{"title":"PREFACE--Stance Phenomena in Chinese: Diachronic, Discourse and Processing Perspectives","authors":"Foong Ha Yap, C. Lun","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2010.8(2).I","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2010.8(2).I","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2010-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326115","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines how the morpheme ya is used among native and non-native speakers of the Beijing dialect. It traces the development of ya from a lexical noun to a third person singular pronoun, initially with derogatory meaning, and then extending into a social identity marker signaling familiarity and intimacy. Evidence from both production and perception studies also shows that the use of ya has extended to other regions, with non-native uses of ya emerging in the process. In addition to native vs. non-native use, other factors also contribute to differences in the use of ya constructions. Among the factors identified in this study are age group, gender, and length of residency in Beijing.
{"title":"More Than Person Deixis: Uses of Ya (丫) among Native and Non-Native Beijingers","authors":"Z. Song","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2010.8(2).4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2010.8(2).4","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines how the morpheme ya is used among native and non-native speakers of the Beijing dialect. It traces the development of ya from a lexical noun to a third person singular pronoun, initially with derogatory meaning, and then extending into a social identity marker signaling familiarity and intimacy. Evidence from both production and perception studies also shows that the use of ya has extended to other regions, with non-native uses of ya emerging in the process. In addition to native vs. non-native use, other factors also contribute to differences in the use of ya constructions. Among the factors identified in this study are age group, gender, and length of residency in Beijing.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2010-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper identifies a number of different pathways that give rise to sentence final particles in Chinese. In particular, it focuses on a strategy referred to as 'clausal integration'. Diachronic evidence is given for the emergence of sentence final particles er yi yi and ye yi yi in Old Chinese. Additional examples are further provided from Early Modern Chinese and contemporary Chinese to show that the process of clausal integration is a highly robust, recursive process that gives rise to numerous pragmatic markers at the right periphery within the Chinese language, with possible implications for other languages as well.
{"title":"Clausal Integration and the Emergence of Mitigative and Adhortative Sentence-Final Particles in Chinese","authors":"Foong Ha Yap, Jiao Wang, Charles Lam","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2010.8(2).3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2010.8(2).3","url":null,"abstract":"This paper identifies a number of different pathways that give rise to sentence final particles in Chinese. In particular, it focuses on a strategy referred to as 'clausal integration'. Diachronic evidence is given for the emergence of sentence final particles er yi yi and ye yi yi in Old Chinese. Additional examples are further provided from Early Modern Chinese and contemporary Chinese to show that the process of clausal integration is a highly robust, recursive process that gives rise to numerous pragmatic markers at the right periphery within the Chinese language, with possible implications for other languages as well.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2010-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326317","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Studying political interviews and press conferences is significant as it may provide a special insight into the change in the policy of a country, and perhaps even the well-being of a society as a whole. Previous studies on broadcast interviews have identified adversarial questioning as an increasing and pervasive style in journalistic practice in the western world (Clayman and Heritage 2002a/b). The use of such adversarial style has emerged in Hong Kong-a metropolitan city deeply influenced by both Chinese and western cultures (Yip 2003). However, the general knowledge of how journalists treat public figures in other parts of the Chinese-speaking world remains relatively unknown. This study attempts to investigate the questioning and answering patterns, in particular adversarial questioning, in Chinese government press conferences which has thus far received little scholarly attention. Drawing on Clayman and Heritage's coding system for measuring adversarial questioning in U.S. press conferences (2002b), the current study examines the question-answer sequences based on a corpus of ten government press conferences held in mainland China, and aims to present a questioning format by showing any differences in the design of questions by Chinese journalists and their foreign counterparts. The study further explores the format of the response of Chinese officials typical of these events and some possible correlation between government officials' question-taking and their setting of the political agenda.
研究政治采访和新闻发布会是很重要的，因为它可以提供对一个国家政策变化的特殊见解，甚至可能是整个社会的福祉。先前对广播采访的研究表明，对抗性提问在西方世界的新闻实践中越来越普遍(Clayman and Heritage 2002a/b)。这种对抗性风格的使用在香港这个深受中西文化影响的大都市中已经出现(Yip 2003)。然而，在华语世界的其他地区，记者如何对待公众人物的一般知识仍然相对未知。本研究试图探讨中国政府新闻发布会上的提问和回答模式，特别是对抗性提问，这一模式迄今为止很少受到学术界的关注。利用Clayman和Heritage的编码系统来测量美国新闻发布会上的对抗性提问(2002b)，本研究基于中国大陆举行的十场政府新闻发布会的语料来检验问答序列，旨在通过展示中国记者和外国记者在提问设计上的任何差异来呈现提问格式。本研究进一步探讨了中国官员对这些事件的典型回应形式，以及政府官员的提问与其政治议程设置之间可能存在的某种关联。
{"title":"Adversarial Questioning and Answering Strategies in Chinese Government Press Conferences","authors":"Tingting Sun","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2010.8(2).5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2010.8(2).5","url":null,"abstract":"Studying political interviews and press conferences is significant as it may provide a special insight into the change in the policy of a country, and perhaps even the well-being of a society as a whole. Previous studies on broadcast interviews have identified adversarial questioning as an increasing and pervasive style in journalistic practice in the western world (Clayman and Heritage 2002a/b). The use of such adversarial style has emerged in Hong Kong-a metropolitan city deeply influenced by both Chinese and western cultures (Yip 2003). However, the general knowledge of how journalists treat public figures in other parts of the Chinese-speaking world remains relatively unknown. This study attempts to investigate the questioning and answering patterns, in particular adversarial questioning, in Chinese government press conferences which has thus far received little scholarly attention. Drawing on Clayman and Heritage's coding system for measuring adversarial questioning in U.S. press conferences (2002b), the current study examines the question-answer sequences based on a corpus of ten government press conferences held in mainland China, and aims to present a questioning format by showing any differences in the design of questions by Chinese journalists and their foreign counterparts. The study further explores the format of the response of Chinese officials typical of these events and some possible correlation between government officials' question-taking and their setting of the political agenda.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2010-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Based on the idea that cognitive processes play an important role in linguistic analysis, this paper focuses on two main issues. The first issue is concerned with the nature of the intertwined relations of the various meanings of the Chinese polysemous word xiang and how these different meanings are extended from the original meaning found in ancient Chinese texts. The relations between these meanings can be accounted for in terms of five cognitive processes: generalization, extendability across motive states, profile, metaphor, and change in the position of the perspective point, all of which constitute links within the semantic network of xiang. The second issue is concerned with why xiang has two opposite meanings, i.e., goal marker and source marker. It is proposed that the two opposite meanings result from a change in the position of the perspective point in a given schema. That is, by changing the perspective point from that of the starting point of the movement of the Figure to the endpoint of the movement, the Figure, which moves from the starting point to the endpoint, is changed from being seen as leaving the observer to being seen as getting closer to the observer.
{"title":"The Meaning Extension of Xiang and Its Polysemy Network","authors":"Mei-Hsiu Chen, J. Chang","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2010.8(2).1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2010.8(2).1","url":null,"abstract":"Based on the idea that cognitive processes play an important role in linguistic analysis, this paper focuses on two main issues. The first issue is concerned with the nature of the intertwined relations of the various meanings of the Chinese polysemous word xiang and how these different meanings are extended from the original meaning found in ancient Chinese texts. The relations between these meanings can be accounted for in terms of five cognitive processes: generalization, extendability across motive states, profile, metaphor, and change in the position of the perspective point, all of which constitute links within the semantic network of xiang. The second issue is concerned with why xiang has two opposite meanings, i.e., goal marker and source marker. It is proposed that the two opposite meanings result from a change in the position of the perspective point in a given schema. That is, by changing the perspective point from that of the starting point of the movement of the Figure to the endpoint of the movement, the Figure, which moves from the starting point to the endpoint, is changed from being seen as leaving the observer to being seen as getting closer to the observer.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2010-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326291","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the grammaticalization of the verbal particle maai in Cantonese. 1 Originally a verb of movement meaning ‘approach/get close to’ a reference point, maai has undergone grammaticalization to become a directional particle meaning ‘towards’. It then developed into an additive quantifier meaning ‘also/as well’, and has further been reinterpreted as an evaluative marker, marking the speaker’s negative evaluation of the object of the verb to which maai is suffixed. A number of pragmatic processes are involved in maai’s grammaticalization, in particular pragmatic inferencing and subjectification. The evolutionary pathway ‘addition’ > ‘subjective evaluation’ is attested by historical data and is also supported by cross-linguistic evidence.
{"title":"INCLUSION OF THE OUTSIDER - GRAMMATICALIZATION OF THE VERBAL PARTICLE MAAI IN CANTONESE","authors":"W. Chor","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2010.8(2).2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2010.8(2).2","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the grammaticalization of the verbal particle maai in Cantonese. 1 Originally a verb of movement meaning ‘approach/get close to’ a reference point, maai has undergone grammaticalization to become a directional particle meaning ‘towards’. It then developed into an additive quantifier meaning ‘also/as well’, and has further been reinterpreted as an evaluative marker, marking the speaker’s negative evaluation of the object of the verb to which maai is suffixed. A number of pragmatic processes are involved in maai’s grammaticalization, in particular pragmatic inferencing and subjectification. The evolutionary pathway ‘addition’ > ‘subjective evaluation’ is attested by historical data and is also supported by cross-linguistic evidence.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2010-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326309","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the first part, I provide some data of secondary predicates in English and Mandarin on consequence-depictives (SUBJ-oriented) and resultatives (OBJ-oriented), which adopt an intransitive verb/adjective for their secondary predicate. In the second half, I present an account of the linking issue on ”resultative” compound predicates in Mandarin Chinese, building on the LFG/LMT work of Her (2007), who assumed that the argument structures of each predicate merge to give a composite structure, which determines whether a resultative sentence is semantically causative or not, and from which the arguments link to grammatical functions. I argue here that the facts require a more articulated semantics, for unlike Her's analysis, the determination of causativity and the linking of the arguments of the two predicates is fully an issue of semantics; specifically, I argue that there are two types of secondary predicates in terms of their semantics, namely those with internally- and externally-caused changes of state (see Levin and Rappaport Hovav: 1995, McKoon and Macfarland: 2000), which are respectively ”indirect-causative” and ”direct-causative”; causativity should be categorised into three types, non-causative, indirect-causative, and direct causative. I further argue that the argument undergoing internally-caused change always links to Actor and that the one undergoing externally-caused change (a truly ”affected” argument) always links to Undergoer.
在第一部分中，我提供了英语和汉语中使用不及物动词/形容词作为副谓语的结果描述语(主语导向)和结果句(宾语导向)的数据。在第二部分，我基于她(2007)的LFG/LMT工作，介绍了汉语普通话中“结果”复合谓语的连接问题，她假设每个谓语的论点结构合并形成一个复合结构，该结构决定了结果句是否在语义上是使役的，并从该结构中连接到语法功能。我在这里认为，事实需要更清晰的语义，因为与赫尔的分析不同，因果关系的确定和两个谓词的论证的联系完全是一个语义问题;具体来说，我认为从语义上讲，二级谓词有两种类型，即具有内因和外因状态变化的谓词(参见Levin and Rappaport Hovav: 1995, McKoon and Macfarland: 2000)，它们分别是“间接致因”和“直接致因”;使役可分为三种类型:非使役、间接使役和直接使役。我进一步论证，经历内因变化的论证总是与行动者联系在一起，而经历外因变化的论证(一个真正“受影响的”论证)总是与接受者联系在一起。
{"title":"Mandarin Secondary Predicates","authors":"R. Shibagaki","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2010.8(1).3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2010.8(1).3","url":null,"abstract":"In the first part, I provide some data of secondary predicates in English and Mandarin on consequence-depictives (SUBJ-oriented) and resultatives (OBJ-oriented), which adopt an intransitive verb/adjective for their secondary predicate. In the second half, I present an account of the linking issue on ”resultative” compound predicates in Mandarin Chinese, building on the LFG/LMT work of Her (2007), who assumed that the argument structures of each predicate merge to give a composite structure, which determines whether a resultative sentence is semantically causative or not, and from which the arguments link to grammatical functions. I argue here that the facts require a more articulated semantics, for unlike Her's analysis, the determination of causativity and the linking of the arguments of the two predicates is fully an issue of semantics; specifically, I argue that there are two types of secondary predicates in terms of their semantics, namely those with internally- and externally-caused changes of state (see Levin and Rappaport Hovav: 1995, McKoon and Macfarland: 2000), which are respectively ”indirect-causative” and ”direct-causative”; causativity should be categorised into three types, non-causative, indirect-causative, and direct causative. I further argue that the argument undergoing internally-caused change always links to Actor and that the one undergoing externally-caused change (a truly ”affected” argument) always links to Undergoer.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2010-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper serves as an investigation into the differences between interrogative sentence-final particles (SFPs) and tag questions (tags) in Taiwanese. What we are concerned with is the discrepancies found among the lists of interrogative SFPs in the literature. To distinguish tags from the interrogative particles (PRTs), a testing procedure is devised based on the proposal for testing negative particles (NEG-PRTs) in Hsieh (2001). We conclude that buē, bē, bo, m, honn, (average)m, ma, nih are interrogative SFPs and hioo, m-me (me), sī-bo, sī-(average)m (sim) and sioh are tag questions. Among the interrogative SFPs, buē, bē, bo, and m are negative-particles which occur under IP, honn, (average)m, ma, and nih are particles which perch higher, under CP. We believe that distinguishing SFPs from tags is the foundation of a solid investigation into SFPs.
本文旨在探讨台湾语疑问句末助词与附加疑问句的差异。我们所关心的是在文献中疑问性SFPs列表中发现的差异。为了区分标签和疑问句粒子(prt)，基于Hsieh(2001)提出的测试阴性粒子(neg - prt)的建议，设计了一个测试程序。结果表明，buue、bue、bo、m、honn、(average)m、ma、nih为疑问句，hioo、m-me (me)、s -bo、s -(average)m (sim)和sioh为附加疑问句。在疑问句SFPs中，buu, bu, bo和m是IP下的负粒子，honn，(平均)m, ma和nih是CP下较高的粒子。我们认为区分SFPs和标签是对SFPs进行扎实研究的基础。
{"title":"Excising Tags: Distinguishing between Interrogative SFPs and Tag Questions in Taiwanese","authors":"Seng-hian Lau","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2010.8(1).1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2010.8(1).1","url":null,"abstract":"This paper serves as an investigation into the differences between interrogative sentence-final particles (SFPs) and tag questions (tags) in Taiwanese. What we are concerned with is the discrepancies found among the lists of interrogative SFPs in the literature. To distinguish tags from the interrogative particles (PRTs), a testing procedure is devised based on the proposal for testing negative particles (NEG-PRTs) in Hsieh (2001). We conclude that buē, bē, bo, m, honn, (average)m, ma, nih are interrogative SFPs and hioo, m-me (me), sī-bo, sī-(average)m (sim) and sioh are tag questions. Among the interrogative SFPs, buē, bē, bo, and m are negative-particles which occur under IP, honn, (average)m, ma, and nih are particles which perch higher, under CP. We believe that distinguishing SFPs from tags is the foundation of a solid investigation into SFPs.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2010-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, I discuss the legitimacy of positing a Transitivity Projection (=TrP cf. Bowers 1993, 1997, 2001 and 2002) in the BA construction in Mandarin Chinese. BA has been proposed to be a semantically-bleached verb, inserted in the v position (Huang 1997 and Lin 2001). Several pieces of evidence such as manner adverbial placement (cf. Huang, Li and Li 2009) and GEI-insertion (cf. Tang 2001) indicate that there must be a functional projection between the vP and VP to host the BA NP. I propose that a TrP is probably the most apt candidate for the XP. I also argue, in contrast to the proposal by Huang, Li and Li (2009), that the present proposal which employs a TrP captures most of the properties of the BA construction. A comparison with the structure of the BEI construction also shows that the TrP proposal fits into the general picture of current linguistic theory on transitive constructions without extra stipulations.
在本文中，我讨论了在普通话BA结构中设置及物性投影的合法性(=TrP cf. Bowers 1993,1997,2001和2002)。BA被认为是一个语义漂白的动词，插入到v的位置(Huang 1997和Lin 2001)。方式状语放置(cf. Huang, Li and Li 2009)和gei插入(cf. Tang 2001)等证据表明，副语和副语之间必须有一个功能投射来承载BA NP。我认为TrP可能是XP最合适的候选。我还认为，与Huang, Li和Li(2009)的建议相反，目前采用TrP的建议抓住了BA结构的大部分属性。与BEI构式的结构对比也表明，TrP的建议符合目前语言学关于及物构式的总体理论，没有额外的规定。
{"title":"Transitivity and the BA Construction","authors":"Pei-Jung Kuo","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2010.8(1).4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2010.8(1).4","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I discuss the legitimacy of positing a Transitivity Projection (=TrP cf. Bowers 1993, 1997, 2001 and 2002) in the BA construction in Mandarin Chinese. BA has been proposed to be a semantically-bleached verb, inserted in the v position (Huang 1997 and Lin 2001). Several pieces of evidence such as manner adverbial placement (cf. Huang, Li and Li 2009) and GEI-insertion (cf. Tang 2001) indicate that there must be a functional projection between the vP and VP to host the BA NP. I propose that a TrP is probably the most apt candidate for the XP. I also argue, in contrast to the proposal by Huang, Li and Li (2009), that the present proposal which employs a TrP captures most of the properties of the BA construction. A comparison with the structure of the BEI construction also shows that the TrP proposal fits into the general picture of current linguistic theory on transitive constructions without extra stipulations.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2010-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326276","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper presents phonetic evidence to resolve the transcription disagreement concerning the syllable-final nasal shift in the variety of Mandarin spoken in Taiwan. In the word reading experiment, three judges agreed that the rhyme /iŋ/ undergoes a sound change, but they perceived the nasal coda shift differently. Two of them transcribed it as a modification from /iŋ/ to /in/, whereas the other asserted that the velar nasal disappears with its preceding vowel nasalized. In order to resolve this transcription conflict, this study analyzes the acoustic attributes of the speculative sound alterations in question, including /in/, /iŋ/, /i/ and /ĩ/. The phonetic analysis indicates that the Taiwanese participants do not nasalize the preceding vowel deleting the nasal coda but they tend to pronounce the post-vocalic velar nasal as its dental counterpart. This study concludes by discussing the implications of the synchronic variation for the theories of the nasal coda shift in Chinese dialects.
{"title":"Phonetic Evidence for the Nasal Coda Shift in Mandarin","authors":"James H. Yang","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2010.8(1).2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2010.8(1).2","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents phonetic evidence to resolve the transcription disagreement concerning the syllable-final nasal shift in the variety of Mandarin spoken in Taiwan. In the word reading experiment, three judges agreed that the rhyme /iŋ/ undergoes a sound change, but they perceived the nasal coda shift differently. Two of them transcribed it as a modification from /iŋ/ to /in/, whereas the other asserted that the velar nasal disappears with its preceding vowel nasalized. In order to resolve this transcription conflict, this study analyzes the acoustic attributes of the speculative sound alterations in question, including /in/, /iŋ/, /i/ and /ĩ/. The phonetic analysis indicates that the Taiwanese participants do not nasalize the preceding vowel deleting the nasal coda but they tend to pronounce the post-vocalic velar nasal as its dental counterpart. This study concludes by discussing the implications of the synchronic variation for the theories of the nasal coda shift in Chinese dialects.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2010-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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