Pub Date : 2020-12-23DOI: 10.18778/2084-140x.10.12
R. Daskalov
The article is a brief and schematic presentation of the notion of a “master narrative” and of the master narrative of the Bulgarian Middle Ages, which is the subject a detailed book of mine in Bulgarian. This master narrative was constructed starting with what is known as “Romantic” historiography (from Monk Paisij’s “Istorija Slavjanobolgarskaja” [Slavonic-Bulgarian History] in 1762 to Vasil Aprilov’s writings in the first half of the nineteenth century) but it was elaborated especially with the development of “scientific” (or critical) historiography first by Marin Drinov (1838–1906) and mainly by the most significant Bulgarian historians from the “bourgeois” era: Vasil Zlatarski (1866–1935), Petăr Mutafčiev (1883–1943), and Petăr Nikov (1884–1938). Then it was interrupted by the (crude) Marxist counter-narrative of the late 1940s through the 1960s. Starting in the late 1960s there was a gradual return to the nationalism of the master national narrative, which reached a peak with the celebration of the 1,300th anniversary of the founding of the Bulgarian state in 1981. The same line continued after 1989 (stripped of the Marxist vulgata), yet some new tendencies appeared.
{"title":"Historical Master Narratives and the Master Narrative of the Bulgarian Middle Ages","authors":"R. Daskalov","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.10.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.10.12","url":null,"abstract":"The article is a brief and schematic presentation of the notion of a “master narrative” and of the master narrative of the Bulgarian Middle Ages, which is the subject a detailed book of mine in Bulgarian. This master narrative was constructed starting with what is known as “Romantic” historiography (from Monk Paisij’s “Istorija Slavjanobolgarskaja” [Slavonic-Bulgarian History] in 1762 to Vasil Aprilov’s writings in the first half of the nineteenth century) but it was elaborated especially with the development of “scientific” (or critical) historiography first by Marin Drinov (1838–1906) and mainly by the most significant Bulgarian historians from the “bourgeois” era: Vasil Zlatarski (1866–1935), Petăr Mutafčiev (1883–1943), and Petăr Nikov (1884–1938). Then it was interrupted by the (crude) Marxist counter-narrative of the late 1940s through the 1960s. Starting in the late 1960s there was a gradual return to the nationalism of the master national narrative, which reached a peak with the celebration of the 1,300th anniversary of the founding of the Bulgarian state in 1981. The same line continued after 1989 (stripped of the Marxist vulgata), yet some new tendencies appeared.","PeriodicalId":40873,"journal":{"name":"Studia Ceranea","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42658701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-23DOI: 10.18778/2084-140x.10.17
J. Kolbuszewska
This article aims to expand information on the life and academic career of a historian from Łódź, the co-founder of Polish post-war Byzantine studies – Halina Evert-Kappesowa. Based on student files preserved at the University of Warsaw, as well as employee and promotion records in the Archives of the University of Łódź, the author has established facts such as the date and place of Kappesowa’s birthday, subsequent stages of education and reasons for her delayed promotions. She has also addressed Evert-Kappesowa’s achievements and their reception. This paper provides vital additions to the debate on the contribution of female historians to the development of Polish history. The text consists of two parts; the first is devoted to the biography of the heroine and her research interests. The second concerns the course of her scientific career.
{"title":"Halina Evert-Kappesowa, (Co-)Founder of Post-War Polish Byzantine Studies","authors":"J. Kolbuszewska","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.10.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.10.17","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to expand information on the life and academic career of a historian from Łódź, the co-founder of Polish post-war Byzantine studies – Halina Evert-Kappesowa. Based on student files preserved at the University of Warsaw, as well as employee and promotion records in the Archives of the University of Łódź, the author has established facts such as the date and place of Kappesowa’s birthday, subsequent stages of education and reasons for her delayed promotions. She has also addressed Evert-Kappesowa’s achievements and their reception. This paper provides vital additions to the debate on the contribution of female historians to the development of Polish history. \u0000The text consists of two parts; the first is devoted to the biography of the heroine and her research interests. The second concerns the course of her scientific career.","PeriodicalId":40873,"journal":{"name":"Studia Ceranea","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44581307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-23DOI: 10.18778/2084-140x.10.03
C. Di Serio
In the long passage of De abstinentia, IV, 2–18, Porphyry mentions a series of “groups” (ἔθνη) as examples of abstinence from animal food: the ancient Greeks of the “golden age”, the Lacedaemonians of Lycurgus’ era, the Egyptian priests, the Essenes among the Jews, the Magi among the Persians and the gymnosophists among the Indians. Such an association does not seem at all accidental, since Porphyry refers to a tradition in which these communities have similar habits of life, including the prohibition of eating meat and drinking wine, sexual abstinence, absence of diseases and wars, separation from the civil sphere, devotion to the sacred. All these elements constitute the specific connotation of a human existence that evokes the “time of the origins”, substantially a paradisiac dimension, far from history. It is a deliberate symbolic shift. This brief research will investigate the reasons and the deep meaning of the connection based on utopian life traits.
{"title":"Utopian Elements in Porphyry’s De abstinentia","authors":"C. Di Serio","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.10.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.10.03","url":null,"abstract":"In the long passage of De abstinentia, IV, 2–18, Porphyry mentions a series of “groups” (ἔθνη) as examples of abstinence from animal food: the ancient Greeks of the “golden age”, the Lacedaemonians of Lycurgus’ era, the Egyptian priests, the Essenes among the Jews, the Magi among the Persians and the gymnosophists among the Indians. Such an association does not seem at all accidental, since Porphyry refers to a tradition in which these communities have similar habits of life, including the prohibition of eating meat and drinking wine, sexual abstinence, absence of diseases and wars, separation from the civil sphere, devotion to the sacred. All these elements constitute the specific connotation of a human existence that evokes the “time of the origins”, substantially a paradisiac dimension, far from history. It is a deliberate symbolic shift. This brief research will investigate the reasons and the deep meaning of the connection based on utopian life traits.","PeriodicalId":40873,"journal":{"name":"Studia Ceranea","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45712606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-23DOI: 10.18778/2084-140x.10.10
V. Stankova
This paper will focus on several sources from Scandinavia and the Balkans, and compare the types of genealogies portrayed in them – descent from gods, descent from another kind of supernatural being, descent from a legendary hero. The paper will examine the types of genealogies and the purpose they serve; how and why they were commissioned? Is there a difference in the establishment of the image of the ruler if the latter has descended from gods, legendary heroes, or a specific clan or dynasty? Does Christianity change the tradition of writing genealogies and the stories they retell? Are personal qualities enough to provide legitimate claims?
{"title":"Genealogy as a Method to Legitimise Rulership in Some Balkan and Scandinavian Sources","authors":"V. Stankova","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.10.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.10.10","url":null,"abstract":"This paper will focus on several sources from Scandinavia and the Balkans, and compare the types of genealogies portrayed in them – descent from gods, descent from another kind of supernatural being, descent from a legendary hero. The paper will examine the types of genealogies and the purpose they serve; how and why they were commissioned? Is there a difference in the establishment of the image of the ruler if the latter has descended from gods, legendary heroes, or a specific clan or dynasty? Does Christianity change the tradition of writing genealogies and the stories they retell? Are personal qualities enough to provide legitimate claims?","PeriodicalId":40873,"journal":{"name":"Studia Ceranea","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47384761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-23DOI: 10.18778/2084-140x.10.04
Aneta Dimitrova
John Chrysostom was not only one of the most prolific and influential authors of late antiquity but also a renown preacher, exegete, and public figure. His homilies and sermons combined the classical rhetorical craft with some vivid imagery from everyday life. He used descriptions, comparisons, and metaphors that were both a rhetorical device and a reference to the real world familiar to his audience. From 9th century onwards, many of Chrysostom’s works were translated into Old Church Slavonic and were widely used for either private or communal reading. Even if they had lost the spontaneity of the oral performance, they still preserved the references to the 4th-century City, to the streets and the homes in a distant world, transferred into the 10th-century Bulgaria and beyond. The article examines how some of these urban images were translated and sometimes adapted to the medieval Slavonic audience, how the realia and the figures of speech were rendered into the Slavonic language and culture. It is a survey on the reception of the oral sermon put into writing, and at the same time, it is a glimpse into the late antique everyday life in the Eastern Mediterranean.
{"title":"Translation and Transformation of John Chrysostom’s Urban Imagery into Old Church Slavonic","authors":"Aneta Dimitrova","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.10.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.10.04","url":null,"abstract":"John Chrysostom was not only one of the most prolific and influential authors of late antiquity but also a renown preacher, exegete, and public figure. His homilies and sermons combined the classical rhetorical craft with some vivid imagery from everyday life. He used descriptions, comparisons, and metaphors that were both a rhetorical device and a reference to the real world familiar to his audience. From 9th century onwards, many of Chrysostom’s works were translated into Old Church Slavonic and were widely used for either private or communal reading. Even if they had lost the spontaneity of the oral performance, they still preserved the references to the 4th-century City, to the streets and the homes in a distant world, transferred into the 10th-century Bulgaria and beyond. The article examines how some of these urban images were translated and sometimes adapted to the medieval Slavonic audience, how the realia and the figures of speech were rendered into the Slavonic language and culture. It is a survey on the reception of the oral sermon put into writing, and at the same time, it is a glimpse into the late antique everyday life in the Eastern Mediterranean.","PeriodicalId":40873,"journal":{"name":"Studia Ceranea","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44795357","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-23DOI: 10.18778/2084-140x.10.29
Ł. Różycki
T he reviewed book was written by Georgios Theotokis, a military historian who graduated from University of Glasgow, and is currently teaching history at the Ibn Haldun University in Turkey. The author belongs to a new generation of scholars dealing with the history of Byzantine warcraft, with particular focus on the reign of the Macedonian dynasty and on military theory. He has written two monographs, numerous well-received articles and has edited a number of collective works. It is worth emphasizing that although the 10th century is a rather popular period among Byzantine scholars, the reviewed piece is the first such comprehensive attempt to analyze the Byzantine tactics of the 10th century since the publishing of Eric McGeer’s work1. After a well-written methodological introduction, the author quickly moves on to the actual analysis in the chapter entitled The Grand Strategy of the Byzantine Empire, which is a clear reference to the controversial works by Edward N. Luttwak2. Fortunately, G. Theotokis does not try and prove the existence of any grand strategy planned for generations in advance, focusing rather on the strategic importance of the Empire’s eastern provinces. The first chapter also includes deliberations on the difference between tactics and strategy, and on the various attitudes to warfare adopted by mercenary forces, with a clear juxtaposition of the culture of bravery represented by west-
{"title":"Georgios Theotokis, Byzantine Military Tactics in Syria and Mesopotamia in the Tenth Century. A Comparative Study, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh 2018, pp. 348.","authors":"Ł. Różycki","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.10.29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.10.29","url":null,"abstract":"T he reviewed book was written by Georgios Theotokis, a military historian who graduated from University of Glasgow, and is currently teaching history at the Ibn Haldun University in Turkey. The author belongs to a new generation of scholars dealing with the history of Byzantine warcraft, with particular focus on the reign of the Macedonian dynasty and on military theory. He has written two monographs, numerous well-received articles and has edited a number of collective works. It is worth emphasizing that although the 10th century is a rather popular period among Byzantine scholars, the reviewed piece is the first such comprehensive attempt to analyze the Byzantine tactics of the 10th century since the publishing of Eric McGeer’s work1. After a well-written methodological introduction, the author quickly moves on to the actual analysis in the chapter entitled The Grand Strategy of the Byzantine Empire, which is a clear reference to the controversial works by Edward N. Luttwak2. Fortunately, G. Theotokis does not try and prove the existence of any grand strategy planned for generations in advance, focusing rather on the strategic importance of the Empire’s eastern provinces. The first chapter also includes deliberations on the difference between tactics and strategy, and on the various attitudes to warfare adopted by mercenary forces, with a clear juxtaposition of the culture of bravery represented by west-","PeriodicalId":40873,"journal":{"name":"Studia Ceranea","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42168479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-23DOI: 10.18778/2084-140x.10.28
T. Pełech
T he publication being reviewed is a result of the Symposium of Byzantine Studies held in Cardiff between 25 and 27 April 2014; the symposium was devoted to the subject of the emperor in the Byzantine world. Fergus Millar’s The Emperor in the Roman World (31 BC – AD 337)1 was a direct inspiration for the Symposium’s considerations because, as its editor claims, there is no equivalent in historiography with regard to the Byzantine emperors (p. 1)2. The presented volume is divided into five Parts that define the axis of the undertaken issues: (1) Dynasty: Imperial families; (2) The emperor’s men: Court and empire; (3) The emperor as ruler: Duties and ideals; (4) Imperial literature: Emperor as subject and author; and
{"title":"The Emperor in the Byzantine World. Papers from the Forty-Seventh Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, ed. Shaun Tougher, Routledge, New York–London 2019 [= Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies Publications, 21], 32 figures, index, pp. XXIII, 378.","authors":"T. Pełech","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.10.28","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.10.28","url":null,"abstract":"T he publication being reviewed is a result of the Symposium of Byzantine Studies held in Cardiff between 25 and 27 April 2014; the symposium was devoted to the subject of the emperor in the Byzantine world. Fergus Millar’s The Emperor in the Roman World (31 BC – AD 337)1 was a direct inspiration for the Symposium’s considerations because, as its editor claims, there is no equivalent in historiography with regard to the Byzantine emperors (p. 1)2. The presented volume is divided into five Parts that define the axis of the undertaken issues: (1) Dynasty: Imperial families; (2) The emperor’s men: Court and empire; (3) The emperor as ruler: Duties and ideals; (4) Imperial literature: Emperor as subject and author; and","PeriodicalId":40873,"journal":{"name":"Studia Ceranea","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48742329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-23DOI: 10.18778/2084-140x.10.11
S. Bralewski
Based on the testimony of emperor Constantine the Great himself, Eusebius of Caesarea presented a labarum in the form of crux dissimulata crowned with the Chi-Rho. The continuers of his Church History in the next century, Rufinus of Aquileia, Philostorgius, Socrates of Constantinople, and Sozomen, only kept the cross-shape of the banner, excluding the christogram. This might have happened because in two main sources informing about the vision of Constantine – the accounts of Eusebius of Caesarea and Lactantius – it was not only the monogram of Christ that played a significant role. The motif of the cross also appears in them, in the account of Eusebius directly, and Lactantius indirectly. Furthermore, Christians interpreted the cross explicitly as a sign of victory. Eusebius wrote about the cross as a symbol of immortality, a triumphant sign of Christ overcoming death. In the account of the bishop of Caesarea, on the other hand, Constantine’s supposed vision included a triumphal sign in the form of a luminous cross, or the symbol of the trophy of salvation. Numismatic evidence also cannot be ignored. Already during the reign of Constantine the Great, the Chi-Rho appeared on the coins both on the shields and on the labarum. However, starting from the reign of Constantius II, coins that were minted included the cross instead of the Chi-Rho on the labarum. It also began to be placed on the shields, in their central part, where the monogram of Christ used to be. Over time, the cross replaced the entire labarum. The iconography present on the coins may prove that the phenomenon of identifying the labarum or Chi-Rho with the cross was not limited to church historiography and was more widespread, although it should be remembered that coins continued to also be decorated with the letters Chi-Rho. Therefore, the representation of the cross did not replace this symbol. However, it cannot be ruled out that the increasingly common image of the cross on coins also contributed to the aforementioned perception of the labarum by church historians.
{"title":"The Labarum – from Crux Dissimulata and Chi-Rho to the Open Image Cross","authors":"S. Bralewski","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.10.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.10.11","url":null,"abstract":"Based on the testimony of emperor Constantine the Great himself, Eusebius of Caesarea presented a labarum in the form of crux dissimulata crowned with the Chi-Rho. The continuers of his Church History in the next century, Rufinus of Aquileia, Philostorgius, Socrates of Constantinople, and Sozomen, only kept the cross-shape of the banner, excluding the christogram. This might have happened because in two main sources informing about the vision of Constantine – the accounts of Eusebius of Caesarea and Lactantius – it was not only the monogram of Christ that played a significant role. The motif of the cross also appears in them, in the account of Eusebius directly, and Lactantius indirectly. Furthermore, Christians interpreted the cross explicitly as a sign of victory. Eusebius wrote about the cross as a symbol of immortality, a triumphant sign of Christ overcoming death. In the account of the bishop of Caesarea, on the other hand, Constantine’s supposed vision included a triumphal sign in the form of a luminous cross, or the symbol of the trophy of salvation. Numismatic evidence also cannot be ignored. Already during the reign of Constantine the Great, the Chi-Rho appeared on the coins both on the shields and on the labarum. However, starting from the reign of Constantius II, coins that were minted included the cross instead of the Chi-Rho on the labarum. It also began to be placed on the shields, in their central part, where the monogram of Christ used to be. Over time, the cross replaced the entire labarum. The iconography present on the coins may prove that the phenomenon of identifying the labarum or Chi-Rho with the cross was not limited to church historiography and was more widespread, although it should be remembered that coins continued to also be decorated with the letters Chi-Rho. Therefore, the representation of the cross did not replace this symbol. However, it cannot be ruled out that the increasingly common image of the cross on coins also contributed to the aforementioned perception of the labarum by church historians.","PeriodicalId":40873,"journal":{"name":"Studia Ceranea","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49301256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-23DOI: 10.18778/2084-140x.10.14
Y. Hristov, Valentin Kitanov
One can say without hesitation that during the highly dynamic medieval epoch rivalries and military clashes were of paramount importance in the struggles for dominance over the Balkan Peninsula. During the entire period, war-time activities included the capturing of those who had the misfortune to fall into the hands of the enemy. Various groups of soldiers and civilians alike have repeatedly tested the bitterness of captivity. Attempts to trace the fate of war-captives are, for understandable reasons, directly dependent on the data in the written records. The comparison of the various historical accounts is rather typical, even if the records deal with events that are different in time, place and participants. The present paper also compares two descriptions. This study encompasses two well-known historical accounts: the first one is from the chronicle (Synopsis historiarum) of John Skylitzes, while the second one is excerpted from Kritoboulos’ History of Mehmed the Conqueror. Despite all distinctions, there are some particular similarities. Both fragments concern the division of the spoils of war and the fate of the captured population and provide additional knowledge of the practices relating to prisoners of war in the Balkan medieval past.
{"title":"The Spoils of War “Divided into Three Parts”: A Comparison between Two Accounts in Skylitzes’ Synopsis historiarum and Kritoboulos’ History of Mehmed the Conqueror","authors":"Y. Hristov, Valentin Kitanov","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.10.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.10.14","url":null,"abstract":"One can say without hesitation that during the highly dynamic medieval epoch rivalries and military clashes were of paramount importance in the struggles for dominance over the Balkan Peninsula. During the entire period, war-time activities included the capturing of those who had the misfortune to fall into the hands of the enemy. Various groups of soldiers and civilians alike have repeatedly tested the bitterness of captivity. Attempts to trace the fate of war-captives are, for understandable reasons, directly dependent on the data in the written records. The comparison of the various historical accounts is rather typical, even if the records deal with events that are different in time, place and participants. The present paper also compares two descriptions. This study encompasses two well-known historical accounts: the first one is from the chronicle (Synopsis historiarum) of John Skylitzes, while the second one is excerpted from Kritoboulos’ History of Mehmed the Conqueror. Despite all distinctions, there are some particular similarities. Both fragments concern the division of the spoils of war and the fate of the captured population and provide additional knowledge of the practices relating to prisoners of war in the Balkan medieval past.","PeriodicalId":40873,"journal":{"name":"Studia Ceranea","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44871552","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-23DOI: 10.18778/2084-140x.10.27
T. Pełech
T he presented volume is edited by Yannis Stouraitis, a lecturer of Byzantine history at the University of Edinburgh, whose research interests lie in the social and cultural history of the Byzantine Empire from 6th to 13th century, especially focusing on the issues of Byzantine war ideology, identity and migration in the medieval Eastern Mediterranean1. The volume is divided in two parts, six chapters each, and preceded by an Introduction by Y. Stouraitis, who argues that the changes taking place in Byzantine warfare from Late Antiquity to ca. 1204 should be understood on a macro-structural scale (and provides the examples of the impact of the Germanic migrations of the 5th century; the Arab-Muslim expansion since the 7th century and 11th century Seljuk invasion) as a part of the phenomena of penetration and destabilization of the Byzantine’s political, social and cultural structures (p. 1–19). However, this is not a classic introduction to the presented topic, but actually a separate article. Part 1 entitled The Mentality of War is opened by Paul Stephenson’s chapter on the issue of the Byzantine theology of victory (p. 23–58).
{"title":"A Companion to the Byzantine Culture of War, ca. 300–1204, ed. Yannis Stouraitis, Brill, Leiden–Boston 2018 [= Brill’s Companions to the Byzantine World, 3], 6 maps, 3 figures, index, pp. X, 490.","authors":"T. Pełech","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.10.27","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.10.27","url":null,"abstract":"T he presented volume is edited by Yannis Stouraitis, a lecturer of Byzantine history at the University of Edinburgh, whose research interests lie in the social and cultural history of the Byzantine Empire from 6th to 13th century, especially focusing on the issues of Byzantine war ideology, identity and migration in the medieval Eastern Mediterranean1. The volume is divided in two parts, six chapters each, and preceded by an Introduction by Y. Stouraitis, who argues that the changes taking place in Byzantine warfare from Late Antiquity to ca. 1204 should be understood on a macro-structural scale (and provides the examples of the impact of the Germanic migrations of the 5th century; the Arab-Muslim expansion since the 7th century and 11th century Seljuk invasion) as a part of the phenomena of penetration and destabilization of the Byzantine’s political, social and cultural structures (p. 1–19). However, this is not a classic introduction to the presented topic, but actually a separate article. Part 1 entitled The Mentality of War is opened by Paul Stephenson’s chapter on the issue of the Byzantine theology of victory (p. 23–58).","PeriodicalId":40873,"journal":{"name":"Studia Ceranea","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44270973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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