the seventeenth-century saga (17HsG) and the younger, hitherto unknown saga, possibly originating in the nineteenth-century (19HsG). The study concludes that the saga-writer of 19HsG most likely utilised both Griplur and the older saga to create a coherent story of Hrómundur. Alternatively, they based their adaptation on a now lost intermediate version of the story that already merged the accounts of the rímur and the saga, as elements from both older adaptations can be found in the younger saga. Furthermore, the study concludes that the younger set of rímur (RHG) are derived from the printed edition of the seventeenth-century saga, as the editorial error of C.C. Rask, the saga’s editor, appears in the poem.
{"title":"Hrómundur in prose and verse: On the relationships between four versions of the story of Hrómundur Greipsson","authors":"K. Kapitan","doi":"10.33112/gripla.32.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33112/gripla.32.10","url":null,"abstract":"The present study examines the transmission history of the story of Hrómundur Gr(e)ipsson in Icelandic. Its focus lies in the investigation of textual relationships between four works dealing with the story of Hrómundur: two in metric from, Griplur and Hrómundar rímur Greipssonar (RHG), and two in prose, the seventeenth-century saga (17HsG) and the younger, hitherto unknown saga, possibly originating in the nineteenth-century (19HsG). The study concludes that the saga-writer of 19HsG most likely utilised both Griplur and the older saga to create a coherent story of Hrómundur. Alternatively, they based their adaptation on a now lost intermediate version of the story that already merged the accounts of the rímur and the saga, as elements from both older adaptations can be found in the younger saga. Furthermore, the study concludes that the younger set of rímur (RHG) are derived from the printed edition of the seventeenth-century saga, as the editorial error of C.C. Rask, the saga’s editor, appears in the poem.","PeriodicalId":40705,"journal":{"name":"Gripla","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69502746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A poem with the title “Frumtignarvísur” (A poem to the Firstborn) is to be found in the manuscript Lbs 847 4to, which was in all likelyhood collected by Magnús Jónsson in Vigur in the year 1693. Two shorter poems, titled “Nú koma aðrar” (Here is another poem) and “En þessar eiga með að fylgja” (But these are supposed to accompany them), follow “Frumtignarvísur”. The manuscript contains religious poetry by various poets, some identified and some unknown, and some secular poetry as well. The author of the three poems under discussion is unidentified in the manuscript. Here I argue that the poems belong to the genre of verse letters/epistolary poems and, furthermore, that they were composed by the Reverend Einar Sigurðsson in Eydalir for his son the Reverend Gísli Einarsson in Vatnsfjörður by Ísafjarðardjúp in the Westfjords. I suggest that the purpose of “Frumtignarvísur” was to respond to the son’s complaints and to moralise over him, but also to encourage him and give him paternal blessing. Furthermore, it is demonstrated that the third verse letter is of a similar kind to Frumtignarvísur, but the second poem is of a more affirmative nature, possibly from the time when the son started his career in the Westfjords. Finally, the first critical edition of the poems is presented at the end of the article, both in a diplomatic edition and in modern orthography
一首题为“Frumtignarvísur”(献给长子的诗)的诗出现在1693年维古尔Magnús Jónsson收集的手稿Lbs 847 - 4to中。两首较短的诗，题为“Nú koma a - rar”(这是另一首诗)和“En þessar eiga með að fylgja”(但这两首诗应该伴随着它们)，紧随在“Frumtignarvísur”之后。手稿中包含了各种诗人的宗教诗歌，一些被确认的和一些未知的，以及一些世俗的诗歌。这三首诗的作者在手稿中没有注明。在这里，我认为这些诗属于诗体书信/书信体诗歌，此外，它们是由Einar sigur - ðsson牧师在Eydalir为他的儿子Gísli Einarsson牧师在Vatnsfjörður by Ísafjarðardjúp在Westfjords创作的。我认为“Frumtignarvísur”的目的是回应儿子的抱怨，对他进行道德说教，但也鼓励他，给他父亲的祝福。此外，第三首诗的字母与Frumtignarvísur类似，但第二首诗的性质更为肯定，可能是从儿子在西峡湾开始他的事业的时候开始的。最后，这首诗的第一个批评版本在文章的末尾，以外交版本和现代正字法呈现
{"title":"Frumtignarvísur: Óþekkt ljóðabréf eftir séra Einar Sigurðsson í Eydölum","authors":"Þórunn Sigurðardóttir","doi":"10.33112/gripla.32.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33112/gripla.32.8","url":null,"abstract":"A poem with the title “Frumtignarvísur” (A poem to the Firstborn) is to be found in the manuscript Lbs 847 4to, which was in all likelyhood collected by Magnús Jónsson in Vigur in the year 1693. Two shorter poems, titled “Nú koma aðrar” (Here is another poem) and “En þessar eiga með að fylgja” (But these are supposed to accompany them), follow “Frumtignarvísur”. The manuscript contains religious poetry by various poets, some identified and some unknown, and some secular poetry as well. The author of the three poems under discussion is unidentified in the manuscript. Here I argue that the poems belong to the genre of verse letters/epistolary poems and, furthermore, that they were composed by the Reverend Einar Sigurðsson in Eydalir for his son the Reverend Gísli Einarsson in Vatnsfjörður by Ísafjarðardjúp in the Westfjords. I suggest that the purpose of “Frumtignarvísur” was to respond to the son’s complaints and to moralise over him, but also to encourage him and give him paternal blessing. Furthermore, it is demonstrated that the third verse letter is of a similar kind to Frumtignarvísur, but the second poem is of a more affirmative nature, possibly from the time when the son started his career in the Westfjords. Finally, the first critical edition of the poems is presented at the end of the article, both in a diplomatic edition and in modern orthography","PeriodicalId":40705,"journal":{"name":"Gripla","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69502428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Ari fróði Þorgilsson’s Íslendingabók, the settlement of Iceland is said to have first begun from Norway in 870, the year that “Ívarr, son of Ragnarr loðbrók, had St Edmund, king of the English, killed.” He attributes his knowledge of the date of this martyrdom to a mysterious “saga” of St Edmund, the identity of which has long been debated. This note considers the various alternatives put forth by previous researchers and concludes that the most likely candidate for this saga is in fact a composite of two texts, Abbo of Fleury’s Passio Sancti Eadmundi and Hermannus the Archdeacon’s De miraculis Sancti Eadmundi. These texts are known to have been bound together in at least one manuscript from the early twelfth century. It is argued that a similar manuscript may have circulated in Iceland and was used to inform several other Old Icelandic texts composed over the following two centuries.
在阿里fróði Þorgilsson的Íslendingabók中，冰岛的定居据说是在870年从挪威开始的，那一年“Ívarr，拉格纳尔loðbrók的儿子，杀死了英国国王圣埃德蒙。”他把他所知道的殉难日期归功于圣埃德蒙的一个神秘的“传奇”，其身份一直存在争议。这篇笔记考虑了先前研究者提出的各种替代方案，并得出结论，这个传奇最有可能的候选人实际上是两个文本的合成，弗勒里的阿博的Passio Sancti Eadmundi和赫曼努斯的De miraculis Sancti Eadmundi。众所周知，这些文本至少在12世纪早期的一份手稿中被装订在一起。有人认为，类似的手稿可能在冰岛流传，并被用于在接下来的两个世纪中组成的其他几个古冰岛文本。
{"title":"Unearthing St. Edmund: A source for Edmund's martyrdom in Íslendingabók","authors":"Ben Allport","doi":"10.33112/gripla.32.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33112/gripla.32.2","url":null,"abstract":"In Ari fróði Þorgilsson’s Íslendingabók, the settlement of Iceland is said to have first begun from Norway in 870, the year that “Ívarr, son of Ragnarr loðbrók, had St Edmund, king of the English, killed.” He attributes his knowledge of the date of this martyrdom to a mysterious “saga” of St Edmund, the identity of which has long been debated. This note considers the various alternatives put forth by previous researchers and concludes that the most likely candidate for this saga is in fact a composite of two texts, Abbo of Fleury’s Passio Sancti Eadmundi and Hermannus the Archdeacon’s De miraculis Sancti Eadmundi. These texts are known to have been bound together in at least one manuscript from the early twelfth century. It is argued that a similar manuscript may have circulated in Iceland and was used to inform several other Old Icelandic texts composed over the following two centuries.","PeriodicalId":40705,"journal":{"name":"Gripla","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69502832","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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