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Afterword: The Turkish 1960s in Comparative Perspective 后记:比较视野中的土耳其20世纪60年代
4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-27 DOI: 10.1163/18775462-01202004
Hamit Bozarslan
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引用次数: 0
Anti-Imperialism and Kemalism in Turkey’s Long Sixties: Mahir Çayan’s Theory of Revolution in Context 土耳其漫长六十年代的反帝国主义与凯末尔主义:语境中的马希尔Çayan革命理论
4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-27 DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10023
Erol Ülker
This article aims to reassess the evolution of Mahir Çayan’s theory of uninterrupted revolution in the context of the radical ideological currents of the long sixties in Turkey. It concentrates on Çayan’s relations with the National Democratic Revolution (Milli Demokratik Devrim, mdd) movement that enjoyed a considerable degree of political and ideological authority over the youth movements starting in the second half of the 1960s. The article discusses how Çayan interpreted and attempted to revise the theory of national democratic revolution by reference to the changing characteristics of imperialism and colonial domination. Consideration is given to Çayan’s critical approach towards the role of Kemalists in the anti-imperialist bloc to be formed.
本文旨在重新评估马希尔·恰扬不间断革命理论在土耳其60年代激进意识形态潮流背景下的演变。它集中于恰扬与全国民主革命(Milli Demokratik Devrim,mdd)运动的关系,该运动在政治和意识形态上对20世纪60年代后半叶开始的青年运动享有相当大的权威。本文论述了恰扬如何参照帝国主义和殖民统治不断变化的特点来解释和试图修正民族民主革命理论。考虑到恰扬对凯末尔主义者在即将成立的反帝国主义集团中的作用的批判态度。
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引用次数: 0
Ömer Turan (ed.), 1968: İsyan, Devrim, Özgürlük
4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-27 DOI: 10.1163/18775462-01202006
Burak Özçetin
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引用次数: 0
Women of ’68 and Their Experiences of Bargaining With Patriarchy 1968年的女性和她们与父权制讨价还价的经历
4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-27 DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10027
Zeynep Beşpinar
The main objective of this article is to elaborate on the narratives of women who were in leading positions in the ’68 student movement in Turkey and to grasp their experiences and strategies of bargaining with patriarchy. The analysis is based on six selected in-depth interviews I conducted in 2004 with prominent women figures of the movement. By using the theoretical framework offered by the works of Deniz Kandiyoti and Ayşe Durakbaşa, I make a comparison between the women of ’68 and the previous generation, namely the “daughters of the Republic”, in terms of their values, norms and relational patterns. Furthermore, I exhibit the continuities and discontinuities in strategies of bargaining with patriarchy between these two generations of women. Finally, I evaluate the change they triggered in the construction of womanhood and their impact on the next generations of women.
本文的主要目的是阐述在68年土耳其学生运动中担任领导职务的女性的故事,并掌握她们与父权制讨价还价的经验和策略。该分析基于我在2004年对该运动的知名女性人物进行的六次精选的深入采访。利用Deniz Kandiyoti和Ayşe Durakbaşa的理论框架,我将68年的女性与上一代“共和国的女儿”在价值观、规范和关系模式方面进行了比较。此外,我展示了这两代女性在与父权制谈判的策略上的连续性和不连续性。最后,我评估了她们在女性结构中引发的变化及其对下一代女性的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Left Movements and the Army in Turkey (1961–71): The Case of the Yön-Devrim Movement 土耳其的左翼运动和军队(1961-71):Yön-Devrim运动的案例
4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-27 DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10024
M. Şener
Turkey’s long sixties started with a military coup (May 27, 1960) and ended with another military coup (March 12, 1971). During this period, there was an explosion in the number of radical left and socialist movements in Turkey. One of the leading left movements of the period was the Yön-Devrim movement. The most distinctive feature of this movement was the special role it placed on the military in the transition to socialism. In this article, we will focus on the relationship between the military and left/socialist politics during this period. To this end, we will examine the Yön-Devrim movement, specifically their approach to the military. In particular, we will examine why this movement imposed a “progressive” mission on the military, what kind of a transition a possible military coup would provide for socialism, and what role they envisioned for the army, and the bureaucracy in general, in the class struggle.
土耳其漫长的六十年代始于一场军事政变(1960年5月27日),结束于另一场军事军事政变(1971年3月12日)。在此期间,土耳其激进左翼和社会主义运动的数量激增。这一时期最主要的左翼运动之一是Yön-Devrim运动。这场运动最显著的特点是在向社会主义过渡的过程中赋予军队特殊的作用。在这篇文章中,我们将关注这一时期军队与左翼/社会主义政治之间的关系。为此,我们将研究Yön-Devrim运动,特别是他们对军事的态度。特别是,我们将研究为什么这场运动将“进步”使命强加给军队,一场可能的军事政变将为社会主义提供什么样的过渡,以及他们设想军队和整个官僚机构在阶级斗争中扮演什么角色。
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引用次数: 0
“Turkey Will Be a Second France, Unless Our Demands Are Satisfied”: The Turkish Student Movement in the Long 1960s “土耳其将成为第二个法国,除非我们的要求得到满足”:20世纪60年代漫长的土耳其学生运动
4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-27 DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10021
Nikos Christofis
The transnational phenomenon that was “1968” was felt keenly around the globe with direct and virtually immediate impact. Turkey stands as a clear example, wherein the development and dynamism of the “Western” student movement had an immediate impact and shaped developments unfolding in Turkey at the time. As elsewhere in the world, “1968” did not hit Turkey out of thin air. The “1968 generation,” and the student movement in general, was mainly Kemalist, one of the significant characteristics that differentiated it from others. It first emerged as a student movement focused on reform within the university system, but toward the end of the 1960s, it evolved into a revolutionary movement, eventually deploying revolutionary violence from 1971–72.
“1968年”的跨国现象在全球范围内都能敏锐地感受到,产生了直接的、几乎是立竿见影的影响。土耳其就是一个明显的例子,“西方”学生运动的发展和活力对当时土耳其的发展产生了直接影响和影响。和世界其他地方一样,《1968》并不是无中生有地袭击了土耳其。“1968一代”,以及总体上的学生运动,主要是凯末尔主义者,这是将其与其他人区分开来的重要特征之一。它最初是一场以大学制度改革为中心的学生运动,但在20世纪60年代末,它演变成一场革命运动,最终在1971年至1972年期间发动了革命暴力。
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引用次数: 1
The New Left in Turkey’s Long Sixties: The Kurdish ’68ers and the Workers’ Party of Turkey 土耳其漫长六十年代的新左派:库尔德68年代与土耳其工人党
4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-27 DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10026
Azat Zana Gündoğan
Global 1968 stood in opposition to the two major social movements of the previous two centuries, namely the nationalist movements and the old left. Turkey entered into this epoch as a Third World country with a record of broken promises to various social groups, including the Kurds. This article focuses on the Kurdish ’68ers who protested the systematic oppression, exploitation, and forced assimilation of the Kemalist Republic through new action repertoires and organizational capabilities. It explores their particular subjectivity and agency and analyzes their unlikely alliance with the Workers’ Party of Turkey (tİp). The article’s overarching argument is that the Turkish left’s historical burden of nation-state centrism and a Turkish national identity determined the failure of the New Left in Turkey. In contrast, the Kurdish left was able to carry on the legacy of the New Left and the ’68ers today because of the said historical subjectivity and agency.
1968年全球运动与前两个世纪的两大社会运动,即民族主义运动和老左派运动,是对立的。土耳其作为一个第三世界国家进入了这个时代,它对包括库尔德人在内的各种社会群体的承诺都没有兑现。本文关注的是库尔德68人,他们通过新的行动纲领和组织能力抗议凯末尔共和国的系统性压迫、剥削和强迫同化。它探讨了他们特殊的主体性和能动性,并分析了他们与土耳其工人党(tİp)不太可能的联盟。这篇文章的主要论点是,土耳其左翼的民族国家中心主义和土耳其民族认同的历史负担决定了新左派在土耳其的失败。相比之下,库尔德左翼今天能够继承新左派和68年代人的遗产,是因为上述的历史主体性和能动性。
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引用次数: 0
Leaving Home, Claiming the Street: Exploring Women’s Challenges in Turkey’s ’68 Movement 离开家,走上街头:探索土耳其六八运动中女性的挑战
4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-27 DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10019
Selda Tuncer, İnan Özdemir Taştan
Despite worldwide interest in the history of the sixties—particularly in 1968—gender as a category of analysis has received little attention in the majority of academic research about them. Most national historiographies of ’68 have disregarded women’s political actions and their struggles with the gendered political culture. Like its counterparts, Turkey’s ’68 experience was also strongly gendered male. Given the underrepresentation of female historical agency and political subjectivity in the scholarship on 1968, this article aims to explore women’s accounts of Turkey’s ’68 experience with a particular focus on their struggles in leaving home and getting involved in political life.
尽管全世界都对60年代的历史感兴趣,尤其是在1968年,但在大多数关于性别的学术研究中,性别作为一个分析类别几乎没有受到关注。68年的大多数国家历史记录都忽视了女性的政治行为以及她们与性别政治文化的斗争。和其他国家一样,土耳其68年的经历也是强烈的男性化。鉴于女性历史能动性和政治主体性在1968年学术研究中的代表性不足,本文旨在探讨女性对土耳其68年经历的描述,特别关注她们在离家和参与政治生活中的斗争。
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引用次数: 0
The ’68 Movements around the World and in Turkey: One Movement or Many? 68年世界各地和土耳其的运动:一个运动还是多个运动?
4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-27 DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10022
Ömer Turan
The student movement of ’68 was both a major source of inspiration and subject of research for the social movement scholars. One persistent disagreement about studying ’68 lies between the world-system theory—Wallerstein views the movement as “a single revolution”—and the contentious politics approach—McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly refuse to consider ’68 “one grand movement.” Expanding this theoretical debate, this article overviews Turkey’s ’68 movement and discusses its divergence from the global movement. Wallerstein summarizes “the single revolution” of ’68 with five points: challenging US hegemony, working-class solidarity, demanding education reform, counter-culture, and challenging the old left. This article revisits these points and cross-reads them with insights of the contentious politics approach to evaluate Turkey’s ’68 movement. It then focuses on mobilizing structures, framing processes, and repertoires of contention that have shaped student activism.
1968年的学生运动是社会运动学者的主要灵感来源和研究对象。关于1968年的研究,一个持久的分歧在于世界体系理论——沃勒斯坦认为这场运动是“一场单一的革命”——和有争议的政治方法——麦克亚当、塔罗和蒂利拒绝将1968年视为“一场伟大的运动”。本文扩展了这一理论辩论,概述了土耳其的68运动,并讨论了它与全球运动的分歧。沃勒斯坦将1968年的“单一革命”总结为五点:挑战美国霸权,工人阶级团结,要求教育改革,反文化,挑战旧左派。本文回顾了这些观点,并将其与有争议的政治方法的见解交叉阅读,以评估土耳其的68运动。然后,它将重点放在动员结构、框架过程和形成学生行动主义的争论上。
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引用次数: 0
Poetry, Rock ’n’ Roll, and Cinema in Turkey’s 1960s 土耳其20世纪60年代的诗歌、摇滚和电影
4区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-27 DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10028
K. Sharpe
Using developments in poetry, music, and cinema as case studies, this article examines the relationship between left-wing politics and cultural production during the long 1960s in Turkey. Intellectual and artistic pursuits flourished alongside trade unionism, student activism, peasant organizing, guerrilla movements. This article explores the convergences between militants and artists, arguing for the centrality of culture in the social movements of the period. It focuses on three revealing debates: between the modernist İkinci Yeni poets and young socialist poets, between left-wing protest rockers and supporters of folk music, and between proponents of radical art film and those of cinematic “social realism”.
本文以诗歌、音乐和电影的发展为个案研究,考察了20世纪60年代土耳其左翼政治与文化生产之间的关系。知识分子和艺术追求与工会主义、学生活动主义、农民组织、游击运动一起蓬勃发展。本文探讨了激进分子和艺术家之间的趋同,认为文化在这一时期的社会运动中处于中心地位。它聚焦于三场揭示性的辩论:现代主义伊金奇·耶尼诗人和年轻的社会主义诗人之间,左翼抗议摇滚歌手和民间音乐支持者之间,以及激进艺术电影的支持者和电影“社会现实主义”的支持者之间。
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Turkish Historical Review
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