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The Genocide and the Rising: Drama withstanding the past 种族灭绝和崛起:戏剧经受住了过去
Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-06-13 DOI: 10.13128/SIJIS-2239-3978-23319
Cláudia Parra
This essay proposes a comparative analysis of the plays Exile in the cradle (2003), by Lorne Shirinian, which dramatizes the Armenian genocide (1915), and The Patriot Game (1991), by Tom Murphy, which revives the Irish insurrection known as Easter Rising (1916), focusing on their female characters, who did not experience those events but still face their aftermath. When compared, besides the consideration about women and how they have been excluded from the traditional accounts, both texts reveal a dialogue with respect to resistance, national liberation and its implications for future generations. In this sense, revisionism may be also a form of overcoming unfortunate components and adjusting the understanding of the past.
本文对洛恩·希里尼安(Lorne Shirinian)的戏剧《流亡摇篮》(Exile in the cradle)(2003年)和汤姆·墨菲(Tom Murphy)的《爱国者游戏》(the Patriot Game)(1991年)进行了比较分析,前者将亚美尼亚种族灭绝戏剧化(1915年),后者再现了被称为复活节起义的爱尔兰起义(1916年)。相比之下,除了考虑到妇女以及她们如何被排除在传统叙述之外,这两个文本都揭示了关于抵抗、民族解放及其对后代的影响的对话。从这个意义上说,修正主义可能也是克服不幸成分和调整对过去的理解的一种形式。
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引用次数: 0
An Irish Diplomat Reports from Armenia, 1983 一位爱尔兰外交官从亚美尼亚发回的报道,1983年
Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-06-13 DOI: 10.13128/SIJIS-2239-3978-23318
Maurice J. Casey
In May 1983, Padraig Murphy, Irish ambassador to the Soviet Union from 1981-1985, travelled through the Soviet Republics of Georgia and Armenia on official visits. These trips were undertaken almost a decade after the Irish Minister of Foreign Affairs Garret Fitzgerald and his Soviet counterpart Andrei Gromyko agreed to exchange embassies between Dublin and Moscow in September 1973 – making the Republic of Ireland the last Western European nation to establish diplomatic relations with the USSR (Quinn 2014, 87). Murphy was the second Irish ambassador to Moscow, succeeding Ambassador Ned Brennan. Yet Irish-Soviet contacts have a longer history stretching back before the establishment of the Irish Free State itself (see, for example: ibidem; O’Connor 2004; Casey 2016a). Indeed, Murphy’s trip to Armenia was not even the first journey by an Irish emissary to a periphery republic of the Soviet Union. By comparing Murphy’s 1983 journey with an unusual precedent, the 1930 visit of Irish Republican David Fitzgerald to the Soviet Republic of Azerbaijan, we can establish a wide historical backdrop for the full report. In August 1930, David Fitzgerald, a veteran of the anti-Treaty side of the Irish Civil War, set out from London for Leningrad as a delegate of the Irish Friends of Soviet Russia1. During a six week journey, Fitzgerald and comrades such as the veteran suffragette Charlotte Despard and the artist Harry Kernoff, visited several Soviet cities including Baku in the Soviet Republic of Azerbaijan. Like Armenia, Azerbaijan was one of the original Soviet Republics which had the Red Flag raised above it as soon as Bolshevik victory in the Russian Civil War allowed them to take the Tsarist banner down. Fitzgerald certainly saw himself as an emissary of a government in the same mould as Murphy, though Fitzgerald’s government, the Second Dáil of the post-Treaty Republican tradition, was a continuation of the revolutionary Republican parliament of the self-proclaimed Irish Republic of 1921-1922 rather than an internationally recognised state.
1983年5月,1981年至1985年爱尔兰驻苏联大使帕德拉格·墨菲(padrag Murphy)进行正式访问,途经苏联共和国格鲁吉亚和亚美尼亚。1973年9月,爱尔兰外交部长加勒特·菲茨杰拉德(garrett Fitzgerald)和苏联外交部长安德烈·葛罗米柯(Andrei Gromyko)同意在都柏林和莫斯科之间交换大使馆,这使得爱尔兰共和国成为最后一个与苏联建立外交关系的西欧国家(Quinn 2014, 87)。墨菲是继内德·布伦南大使之后第二位爱尔兰驻莫斯科大使。然而,爱尔兰与苏联的接触历史更悠久,可以追溯到爱尔兰自由邦本身建立之前(例如,参见:ibidem;奥康纳2004;凯西2016)。事实上,墨菲的亚美尼亚之行甚至不是爱尔兰使者第一次访问苏联的外围共和国。通过将墨菲1983年的旅行与一个不同寻常的先例——1930年爱尔兰共和党人大卫·菲茨杰拉德对苏维埃阿塞拜疆共和国的访问——进行比较,我们可以为完整的报告建立一个广泛的历史背景。1930年8月,爱尔兰内战中反条约一方的老兵大卫·菲茨杰拉德(David Fitzgerald)作为苏俄爱尔兰之友的代表,从伦敦出发前往列宁格勒。在为期六周的旅行中,菲茨杰拉德和资深女权主义者夏洛特·德斯帕德(Charlotte Despard)和艺术家哈里·克诺夫(Harry Kernoff)等同志访问了包括阿塞拜疆共和国巴库在内的几个苏联城市。和亚美尼亚一样,阿塞拜疆也是最初的苏维埃加盟共和国之一,当布尔什维克在俄国内战中取得胜利,可以把沙皇的旗帜取下来时,它就升起了红旗。菲茨杰拉德当然认为自己是一个与墨菲相同模式的政府的使者,尽管菲茨杰拉德的政府是后条约共和制传统的第二Dáil,是1921-1922年自称为爱尔兰共和国的革命共和制议会的延续,而不是一个得到国际承认的国家。
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引用次数: 0
All hail the mob 全体欢呼暴徒
Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-06-13 DOI: 10.13128/SIJIS-2239-3978-23377
W. Wall
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引用次数: 0
The Duty and Pleasure of Memory: Constance Markievicz 记忆的责任与快乐:康斯坦斯·马基维茨
Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-06-13 DOI: 10.13128/SIJIS-2239-3978-23387
L. Salis
The year 2018 marks a hundred years since the proclamation of the Representation of the People Act and of the Qualification of Women Act by the UK Parliament. It also marks a hundred years since a woman – Constance Markievicz – was first elected in Westminster. A protagonist in the Irish fight for independence, serving almost five years in prisons in England and Ireland, Markievicz devoted her life to political and civil reforms. She became a member of the first Irish Parliament, and in 1919 was nominated Secretary for Labour, thus making also the first female Cabinet Minister in Europe. Women like her contributed to make history and were often the victors, but somehow became marginalised in official chronicles or went lost in the folds of time. Long trapped in the selective mechanisms of collective memory, these women are finally being acknowledged their fundamental role in the shaping of modern nations. Where Markievicz is concerned, the duty and pleasure of memory prompts the work of people engaged in reassessing and promoting her legacy. Two such examples are Olivia Crichton-Stuart, a great-great child of Markievicz’s, and Constance Cassidy-Walsh, since 2003 co-owner of Lissadell House, the Gore-Booths historical property, to which she and her family have since committed. What follows is an informal conversation with both.
2018年是英国议会颁布《人民代表法》和《妇女资格法》一百周年。这也标志着一位女性——康斯坦斯·马基维奇——首次在威斯敏斯特当选一百周年。Markievicz是爱尔兰争取独立斗争的主角,在英格兰和爱尔兰的监狱服刑近五年,她毕生致力于政治和民事改革。她成为第一届爱尔兰议会议员,并于1919年被提名为劳工部长,从而成为欧洲第一位女性内阁部长。像她这样的女性为创造历史做出了贡献,往往是胜利者,但不知何故,她们在官方编年史中被边缘化了,或者迷失在时间的褶皱中。长期以来,这些女性被困在集体记忆的选择性机制中,她们终于被承认在塑造现代国家中发挥着根本作用。就Markievicz而言,记忆的责任和乐趣促使人们重新评估和宣传她的遗产。两个这样的例子是奥利维亚·克莱顿·斯图尔特,她是马基维兹的曾孙,以及康斯坦斯·卡西迪·沃尔什,自2003年以来,她和家人共同拥有戈尔靴历史遗产利萨德尔之家,并承诺将其归为该遗产。下面是双方的非正式对话。
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引用次数: 1
In Place of a Foreword: Encounter with Éilís Ní Dhuibhne 代替前言:与Éilís Ní杜卜尼的相遇
Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-06-13 DOI: 10.13128/SIJIS-2239-3978-23388
G. Tallone
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引用次数: 0
How Deirdre and the Sons of Uisneac Took the GPO: Parody in James Stephens’s Deirdre (1923) 迪尔德雷和尤伊斯尼亚克之子如何获得GPO:詹姆斯·斯蒂芬斯的《迪尔德雷》(1923)中的模仿
Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-06-13 DOI: 10.13128/SIJIS-2239-3978-23383
Audrey Robitaillié
This article looks at the parodical aspects of James Stephens’s novel Deirdre , published in 1923. It uses Linda Hutcheon’s theoretical framework on parody to analyse how Stephens both follows the medieval tradition and the Revivalists, and distances his work from their influence. He breathes life into the age-old narrative of Deirdre by adding dialogues, psychological insights and humour to the story, but also by implicitly comparing the Sons of Uisneac to the Irish Volunteers of 1916. This serves to glorify the rebels, whom he had portrayed in his witness account The Insurrection in Dublin , but the depiction of the fratricidal fight at the court of Emain Macha at the end of the Deirdre legend also acts as a critique of the Irish civil war.
本文考察了詹姆斯·斯蒂芬斯1923年出版的小说《迪尔德丽》的讽刺性方面。它使用琳达·哈钦关于戏仿的理论框架来分析斯蒂芬斯如何既遵循中世纪传统又遵循文艺复兴派,并使他的作品远离他们的影响。他通过在故事中加入对话、心理洞察和幽默,为迪尔德丽的古老叙事注入了活力,同时也含蓄地将“尤斯尼亚克之子”与1916年的爱尔兰志愿军进行了比较。他在《都柏林起义》中描述了叛乱者,这是为了美化他们,但在《迪尔德雷传奇》的结尾,对Emain Macha宫廷中兄弟间自相残杀的描写也起到了批评爱尔兰内战的作用。
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引用次数: 0
A Nation Once Again? Continuità e discontinuità nel nazionalismo irlandese 一个国家又一次?爱尔兰民族主义的连续性和不连续
Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-06-13 DOI: 10.13128/SIJIS-2239-3978-23310
Carlo Maria Pellizzi
This essay is a brief overview of the different forms of Irish nationalism (or of nationalism in Ireland), from the Anglo-Norman invasion to the 20th century; from Gaelic proto-nationalism as a reaction to the first Angevin conquest, to the gradual affirmation of a powerful religious element during the Tudor re-conquest and the fast reformulation of identities in the conflicts of the 17th century; from the ironic Protestant colonists’ “Ascendency nationalism”in the 18th century, to the birth of the first form of post-French Revolution, post-Enlightenment modern democratic Republicanism at the end of that century; from the subsequent rise of a new but old constitutional brand to the different epiphanies of those two strands in the following decades, with Unionism as a third possible form. The continuity and discontinuity of the two main “currents” are considered, showing that there was always a continuum between the two.
本文简要概述了从盎格鲁-诺曼入侵到20世纪爱尔兰民族主义(或爱尔兰民族主义)的不同形式;从盖尔原始民族主义作为对第一次安杰文征服的反应,到都铎王朝重新征服期间对强大宗教元素的逐渐肯定,以及17世纪冲突中身份的快速重新确立;从18世纪具有讽刺意味的新教殖民者的“上升民族主义”,到19世纪末后法国大革命、启蒙运动后现代民主共和主义的第一种形式的诞生;从随后一个新的但旧的宪法品牌的兴起,到随后几十年这两股力量的不同顿悟,统一主义是第三种可能的形式。考虑到两股主要“潮流”的连续性和不连续性,表明两者之间始终存在连续性。
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引用次数: 0
L’Armenia moderna:rinascita nazionale e risorgimento mancato 现代亚美尼亚:民族复兴与失败的复兴
Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-06-13 DOI: 10.13128/SIJIS-2239-3978-23314
A. Ferrari
From the beginning of the 18th century up to the 1915 genocide, Armenian culture underwent a complex, intensive modernization process of a very ancient identity, strongly underpinned by Christianity. After centuries under Islamic domination, this process developed in the shape of a well-organized convergence with Europe as a primarily cultural, but also political model. “Rebirth” ( veracnund ) and “Awakening” ( zart’onk’ ) are the traditional keywords in a modernization process begun in the 18th century by the Christian humanism of the Mekhitarist Catholic Monastic Order in Venice and the “eccentric” enlightenment of the Indian colonies, continuing in the nineteenth and early 20th centuries by means of wide-ranging polycentric activity, which led to significant progress in the cultural field. However, this process could not evolve politically, mostly owing to an international situation that was opposed to Armenian national aspirations. Instead of a “Risorgimento” the Armenian people, during the 20th century, experienced the tragedy of genocide and the suffering of a diaspora, especially in the earlier stages. This negative situation was only partially softened by the setting up of a small independent republic in 1918, initially under a soviet type regime and now in a state of precarious independence.
从18世纪初到1915年的种族灭绝,亚美尼亚文化经历了一个复杂而密集的现代化过程,具有非常古老的身份,并得到了基督教的有力支持。在伊斯兰统治下的几个世纪后,这一进程发展成为一种组织良好的融合,欧洲主要是一种文化模式,但也是一种政治模式。“重生”(veracund)和“觉醒”(zart'onk',这导致了文化领域的重大进步。然而,这一进程在政治上无法发展,主要是由于国际局势与亚美尼亚的民族愿望背道而驰。20世纪,亚美尼亚人民经历了种族灭绝的悲剧和散居国外的人的痛苦,尤其是在早期阶段,而不是“狂欢节”。1918年建立了一个小型独立共和国,最初处于苏联式政权之下,现在处于岌岌可危的独立状态,这一消极局面只得到了部分缓解。
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引用次数: 1
Sir Roger Casement on the Ottomans and Armenians in Britain’s Great War 罗杰·卡斯门特爵士谈英国大战中的奥斯曼人和亚美尼亚人
Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-06-13 DOI: 10.13128/SIJIS-2239-3978-23373
Patrick Walsh
The paper explores the reasons why Sir Roger Casement, the internationally famous humanitarian and future central figure in the 1916 Rising, took the hostile attitude he did to the Armenian cause and why he regarded the presentation of the events of 1915 merely as war propaganda. Casement was a complex character and not just a simple nationalist opposing British policy in the world from an Irish Republican position. It is argued that whilst Casement’s transition from servant of Empire to Irish Republican anti-imperialist had an undoubted effect on his political stance, it was Casement’s view of the Great War, in representing the moral collapse of Liberalism, that most fundamentally determined his attitude to the Armenians and how he viewed the events of 1915.
本文探讨了罗杰·凯斯门特爵士,这位国际著名的人道主义者和1916年起义的未来核心人物,对亚美尼亚事业采取敌对态度的原因,以及为什么他认为1915年事件的呈现仅仅是战争宣传。凯斯门特是一个复杂的人物,而不仅仅是一个简单的民族主义者,站在爱尔兰共和党的立场上反对英国在世界上的政策。有人认为,虽然凯斯门特从帝国的仆人转变为爱尔兰共和派反帝国主义者,对他的政治立场无疑产生了影响,但凯斯门特对一战的看法,代表了自由主义的道德崩溃,最根本上决定了他对亚美尼亚人的态度,以及他对1915年事件的看法。
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引用次数: 1
“Our revenge will be to survive”: Two Irish Narrations of the Armenian Genocide “我们的复仇将是生存”:爱尔兰对亚美尼亚种族灭绝的两次叙述
Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-06-13 DOI: 10.13128/SIJIS-2239-3978-23375
D. Badin
The 1915-1922 Armenian Genocide has been the subject of memoirs and historical accounts, most of them written by diasporic Armenians, but, unlike the Shoah, has not inspired much creative literature. It is therefore the more surprising that the latest fictional accounts should come from Ireland. Anyush (2014), the novel of Limerick-born Martine Madden, and a film called The Promise (2015) by the Irish director Terry George, both tell moving and impossible love stories which are a thin pretext for eliciting empathy for the sufferings of the Armenians and fighting the lack of recognition of the genocide. While giving a graphic description of the abuses at the hands of Turkish soldiers and of the nightmarish journey of the deportees starved to death, decimated by epidemics and herded through mountains and deserts with no precise destination except death, the two authors evoke memories of similar past and present actions in the world intended to annihilate an ethnic group with its language and culture. Writing about one group resonates against the histories of the others, in a sort of mise en abyme of blind human violence and ethnic hatred. The interest of Madden and George in the historical facts concerning this large Christian minority of the Ottoman Empire, much as it was inspired by compassion and a desire to denounce this still unrecognized massacre, may be due to a special sensitivity to the suppression of identity linked to a nationalist reading of the history of Ireland and more particularly of the Great Famine.
1915年至1922年的亚美尼亚种族灭绝一直是回忆录和历史记录的主题,其中大部分是由流散的亚美尼亚人撰写的,但与大屠杀不同的是,它并没有激发出多少创造性的文学作品。因此,更令人惊讶的是,最新的虚构故事竟然来自爱尔兰。利默里克出生的马蒂娜·马登(Martine Madden)的小说《Anyush》(2014)和爱尔兰导演特里·乔治(Terry George)的电影《the Promise》(2015)都讲述了感人而又不可能的爱情故事,这些故事都是为了唤起人们对亚美尼亚人的苦难的同情,以及对种族灭绝缺乏认识的斗争。这两位作者生动地描述了土耳其士兵的虐待行为和被驱逐者的噩梦般的旅程,他们被饿死,被流行病摧残,被赶过山脉和沙漠,除了死亡之外没有确切的目的地,他们唤起了人们对过去和现在世界上类似的行动的记忆,这些行动旨在消灭一个拥有其语言和文化的民族。描写一个群体与其他群体的历史产生共鸣,这是一种盲目的人类暴力和种族仇恨的深渊。马登和乔治对奥斯曼帝国中这个庞大的基督教少数民族的历史事实的兴趣,很大程度上是出于同情和谴责这场至今仍未被承认的大屠杀的愿望,可能是由于一种特殊的敏感性,即对爱尔兰历史的民族主义解读,尤其是对大饥荒的解读,对身份的压制。
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引用次数: 0
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Studi irlandesi-A Journal of Irish Studies
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