Pub Date : 2022-10-07DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10043
Ahmet Yıkık
From the nineteenth century to the present day, a considerable number of Turkish novels have been published which either incorporate facts from Ottoman history directly into their plots, or rely on that history to form the background of the action. These novels play a significant role in the formation of Turkish national consciousness. The scope of this article is to analyse the historical novels İtiraf (Confession) and Her Yerde Kan Var (There is blood everywhere), which were written during the reign of the Justice and Development Party (akp). The article uses a sociology of literature approach to examine the two books’ depiction of the Ottoman Empire—their ‘Ottoman image’.
{"title":"Historical Novel as a Propaganda Tool: Reviving the Ottoman Past in Fiction","authors":"Ahmet Yıkık","doi":"10.1163/18775462-bja10043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10043","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 From the nineteenth century to the present day, a considerable number of Turkish novels have been published which either incorporate facts from Ottoman history directly into their plots, or rely on that history to form the background of the action. These novels play a significant role in the formation of Turkish national consciousness. The scope of this article is to analyse the historical novels İtiraf (Confession) and Her Yerde Kan Var (There is blood everywhere), which were written during the reign of the Justice and Development Party (akp). The article uses a sociology of literature approach to examine the two books’ depiction of the Ottoman Empire—their ‘Ottoman image’.","PeriodicalId":41042,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Historical Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44369134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-07DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10039
I. N. Grigoriadis
Narratives and representations of the past in the present sometimes tell us more about the present than the past itself. Views of Ottoman history have varied in republican Turkey, according to political and ideological circumstances. The era of Sultan Abdülhamid ii has remained one of the most contested ones. While classic republican Turkish historiography has identified the Hamidian era with Oriental despotism, blamed it for the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, but exonerated it for the killings of Armenians, recent historical interest in the era has been revisionist. Some scholars offer a more balanced evaluation of the Hamidian period, while other approaches move to the opposite extreme, aggrandizing Sultan Abdülhamid ii and his era and also pointing to alleged Young Turk treason. These approaches have coincided with a re-evaluation of the ideological foundations of republican Turkey and the re-emergence of a cult of personality in mainstream Turkish politics.
{"title":"Villain or Hero? Shifting Views of Abdülhamid ii and His Era in Republican Turkey","authors":"I. N. Grigoriadis","doi":"10.1163/18775462-bja10039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10039","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Narratives and representations of the past in the present sometimes tell us more about the present than the past itself. Views of Ottoman history have varied in republican Turkey, according to political and ideological circumstances. The era of Sultan Abdülhamid ii has remained one of the most contested ones. While classic republican Turkish historiography has identified the Hamidian era with Oriental despotism, blamed it for the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, but exonerated it for the killings of Armenians, recent historical interest in the era has been revisionist. Some scholars offer a more balanced evaluation of the Hamidian period, while other approaches move to the opposite extreme, aggrandizing Sultan Abdülhamid ii and his era and also pointing to alleged Young Turk treason. These approaches have coincided with a re-evaluation of the ideological foundations of republican Turkey and the re-emergence of a cult of personality in mainstream Turkish politics.","PeriodicalId":41042,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Historical Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45163386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-07DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10040
Nikos Moudouros
This article analyses the ideological background on which the Justice and Development Party’s (akp) policy rested for the adoption of the presidential system in Turkey. It examines the presidential system as an akp claim aiming at the resolution of Turkey’s ‘basic historical contradiction’ through the effort to restore the Ottoman imperial legacy. In the same context, the analysis extends to the ideological content of ‘New Turkey’, which focuses on the adoption of a ‘Turkish-type’ presidential system. At this level the importance of the identification of a powerful state with the centralisation of executive power is emphasised as a natural result of the restoration of the Ottoman imperial legacy. Finally, the article presents specific problematic aspects arising from the social and ideological polarisation accompanying the transition of Turkey to the presidential system.
{"title":"The ‘Turkish-Type’ Presidential System: an Imperial Civilisational Restoration?","authors":"Nikos Moudouros","doi":"10.1163/18775462-bja10040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10040","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article analyses the ideological background on which the Justice and Development Party’s (akp) policy rested for the adoption of the presidential system in Turkey. It examines the presidential system as an akp claim aiming at the resolution of Turkey’s ‘basic historical contradiction’ through the effort to restore the Ottoman imperial legacy. In the same context, the analysis extends to the ideological content of ‘New Turkey’, which focuses on the adoption of a ‘Turkish-type’ presidential system. At this level the importance of the identification of a powerful state with the centralisation of executive power is emphasised as a natural result of the restoration of the Ottoman imperial legacy. Finally, the article presents specific problematic aspects arising from the social and ideological polarisation accompanying the transition of Turkey to the presidential system.","PeriodicalId":41042,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Historical Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46234117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-07DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10041
Michalis Theodorou
As a consequence of a long series of domestic and international political, economic and social developments that resulted in the rise of political Islam in Turkey, the Justice and Development Party (akp) came to power in 2002. Since then, it has been the dominant party in the country, developing a political narrative and a public discourse that have many attributes of modern populism. In line with its strategy to consolidate its power, the akp espouses a populist public discourse that is distinctive and multifaceted. One of its most important manifestations is the mobilization of the population through neo-Ottoman nostalgia, in a context of politicization of emotion to connect with the broader masses.
{"title":"Aspects of Populism and Nostalgia in the akp’s Turkey","authors":"Michalis Theodorou","doi":"10.1163/18775462-bja10041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10041","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 As a consequence of a long series of domestic and international political, economic and social developments that resulted in the rise of political Islam in Turkey, the Justice and Development Party (akp) came to power in 2002. Since then, it has been the dominant party in the country, developing a political narrative and a public discourse that have many attributes of modern populism. In line with its strategy to consolidate its power, the akp espouses a populist public discourse that is distinctive and multifaceted. One of its most important manifestations is the mobilization of the population through neo-Ottoman nostalgia, in a context of politicization of emotion to connect with the broader masses.","PeriodicalId":41042,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Historical Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42773471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-07DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10045
O. Bouquet
As Grand Vizier from 1782 to 1785, Halil Hamid Pasha established a pious foundation (vakif) in 1783. Administered by his descendants, the foundation gave impetus to various forms of family genealogy in the last two centuries. Celal Bükey and his son Erol Bükey administered the foundation (tevliyet) from 1973 to 1981 and from 1992 to 2002 respectively. Using their personal documents, the article studies the way father and son handled the various symbolic materials they had inherited from their predecessors in order to transform an ancien régime lineage into a republican dynasty organized through new family memorial references. Underlining the extent to which family archives need to be addressed as a cumulative process of preserving documents as deeds that legally guarantee ownership, the article also reassesses the line usually drawn by scholars between private papers and public archives.
{"title":"Imperial Genealogies and Ottoman Nobility in Republican Turkey: Reassessing the Distinction Between Public and Private Archives","authors":"O. Bouquet","doi":"10.1163/18775462-bja10045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10045","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 As Grand Vizier from 1782 to 1785, Halil Hamid Pasha established a pious foundation (vakif) in 1783. Administered by his descendants, the foundation gave impetus to various forms of family genealogy in the last two centuries. Celal Bükey and his son Erol Bükey administered the foundation (tevliyet) from 1973 to 1981 and from 1992 to 2002 respectively. Using their personal documents, the article studies the way father and son handled the various symbolic materials they had inherited from their predecessors in order to transform an ancien régime lineage into a republican dynasty organized through new family memorial references. Underlining the extent to which family archives need to be addressed as a cumulative process of preserving documents as deeds that legally guarantee ownership, the article also reassesses the line usually drawn by scholars between private papers and public archives.","PeriodicalId":41042,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Historical Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49385178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-07DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10038
Emrah Konuralp
Turkey’s political structure was built on what remained of the Ottoman Empire, not on its ruins. For this reason, it was unlikely that political polarization would be immune to rival attitudes towards the Ottoman past. On the one hand, following the War of Independence the Kemalist revolutionaries carefully detached the new state from the Ottoman legacy. On the other hand, their more conservative allies, the opposition group in the First Grand National Assembly, and religious power centres within society seemed discontent with the new regime’s orientation. Therefore, a positive and sometimes nostalgic approach to Ottoman history has been an important reference point for the conservatives who are more distant from Kemalism and the counter-revolutionary dissidents. This article discusses Bülent Ecevit’s position on the antagonism between Kemalist and conservative readings of Ottoman history as the third chair of the chp and the pioneer of Turkey’s Social Democratic movement.
{"title":"On Bülent Ecevit and the Ottoman-Republican Contention: a Kemalist Hardliner or a Mediator?","authors":"Emrah Konuralp","doi":"10.1163/18775462-bja10038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10038","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Turkey’s political structure was built on what remained of the Ottoman Empire, not on its ruins. For this reason, it was unlikely that political polarization would be immune to rival attitudes towards the Ottoman past. On the one hand, following the War of Independence the Kemalist revolutionaries carefully detached the new state from the Ottoman legacy. On the other hand, their more conservative allies, the opposition group in the First Grand National Assembly, and religious power centres within society seemed discontent with the new regime’s orientation. Therefore, a positive and sometimes nostalgic approach to Ottoman history has been an important reference point for the conservatives who are more distant from Kemalism and the counter-revolutionary dissidents. This article discusses Bülent Ecevit’s position on the antagonism between Kemalist and conservative readings of Ottoman history as the third chair of the chp and the pioneer of Turkey’s Social Democratic movement.","PeriodicalId":41042,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Historical Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45737256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-07DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10034
M. Ceyhan
The Republic of Turkey, built on the ruins of the Ottoman Empire, has carried out, as in many other areas, a wide-ranging and radical revolution in the field of law; yet, it should be noted that this revolution was founded on the Ottoman Empire’s legacy of innovation and constituted its continuation. How this reality has been evaluated and perceived after the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, however, is a matter of debate. In this article, the legal changes in the period from 1839, when the reforms began, to the end of the 1930s, when they were completed, are considered as a continuum. In this context, the article evaluates how the interaction between Islamic and state law and the Ottoman legacy have been perceived during the period of the Republic of Turkey with a focus on reform in the field of civil law.
{"title":"Continuity and Change: the Missed Historical Background of the Turkish Legal Revolution","authors":"M. Ceyhan","doi":"10.1163/18775462-bja10034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10034","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The Republic of Turkey, built on the ruins of the Ottoman Empire, has carried out, as in many other areas, a wide-ranging and radical revolution in the field of law; yet, it should be noted that this revolution was founded on the Ottoman Empire’s legacy of innovation and constituted its continuation. How this reality has been evaluated and perceived after the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, however, is a matter of debate. In this article, the legal changes in the period from 1839, when the reforms began, to the end of the 1930s, when they were completed, are considered as a continuum. In this context, the article evaluates how the interaction between Islamic and state law and the Ottoman legacy have been perceived during the period of the Republic of Turkey with a focus on reform in the field of civil law.","PeriodicalId":41042,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Historical Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47052415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-07DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10037
U. Azak
Focusing on the symbolism of the Hagia Sophia for the conservative nationalist movement, this article examines the emergence of Ottomanism as an attempted challenge to the Kemalist reading of Ottoman history. The Hagia Sophia, the former imperial church that was converted into a mosque by Sultan Mehmed ii and served as the imperial mosque of the Ottomans, lost its religious function and was opened as a museum in 1934 by governmental decision. This ‘secularization’ of the building could be openly criticized especially after the transition to multiparty democracy in the late 1940s. Demands for reconverting the museum into a mosque were gradually transformed into public campaigns led by the protagonists of the conservative nationalist movement. This article analyses these campaigns as reflected in the printed press from the 1950s onwards and explores how the Hagia Sophia has since been instrumentalized for the reproduction of a xenophobic, anti-Western, Islamic and Ottomanist nationalism.
{"title":"‘The Hagia Sophia Cause’ and the Emergence of Ottomanism in the 1950s","authors":"U. Azak","doi":"10.1163/18775462-bja10037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10037","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Focusing on the symbolism of the Hagia Sophia for the conservative nationalist movement, this article examines the emergence of Ottomanism as an attempted challenge to the Kemalist reading of Ottoman history. The Hagia Sophia, the former imperial church that was converted into a mosque by Sultan Mehmed ii and served as the imperial mosque of the Ottomans, lost its religious function and was opened as a museum in 1934 by governmental decision. This ‘secularization’ of the building could be openly criticized especially after the transition to multiparty democracy in the late 1940s. Demands for reconverting the museum into a mosque were gradually transformed into public campaigns led by the protagonists of the conservative nationalist movement. This article analyses these campaigns as reflected in the printed press from the 1950s onwards and explores how the Hagia Sophia has since been instrumentalized for the reproduction of a xenophobic, anti-Western, Islamic and Ottomanist nationalism.","PeriodicalId":41042,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Historical Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43905392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-07DOI: 10.1163/18775462-bja10029
Edhem Eldem
History in Turkey has always been the prey of political and ideological pressures emanating from the state and government. For decades, most of this political ‘monitoring’ was dominated by the Kemalist view of history, which often bypassed or marginalized the Ottoman past. However, the last three decades or so have witnessed a gradual but radical shift, and Ottoman history has made a comeback, to the point of warranting the use of the term ‘neo-Ottomanist’ to describe governmental policies under the Justice and Development Party (akp). This qualitative change has been further enhanced by a quantitative one, concerning an unprecedented echoing of the new government- and state-sponsored grand narrative by the media and popular culture, leading to a serious and threatening siege of the discipline from non-academic circles. The time has come for the discipline to reflect on this phenomenon and evaluate its dangers and damages.
{"title":"Rescuing Ottoman History from the Turks","authors":"Edhem Eldem","doi":"10.1163/18775462-bja10029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10029","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 History in Turkey has always been the prey of political and ideological pressures emanating from the state and government. For decades, most of this political ‘monitoring’ was dominated by the Kemalist view of history, which often bypassed or marginalized the Ottoman past. However, the last three decades or so have witnessed a gradual but radical shift, and Ottoman history has made a comeback, to the point of warranting the use of the term ‘neo-Ottomanist’ to describe governmental policies under the Justice and Development Party (akp). This qualitative change has been further enhanced by a quantitative one, concerning an unprecedented echoing of the new government- and state-sponsored grand narrative by the media and popular culture, leading to a serious and threatening siege of the discipline from non-academic circles. The time has come for the discipline to reflect on this phenomenon and evaluate its dangers and damages.","PeriodicalId":41042,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Historical Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47840398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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