Pub Date : 2018-01-01DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2018.16(1).3
Hui-Shan Lin
{"title":"Vowel hiatus resolution in kavalan","authors":"Hui-Shan Lin","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2018.16(1).3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2018.16(1).3","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71327299","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF CHINESE IMPERSONAL V-QILAI CONSTRUCTION","authors":"王 乾安, 吳 曉虹","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2018.16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2018.16","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71327290","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"INVESTIGATING THE ARGUMENT STRUCTURE OF HAKKA DISPOSAL CONSTRUCTIONS: A CASE STUDY OF DISPOSAL-AFFECTIVE JIONG IN SIXIAN HAKKA","authors":"Jui-Yi Zoey Chung","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2017.15(2).4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2017.15(2).4","url":null,"abstract":"本文探討非典處置「將」字句，展示處置-蒙受變換式中的論元引介策略。以製圖理論(cartographic approach)為本，繪製一幅地貌圖，一來捕捉其句法分佈和語義詮釋；二則清楚呈現「將」運用了兩類論元引介策略，輕動詞(light verb，Huang 1997；Lin 2001)以及施用中心語(applicative head，Pylkkanen 2002；McGinnis 2005)。前者運用於處置句式，後者構成蒙受句式，引介非典論元。本分析得以解釋「將」字句一系列的語法現象，反映了句法、語義之間緊密的對應性。更重要的提供跨語言比較平臺，觀察國語、客語以及台灣閩南語中論元引介策略，呈現高度句法語義相應關係。","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47873860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"SECOND LANGUAGE LEARNERS' USE OF GOOD-ENOUGH REPRESENTATION IN GRAMMATICAL PROCESSING","authors":"東伯 徐","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2017.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2017.15","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71327272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-07-01DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2016.14(2).3
S. Kong
This study examines the acquisition of thematic verbs in relation to adverbs and negation by adult third language French beginners who were advanced L2 English learners of L1 Chinese. Results from a grammaticality judgment test indicate that the L2 Status Factor Hypothesis of Bardel and Falk (2007), which views acquired L2 morphosyntax as the primary factor affecting syntactic development in initial L3 acquisition, provides a partial explanation of the observed behavior in which traces of L1 influence are apparent. We propose that, following Schwartz and Sprouse (1994), previously acquired linguistic knowledge constitutes transfer in early L3 development and that early L3 interlanguage grammars involve the use of alternative resources made available by Universal Grammar (UG) instead.
{"title":"THE THEMATIC VERB MOVEMENT IN INITIAL L3 FRENCH ACQUISITION","authors":"S. Kong","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2016.14(2).3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2016.14(2).3","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the acquisition of thematic verbs in relation to adverbs and negation by adult third language French beginners who were advanced L2 English learners of L1 Chinese. Results from a grammaticality judgment test indicate that the L2 Status Factor Hypothesis of Bardel and Falk (2007), which views acquired L2 morphosyntax as the primary factor affecting syntactic development in initial L3 acquisition, provides a partial explanation of the observed behavior in which traces of L1 influence are apparent. We propose that, following Schwartz and Sprouse (1994), previously acquired linguistic knowledge constitutes transfer in early L3 development and that early L3 interlanguage grammars involve the use of alternative resources made available by Universal Grammar (UG) instead.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-07-01DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2016.14(2).1
Shu-chen Ou
Three perceptual experiments were conducted to investigate the perception of English lexical stress with a marked nuclear pitch accent by native speakers of Taiwan Mandarin at the phonological and phonetic levels of processing. The stimuli were English disyllabic word pairs differing only in the position of the stress and in the morphosyntactic categories (e.g., PERmit (n.) vs. perMIT (v.)), presented for identification or discrimination. The general finding is that Mandarin-speaking learners of English performed in a native-like manner in the unmarked pitch accent context but not in the marked one. Further examination of their performance in the latter context revealed that while experienced learners failed to match the stress patterns with their morphosyntactic categories in the identification task, they could categorize them in the ABX task, which suggests that they were not phonologically deaf to stress. In contrast, inexperienced learners could not do the same, presumably deaf to stress at the phonological level. Yet, their sensitivity to both within- and across-category stress differences in the AX task indicates that they did not experience stress deafness at the phonetic level.
{"title":"PERCEPTION OF ENGLISH LEXICAL STRESS WITH A MARKED PITCH ACCENT BY NATIVE SPEAKERS OF MANDARIN","authors":"Shu-chen Ou","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2016.14(2).1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2016.14(2).1","url":null,"abstract":"Three perceptual experiments were conducted to investigate the perception of English lexical stress with a marked nuclear pitch accent by native speakers of Taiwan Mandarin at the phonological and phonetic levels of processing. The stimuli were English disyllabic word pairs differing only in the position of the stress and in the morphosyntactic categories (e.g., PERmit (n.) vs. perMIT (v.)), presented for identification or discrimination. The general finding is that Mandarin-speaking learners of English performed in a native-like manner in the unmarked pitch accent context but not in the marked one. Further examination of their performance in the latter context revealed that while experienced learners failed to match the stress patterns with their morphosyntactic categories in the identification task, they could categorize them in the ABX task, which suggests that they were not phonologically deaf to stress. In contrast, inexperienced learners could not do the same, presumably deaf to stress at the phonological level. Yet, their sensitivity to both within- and across-category stress differences in the AX task indicates that they did not experience stress deafness at the phonetic level.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-07-01DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2016.14(2).4
Abdullah Hamid Alhjouj
This paper aims at looking into some aspects of the developments of phonological and orthographic affricates in English. Some of the diachronic developments of this class of sounds in all three main periods of the history of the English language are scanned. The palatalisation of velar plosives in Old English and that of alveolar plosives in Middle English and Modern English played a key role in the introduction and development of affricates. Another source of affricates is loanwords, particularly from French in the era of Middle English. The number of the orthographic representations of the two affricate phonemes in Old English at the time of first introduction was noticeably small, but there was a significant increase in number in Middle and Modern English.
{"title":"ON THE PHONOLOGICAL AND ORTHOGRAPHIC DEVELOPMENTS OF AFFRICATES IN ENGLISH","authors":"Abdullah Hamid Alhjouj","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2016.14(2).4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2016.14(2).4","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims at looking into some aspects of the developments of phonological and orthographic affricates in English. Some of the diachronic developments of this class of sounds in all three main periods of the history of the English language are scanned. The palatalisation of velar plosives in Old English and that of alveolar plosives in Middle English and Modern English played a key role in the introduction and development of affricates. Another source of affricates is loanwords, particularly from French in the era of Middle English. The number of the orthographic representations of the two affricate phonemes in Old English at the time of first introduction was noticeably small, but there was a significant increase in number in Middle and Modern English.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-07-01DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2016.14(2).2
Pei-Jung Kuo
In this paper I examine Paul and Whitman's (2010) Raising Applicative Hypothesis for the Mandarin V-GEI double object construction. This hypothesis posits a single applicative projection which hosts both base-generated and raised applied NPs. Although this proposal is quite intriguing, I show that the major argument for the raising applicative proposal is not tenable. However, the IO-raising mechanism involved in the raising applicative proposal is still worth pursuing. Following Citko (2011), I then propose a revised low applicative analysis which imposes a light applicative projection in the Mandarin V-GEI double object construction. The revised structure not only captures all the relevant features examined in this paper for the Mandarin V-GEI double object construction, but also echoes the proposal by Soh (2005) who suggests the co-occurrence of a low applicative and a functional projection for the Mandarin double object construction.
{"title":"APPLICATIVE AND THE DOUBLE OBJECT CONSTRUCTION IN MANDARIN CHINESE","authors":"Pei-Jung Kuo","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2016.14(2).2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2016.14(2).2","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper I examine Paul and Whitman's (2010) Raising Applicative Hypothesis for the Mandarin V-GEI double object construction. This hypothesis posits a single applicative projection which hosts both base-generated and raised applied NPs. Although this proposal is quite intriguing, I show that the major argument for the raising applicative proposal is not tenable. However, the IO-raising mechanism involved in the raising applicative proposal is still worth pursuing. Following Citko (2011), I then propose a revised low applicative analysis which imposes a light applicative projection in the Mandarin V-GEI double object construction. The revised structure not only captures all the relevant features examined in this paper for the Mandarin V-GEI double object construction, but also echoes the proposal by Soh (2005) who suggests the co-occurrence of a low applicative and a functional projection for the Mandarin double object construction.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2016.14(1).1
Huei-Ling Lin
In addition to denoting disposal, ka in Taiwan Southern Min has other functions such as introducing goal, source, benefactive, and adversative. Like the disposal ka-construction, the ka NP in goal/source ka constructions is semantically related to the postverbal object. Compared with the disposal ka-construction, goal/source ka-constructions sometimes require one more postverbal argument. As for benefactive/adversative ka-constructions, they differ from the other ka-constructions in that the benefactive/adversative argument is often optional. This paper discusses the non-disposal ka constructions, and it argues that Lin's (2010) account of the disposal ka-construction can be applied to account for goal/source ka-constructions. The benefactive ka-construction and the adversative ka-construction are semantically related, and they also have the same structure. To sum up, among the four types of non-disposal ka construction, two of them (goal and source) are argued to have the same structure as that for a disposal ka-construction, and the benefactive/adversative ka-constructions have their own distinctive structure.
{"title":"NON-DISPOSAL KA IN TAIWAN SOUTHERN MIN *","authors":"Huei-Ling Lin","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2016.14(1).1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2016.14(1).1","url":null,"abstract":"In addition to denoting disposal, ka in Taiwan Southern Min has other functions such as introducing goal, source, benefactive, and adversative. Like the disposal ka-construction, the ka NP in goal/source ka constructions is semantically related to the postverbal object. Compared with the disposal ka-construction, goal/source ka-constructions sometimes require one more postverbal argument. As for benefactive/adversative ka-constructions, they differ from the other ka-constructions in that the benefactive/adversative argument is often optional. This paper discusses the non-disposal ka constructions, and it argues that Lin's (2010) account of the disposal ka-construction can be applied to account for goal/source ka-constructions. The benefactive ka-construction and the adversative ka-construction are semantically related, and they also have the same structure. To sum up, among the four types of non-disposal ka construction, two of them (goal and source) are argued to have the same structure as that for a disposal ka-construction, and the benefactive/adversative ka-constructions have their own distinctive structure.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326983","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：