Pub Date : 2020-11-01DOI: 10.22439/asca.v52i2.6506
T. Cobb
The label of the ‘Jacksonian’ has served to add a sense of definition and historical precedent to a seemingly anomalous presidency. Comparisons between Donald Trump and President Andrew Jackson (the progenitor for the Jacksonian creed) have hinged on the perception that the Jacksonian philosophy purveys belief in majoritarian nationalism, diplomatic realism and the preeminence of America’s white male labouring class. Commentators as diverse as New York Times journalists and International Relations theorists have applied such readings. Through investigating the changing paradigms of the Jacksonian, from its incipience in the 1820s to its ascription in Trump’s populism, this article underlines how its shibboleths have gradually shifted towards becoming part of a ‘minoritarian’ phenomenon. Trump’s victory in the 2016 presidential election, which was achieved in spite of his loss of the popular vote and failure to win former Republican states such as Virginia, indicated that the Jacksonian resurgence perceived in this contest was heavily dependent on the economic decline of the industrial Midwest. This contrasts with the cooption of the Jacksonian under FDR and Ronald Reagan, whose first terms resulted from comprehensive national landslides. Because of this lack of broader support, Trump’s affinity with a decreasing population of white male non-college educated voters forms the existential driver of his presidency. Conveying a reversal of Andrew Jackson’s majoritarianism, my research highlights that Jacksonian survival now hinges on consolidating the kind of minoritarian influence implied by the results of the 2016 presidential election. This analysis, along with my historiography of the Jacksonian, establishes the changes undergone by this significant American ideology.
{"title":"Donald J. Trump: Jacksonian Minoritarian?","authors":"T. Cobb","doi":"10.22439/asca.v52i2.6506","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/asca.v52i2.6506","url":null,"abstract":"The label of the ‘Jacksonian’ has served to add a sense of definition and historical precedent to a seemingly anomalous presidency. Comparisons between Donald Trump and President Andrew Jackson (the progenitor for the Jacksonian creed) have hinged on the perception that the Jacksonian philosophy purveys belief in majoritarian nationalism, diplomatic realism and the preeminence of America’s white male labouring class. Commentators as diverse as New York Times journalists and International Relations theorists have applied such readings. Through investigating the changing paradigms of the Jacksonian, from its incipience in the 1820s to its ascription in Trump’s populism, this article underlines how its shibboleths have gradually shifted towards becoming part of a ‘minoritarian’ phenomenon. Trump’s victory in the 2016 presidential election, which was achieved in spite of his loss of the popular vote and failure to win former Republican states such as Virginia, indicated that the Jacksonian resurgence perceived in this contest was heavily dependent on the economic decline of the industrial Midwest. This contrasts with the cooption of the Jacksonian under FDR and Ronald Reagan, whose first terms resulted from comprehensive national landslides. Because of this lack of broader support, Trump’s affinity with a decreasing population of white male non-college educated voters forms the existential driver of his presidency. Conveying a reversal of Andrew Jackson’s majoritarianism, my research highlights that Jacksonian survival now hinges on consolidating the kind of minoritarian influence implied by the results of the 2016 presidential election. This analysis, along with my historiography of the Jacksonian, establishes the changes undergone by this significant American ideology.","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43262235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-01DOI: 10.22439/asca.v52i2.6358
D. Berggren
This study is about region and the politics and political style of Jimmy Carter. In 1976, the former Georgia governor broke a regional barrier to become president of the United States. He was a white southerner from the Deep South. As a candidate, he regularly identified himself as being from the South and spoke with pride about his regional connections. Although being from the South may have had some political costs, Carter did not consider it a liability. It helped him win the Democratic Party nomination and the general election. It reinforced his image as a Washington outsider. Indeed, had it not been for the near solid support from his home region in the Electoral College, he would have lost to Gerald Ford. Carter was also a southern president. He used his regional identity to establish and maintain relations with other Americans and with international leaders. He employed it in domestic and foreign policy situations, most notably in his efforts to advance Middle East peace.
{"title":"Region and the American Presidency: Jimmy Carter as the “Southern” President","authors":"D. Berggren","doi":"10.22439/asca.v52i2.6358","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/asca.v52i2.6358","url":null,"abstract":"This study is about region and the politics and political style of Jimmy Carter. In 1976, the former Georgia governor broke a regional barrier to become president of the United States. He was a white southerner from the Deep South. As a candidate, he regularly identified himself as being from the South and spoke with pride about his regional connections. Although being from the South may have had some political costs, Carter did not consider it a liability. It helped him win the Democratic Party nomination and the general election. It reinforced his image as a Washington outsider. Indeed, had it not been for the near solid support from his home region in the Electoral College, he would have lost to Gerald Ford. Carter was also a southern president. He used his regional identity to establish and maintain relations with other Americans and with international leaders. He employed it in domestic and foreign policy situations, most notably in his efforts to advance Middle East peace.","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41673073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-01DOI: 10.22439/asca.v52i2.6499
William M. Knoblauch
Presidential legacies are constructed, and for the Republican Party perhaps no figure has benefitted from mythology, hagiography, and misremembrances than Ronald Wilson Reagan. Popularly, America’s 40th President is frequently remembered as residing over a massive economic upswing, restoring faith in the American military, and ushering in the end of the Cold War—combining to construct an image of a beloved, even visionary leader. Looking back at popular culture from the 1980s, however, paints a very different picture. From Reagan’s relationship with the press, his shortcomings acknowledging struggles in the African American community, to his near-legacy shattering handling of the Iran Contra crisis, 1980s popular culture helps to remind us that Reagan was not so nearly beloved as today’s pundits would have us believe.
{"title":"Misremembering Reagan: A Decade of Cultural Dissent","authors":"William M. Knoblauch","doi":"10.22439/asca.v52i2.6499","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/asca.v52i2.6499","url":null,"abstract":"Presidential legacies are constructed, and for the Republican Party perhaps no figure has benefitted from mythology, hagiography, and misremembrances than Ronald Wilson Reagan. Popularly, America’s 40th President is frequently remembered as residing over a massive economic upswing, restoring faith in the American military, and ushering in the end of the Cold War—combining to construct an image of a beloved, even visionary leader. Looking back at popular culture from the 1980s, however, paints a very different picture. From Reagan’s relationship with the press, his shortcomings acknowledging struggles in the African American community, to his near-legacy shattering handling of the Iran Contra crisis, 1980s popular culture helps to remind us that Reagan was not so nearly beloved as today’s pundits would have us believe.","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48326319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-01DOI: 10.22439/asca.v52i2.6495
Nicole L. Anslover
The transition between presidents – especially when changing parties – is a wildcard in U.S. foreign policy that often confuses or concerns nations engaged with the United States. Though there are systems in place to ensure information gets passed from one administration to another, ideas and their execution can change dramatically when a new president takes office. Using the Carter-Reagan transition as a case study, this paper explores how the successes and failures in presidential transitions had long term effects on U.S. foreign policy, grand strategy, and international position, such as the definitive end of détente and a more hardline foreign policy.
{"title":"“Trouble with the Transition: The Transfer of Power from Carter to Reagan“","authors":"Nicole L. Anslover","doi":"10.22439/asca.v52i2.6495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/asca.v52i2.6495","url":null,"abstract":"The transition between presidents – especially when changing parties – is a wildcard in U.S. foreign policy that often confuses or concerns nations engaged with the United States. Though there are systems in place to ensure information gets passed from one administration to another, ideas and their execution can change dramatically when a new president takes office. Using the Carter-Reagan transition as a case study, this paper explores how the successes and failures in presidential transitions had long term effects on U.S. foreign policy, grand strategy, and international position, such as the definitive end of détente and a more hardline foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42018143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-01DOI: 10.22439/asca.v52i2.6497
R. Søndergaard
Due to dramatic developments in international affairs and the starkly diverging foreign policy visions of the two candidates, Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan, foreign policy occupied a usually prominent role in the 1980 U.S. presidential election. A central component of the foreign policy debate was the appropriate role for human rights concerns in American foreign relations. Nevertheless, neither historians of U.S. presidential elections nor historians of human rights have devoted much attention to the issue. This article represents the first comprehensive study of the role of human rights in the 1980 U.S. presidential election. First, it examines the role of human rights in the foreign policy visions of the presidential candidates, focusing especially on Reagan’s criticism of Carter’s human rights policy. Second, it assesses the impact the issue of human rights had on the 1980 election and the way the 1980 election shaped the role of human rights in U.S. foreign policy.
{"title":"Human Rights and the 1980 U.S. Presidential Election","authors":"R. Søndergaard","doi":"10.22439/asca.v52i2.6497","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/asca.v52i2.6497","url":null,"abstract":"Due to dramatic developments in international affairs and the starkly diverging foreign policy visions of the two candidates, Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan, foreign policy occupied a usually prominent role in the 1980 U.S. presidential election. A central component of the foreign policy debate was the appropriate role for human rights concerns in American foreign relations. Nevertheless, neither historians of U.S. presidential elections nor historians of human rights have devoted much attention to the issue. This article represents the first comprehensive study of the role of human rights in the 1980 U.S. presidential election. First, it examines the role of human rights in the foreign policy visions of the presidential candidates, focusing especially on Reagan’s criticism of Carter’s human rights policy. Second, it assesses the impact the issue of human rights had on the 1980 election and the way the 1980 election shaped the role of human rights in U.S. foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49284250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-01DOI: 10.22439/asca.v52i1.6516
J. A. Suárez, Juan F. Belmonte‐Ávila
This essay reads queer American experimental film of the 1940s and 1950s—by Kenneth Anger, Willard Maas, Gregory Markopoulos, and Curtis Harrington, among others—as a form of queer psychogeography: a style of urban dwelling and transit that originated with French surrealism in the late 1920s and was subsequently theorized by Lettrists and Situationists in the 1950s. Psychogeography consisted in drifting through the city in search of evocative or destabilizing spots, which, for postwar American experimental filmmakers, were locations latent with (queer) sexual possibility. This approach allows us to re-interpret these films from an unprecedented perspective. So far conceptualized as cinematic renderings of trances and dreams triggered by the search for sexual identity, the present article shows that this body of work registers as well a material practice consisting in the covert sexualisation of urban space; this practice arises from the attempt of postwar queer subcultures to escape regulation and surveillance during repressive times.
{"title":"Postwar American Experimental Film and Queer Psychogeography","authors":"J. A. Suárez, Juan F. Belmonte‐Ávila","doi":"10.22439/asca.v52i1.6516","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/asca.v52i1.6516","url":null,"abstract":"This essay reads queer American experimental film of the 1940s and 1950s—by Kenneth Anger, Willard Maas, Gregory Markopoulos, and Curtis Harrington, among others—as a form of queer psychogeography: a style of urban dwelling and transit that originated with French surrealism in the late 1920s and was subsequently theorized by Lettrists and Situationists in the 1950s. Psychogeography consisted in drifting through the city in search of evocative or destabilizing spots, which, for postwar American experimental filmmakers, were locations latent with (queer) sexual possibility. This approach allows us to re-interpret these films from an unprecedented perspective. So far conceptualized as cinematic renderings of trances and dreams triggered by the search for sexual identity, the present article shows that this body of work registers as well a material practice consisting in the covert sexualisation of urban space; this practice arises from the attempt of postwar queer subcultures to escape regulation and surveillance during repressive times.","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46394222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-10DOI: 10.5703/EDUCATIONCULTURE.35.2.0065
Warren E. Whitaker, R. A. Martin
{"title":"The New Negro: The Life of Alain Locke","authors":"Warren E. Whitaker, R. A. Martin","doi":"10.5703/EDUCATIONCULTURE.35.2.0065","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5703/EDUCATIONCULTURE.35.2.0065","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70914529","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-09-26DOI: 10.22439/asca.v51i2.5978
American Studies In Scandinavia
{"title":"Contributors","authors":"American Studies In Scandinavia","doi":"10.22439/asca.v51i2.5978","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/asca.v51i2.5978","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46384715","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-09-26DOI: 10.22439/asca.v51i2.5974
T. Mäkinen
The United States Senate voted to ratify the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty with Russia in 2010 by 74-26, all 26 voting against being Republicans. The change in the voting outcome compared to the 95-0 result in the 2003 SORT vote was dramatic. Using inductive frame analysis, this article analyzes committee hearings in the Senate Foreign Relations and the Armed Services committees in order to identify competing narratives defining individual senators’ positions on the ratification of the New START. Building on conceptual framework introduced by Walter Russel Mead (2002), it distinguishes four schools of thought: Jacksonian, Hamiltonian, Jeffersonian, and Wilsonian. The argumentation used in the hearings is deconstructed in order to understand the increase in opposition to the traditionally bipartisan nuclear arms control regime. The results reveal a factionalism in the Republican Party. The argumentationin opposition to ratification traces back to the Jacksonian school, whereas argumentation supporting the ratification traces back to Hamiltonian, Jeffersonian and Wilsonian traditions. According to opposition, the Obama administration was pursuing its idealistic goal of a world-without-nuclear-weapons and its misguided Russia reset policy by any means necessary – most importantly by compromising with Russia on U.S. European-based missile defense.
{"title":"Opposing the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty in the U.S. Congress: Ideological analysis of Senate Armed Services and Foreign Relations Committee Hearings","authors":"T. Mäkinen","doi":"10.22439/asca.v51i2.5974","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/asca.v51i2.5974","url":null,"abstract":"The United States Senate voted to ratify the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty with Russia in 2010 by 74-26, all 26 voting against being Republicans. The change in the voting outcome compared to the 95-0 result in the 2003 SORT vote was dramatic. Using inductive frame analysis, this article analyzes committee hearings in the Senate Foreign Relations and the Armed Services committees in order to identify competing narratives defining individual senators’ positions on the ratification of the New START. Building on conceptual framework introduced by Walter Russel Mead (2002), it distinguishes four schools of thought: Jacksonian, Hamiltonian, Jeffersonian, and Wilsonian. The argumentation used in the hearings is deconstructed in order to understand the increase in opposition to the traditionally bipartisan nuclear arms control regime. The results reveal a factionalism in the Republican Party. The argumentationin opposition to ratification traces back to the Jacksonian school, whereas argumentation supporting the ratification traces back to Hamiltonian, Jeffersonian and Wilsonian traditions. According to opposition, the Obama administration was pursuing its idealistic goal of a world-without-nuclear-weapons and its misguided Russia reset policy by any means necessary – most importantly by compromising with Russia on U.S. European-based missile defense.","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45172019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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