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James Shires (2021). The Politics of Cybersecurity in the Middle East. Hurst & Co. Hardback. ISBN: 9781787384736. Price: £35.00. 361 pp. James Shires(2021)。中东网络安全政治。赫斯特公司。ISBN:9781787384736。价格:35.00英镑。361页。
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-19 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221099981
Rohit Sharma
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引用次数: 0
Visit to the Jama’at Mosque during Ramzan Ramzan期间参观Jama'at清真寺
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-19 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221099989
P. Kumaraswamy
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引用次数: 0
Sethumadhavan (2017), Aliyah: The Last Jew in the Village; Esther David (2018), Bombay Brides Sethumadhavan(2017),《Aliyah:村庄里最后的犹太人》;Esther David(2018),《孟买新娘》
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-07 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221080817
Rohita Sharma
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引用次数: 0
Target Saudi Arabia: To Demonize and Belittle 针对沙特阿拉伯:妖魔化和贬低
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-25 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221086382
J. Kéchichian
David Ottaway (2021), Mohammed bin Salman: The Icarus of Saudi Arabia? Lynne Rienner Publishers. Price: US$89.95, 232 pp. ISBN: 978–1–62637–978–7 (Hardcover). David Ottaway, a fellow in the Middle East program at the Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, DC, and a long-time journalist at The Washington Post, concludes his most recent book on the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and its heir apparent with the following:
大卫·奥塔韦(2021),穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼:沙特阿拉伯的伊卡洛斯?Lynne Rienner出版社。价格:89.95美元,232页,国际标准书号:978–1–62637–978–7(精装本)。华盛顿威尔逊国际学者中心中东项目研究员、《华盛顿邮报》长期记者David Ottaway在其关于沙特阿拉伯王国及其继承人的最新著作中总结如下:
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引用次数: 0
Flying to Jerusalem over the Years 多年来飞往耶路撒冷
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-08 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221082441
P. Kumaraswamy
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引用次数: 0
Business as Usual? The Post-Brexit Impacts on UK and UAE Relations 一切如常?英国脱欧后对英国和阿联酋关系的影响
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-28 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221080641
J. Gibbins
Since the formal leaving of the United Kingdom from the European Union on January 31, 2020, much discussion has focused on the consequences for British foreign policy. Predictions broadly fit into two outcomes: internationalism, echoed in the “global Britain” mantra, and isolationism, with a Britain struggling to be heard on the world stage. As British foreign and trade policies are being shaped by a desire to seek out new friends, and reaffirm contacts with old ones, the United Arab Emirates, a Gulf Cooperation Council country with a palpable set of linkages to the UK, will be impacted. Military, diplomatic and economic ties are robust, but the UAE’s position, particularly in light of its rising-power regional status, requires investigation. With some believing British influence will be stymied by its non-EU status, and with a UAE that has reversed its traditional nonintervention status to become more regionally resurgent, what would this mean for future UK–UAE relations? This article seeks to provide an early snapshot of the post-Brexit relationship between the two.
自2020年1月31日英国正式脱离欧盟以来,许多讨论都集中在英国外交政策的后果上。预测大致适用于两种结果:国际主义,与“全球化英国”的口号相呼应;孤立主义,英国努力在世界舞台上发出自己的声音。由于英国的外交和贸易政策正受到寻求新朋友并重申与老朋友联系的愿望的影响,与英国有着明显联系的海湾合作委员会成员国阿拉伯联合酋长国将受到影响。两国的军事、外交和经济关系都很牢固,但阿联酋的地位,特别是考虑到它在该地区的地位正在上升,需要调查。一些人认为,英国的非欧盟地位将阻碍其影响力,而阿联酋已经改变了其传统的不干预地位,在该地区变得更加复兴,这对未来的英阿关系意味着什么?本文旨在提供英国脱欧后两国关系的早期快照。
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引用次数: 0
China’s Conflict Management in the Middle East: Involvement without Impact? 中国在中东的冲突管理:没有影响的参与?
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-28 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221080632
İrem Aşkar Karakır
China’s foreign policy toward the Middle East has traditionally been shaped by its national interests based on energy security, arms exports, and technology transfers. To complement its interest-driven regional policies, China has expanded its diplomatic contacts and promoted cultural ties. Over the last two decades, China has also engaged in conflict management in several regional issues, despite its declared commitment to nonintervention in other countries’ domestic affairs. This article aims to analyze China’s conflict management policies in the region, focusing on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, Iran’s nuclear program and the Syrian conflict. Compared with other major external powers, prospects for China’s conflict management seem high given two significant advantages. First, unlike Western powers or Russia, China has not left any bitter taste in the region associated with colonialism, religious or historical engagement. Secondly, China has been careful not to take clear-cut sides in regional conflicts, making itself an ideal candidate to act as an honest broker. It is argued that despite these advantages, Chinese conflict management in the region has remained considerably modest and lacked any practical solutions to the critical problems.
中国对中东的外交政策传统上是由其基于能源安全、武器出口和技术转让的国家利益所塑造的。为配合利益导向的地区政策,中国扩大了对外交往,促进了文化交流。在过去的二十年里,中国还在几个地区问题上参与了冲突管理,尽管它宣称不干涉其他国家的内政。本文旨在分析中国在该地区的冲突管理政策,重点关注巴以冲突、伊朗核计划和叙利亚冲突。与其他主要外部大国相比,中国的冲突管理前景似乎很高,因为有两个显著的优势。首先,与西方列强或俄罗斯不同,中国没有在该地区留下任何与殖民主义、宗教或历史参与有关的苦涩味道。其次,在地区冲突中,中国一直小心翼翼地不站在明确的立场上,这使自己成为诚实调解人的理想人选。有人认为,尽管有这些优势,中国在该地区的冲突管理仍然相当温和,缺乏对关键问题的任何实际解决方案。
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引用次数: 0
The Relationship between the State and the New Media in Egypt: A Dynamic of Openness, Adaptation, and Narrowing 埃及国家与新媒体的关系:开放、适应与缩小的动态
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-25 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221080620
Limor Lavie, Bosmat Yefet
This article offers a new perspective on the extensive discussion of the role of new media in facilitating the 2011 Egyptian uprising by placing it within the historical context of how the state responded to new media in the previous decades. This article uses an archaeological analysis of state media to reveal how the state coped with the news media (newspapers, radio, television, satellite television) in the past to infer the present relationship between the state and the new media (the internet and social media). We discerned a recurring cyclical pattern characterized by a dynamic of openness–adaptation–narrowing, which sheds light on the media’s ability to challenge state authority and on the state’s ability to contain and limit new media. We suggest that the role of the internet and social media in the Egyptian “Arab Spring” should be viewed as being on this continuum, as an extension of processes of state–media relations that had developed in the preceding decades.
本文通过将新媒体置于埃及政府在过去几十年如何应对新媒体的历史背景中,为新媒体在促进2011年埃及起义中的作用的广泛讨论提供了一个新的视角。本文通过对国家媒体的考古分析,揭示了过去国家是如何应对新闻媒体(报纸、广播、电视、卫星电视)的,从而推断出现在国家与新媒体(互联网和社交媒体)之间的关系。我们发现了一个反复出现的循环模式,其特征是开放-适应-缩小的动态,这揭示了媒体挑战国家权威的能力,以及国家遏制和限制新媒体的能力。我们认为,互联网和社交媒体在埃及“阿拉伯之春”中的作用应该被视为这个连续体的一部分,作为过去几十年发展起来的国家-媒体关系进程的延伸。
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引用次数: 1
Turkey and the United Arab Emirates: From Cooperation to Rivalry 土耳其和阿拉伯联合酋长国:从合作到竞争
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221078492
Michael B. Bishku
This article will review Turkey’s political and economic relations with the United Arab Emirates from the establishment of ties upon the latter achieving independence from Britain to the present through the changing regional and international scene of the Cold War and post-Cold War periods. While Turkey did not pay much attention to the Gulf region initially, the situation changed following the establishment of the Gulf Cooperation Council in 1981 and Turgut Özal becoming prime minister two years later. Özal was a devout Muslim and sought to boost ties with Middle Eastern countries while reaping economic benefits, but his efforts were not as extensive as they have become under the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which came to power in 2002. The AKP regards Turkey as a leading force in promoting the interests especially of Sunni Muslims in the Middle East and the rest of the Islamic world. Despite constructive bilateral efforts at political and economic cooperation, the AKP’s connections with the Muslim Brotherhood have complicated Turkey’s relations with the UAE, as the latter has been concerned with its indigenous Islamist group al-Islah. Since the overthrow of Egyptian President Muhammad Morsi, a political rivalry has developed between the two over differing regional perspectives.
本文将回顾土耳其与阿拉伯联合酋长国的政治和经济关系,从后者从英国独立后建立关系到现在,经历了冷战和后冷战时期不断变化的区域和国际舞台。虽然土耳其最初对海湾地区不太重视,但随着1981年海湾合作委员会成立,两年后图尔古特Özal成为总理,情况发生了变化。Özal是一名虔诚的穆斯林,在获得经济利益的同时寻求加强与中东国家的关系,但他的努力并不像2002年掌权的正义与发展党(AKP)那样广泛。正义与发展党认为土耳其是促进中东和伊斯兰世界其他地区逊尼派穆斯林利益的主要力量。尽管在政治和经济合作方面进行了建设性的双边努力,但正义与发展党与穆斯林兄弟会的联系使土耳其与阿联酋的关系变得复杂,因为后者一直关注其本土的伊斯兰组织伊斯兰教。自从埃及总统穆罕默德·穆尔西(Muhammad Morsi)被推翻以来,双方因不同的地区观点而展开了政治竞争。
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引用次数: 0
Ibrahim Fraihat (2020). Iran and Saudi Arabia: Taming the Chaotic Conflict Ibrahim Fraihat(2020)。伊朗和沙特阿拉伯:平息混乱冲突
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-24 DOI: 10.1177/23477989211054579
Prabhat Jawla
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引用次数: 0
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Contemporary Review of the Middle East
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