Pub Date : 2021-12-01DOI: 10.1177/23477989211032474
Imran Khan, Mohammed Anam Akhtar
The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a popular destination for migrant workers worldwide, not just from Asia. Along with expanding the UAE’s economic activities, the amount of remittance outflows has increased dramatically, making it the second-largest remitting country, just behind the United States. This study looks into the important demographic factors that influence migrant remittance behavior in the Emirates. The examinations revealed that age, race, marital status, and a number of dependents are the most important factors influencing remittance behavior, while gender is found to be insignificant, proving the popular premise of female altruism to be incorrect. The findings are expected to assist policymakers in the government in devising ways and means to reduce remittance outflows as they have vital implications for some key macro-economic variables such as inflation and exchange rate as well as financial service providers in the UAE, in orchestrating a suitable promotional strategy to target suitable cohorts.
{"title":"Does Demographic Characteristics Affect Remittance Behavior? An Analysis of Migrants in the UAE","authors":"Imran Khan, Mohammed Anam Akhtar","doi":"10.1177/23477989211032474","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989211032474","url":null,"abstract":"The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a popular destination for migrant workers worldwide, not just from Asia. Along with expanding the UAE’s economic activities, the amount of remittance outflows has increased dramatically, making it the second-largest remitting country, just behind the United States. This study looks into the important demographic factors that influence migrant remittance behavior in the Emirates. The examinations revealed that age, race, marital status, and a number of dependents are the most important factors influencing remittance behavior, while gender is found to be insignificant, proving the popular premise of female altruism to be incorrect. The findings are expected to assist policymakers in the government in devising ways and means to reduce remittance outflows as they have vital implications for some key macro-economic variables such as inflation and exchange rate as well as financial service providers in the UAE, in orchestrating a suitable promotional strategy to target suitable cohorts.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":"8 1","pages":"435 - 459"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46912742","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-22DOI: 10.1177/23477989211057341
Amira Ahmed Elsayed Abdelkhalek
The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is considered one of the most important regional organizations in the Middle East and North African (MENA) region, which effectively solves some of the crises in the sub-region and the wider Middle East. GCC has employed many diplomatic procedures to address regional crises, including mediation, negotiation, and arbitration. Undoubtedly, GCC has successfully resolved some intrastate conflicts, particularly border conflicts among its member states. However, despite these achievements, the GCC has failed to resolve several regional disputes, and the continuation of such crises threatens the region’s security and stability. This article seeks to explore why the GCC institutions are ineffective in resolving some regional crises. In doing so, it addresses the comparative study by focusing on two case studies (the Iraq–Iran War and the ongoing Yemen Crisis) and provides three main results: first, the GCC has not directly intervened as an institution to resolve certain disputes; however, some GCC members have acted on its behalf and represented it. Second, despite the GCC member states’ efforts, they are still unable to resolve and settle some disputes because they prioritize self-interest over collaboration. Third, the conflict of interest of various regional actors contributes to the lack of significant progress in resolving crises.
{"title":"The Role of Gulf Cooperation Council in Conflict Management, 1981–2019: A Comparative Study","authors":"Amira Ahmed Elsayed Abdelkhalek","doi":"10.1177/23477989211057341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989211057341","url":null,"abstract":"The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is considered one of the most important regional organizations in the Middle East and North African (MENA) region, which effectively solves some of the crises in the sub-region and the wider Middle East. GCC has employed many diplomatic procedures to address regional crises, including mediation, negotiation, and arbitration. Undoubtedly, GCC has successfully resolved some intrastate conflicts, particularly border conflicts among its member states. However, despite these achievements, the GCC has failed to resolve several regional disputes, and the continuation of such crises threatens the region’s security and stability. This article seeks to explore why the GCC institutions are ineffective in resolving some regional crises. In doing so, it addresses the comparative study by focusing on two case studies (the Iraq–Iran War and the ongoing Yemen Crisis) and provides three main results: first, the GCC has not directly intervened as an institution to resolve certain disputes; however, some GCC members have acted on its behalf and represented it. Second, despite the GCC member states’ efforts, they are still unable to resolve and settle some disputes because they prioritize self-interest over collaboration. Third, the conflict of interest of various regional actors contributes to the lack of significant progress in resolving crises.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":"9 1","pages":"99 - 115"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48179063","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-10DOI: 10.1177/23477989211053524
Rami Ginat, Marwan Abu Ghazaleh Mahajneh
The Egyptian–Israeli peace treaty marked a new era in the history of the Arab–Israeli conflict. Relying methodologically on the history of ideas and diplomatic history, this article sheds light on the diversity of the perceptions and receptions of peace and relations with Israel as manifested by two influential Egyptian public opinion shapers who represented polar approaches—the mouthpiece of the Muslim Brothers—the journal Al-Da‘wa and Rūz al-Yūsuf, the semi-independent liberal weekly with a moderate left bias. The timeframe is 1977–1982—from Sadat’s historical visit to Jerusalem to the Israeli invasion of Lebanon and its impact on the budding Israeli–Egyptian relations.
{"title":"Rethinking the Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty: Perceptions and Receptions Within Egyptian Society (1977–1982)","authors":"Rami Ginat, Marwan Abu Ghazaleh Mahajneh","doi":"10.1177/23477989211053524","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989211053524","url":null,"abstract":"The Egyptian–Israeli peace treaty marked a new era in the history of the Arab–Israeli conflict. Relying methodologically on the history of ideas and diplomatic history, this article sheds light on the diversity of the perceptions and receptions of peace and relations with Israel as manifested by two influential Egyptian public opinion shapers who represented polar approaches—the mouthpiece of the Muslim Brothers—the journal Al-Da‘wa and Rūz al-Yūsuf, the semi-independent liberal weekly with a moderate left bias. The timeframe is 1977–1982—from Sadat’s historical visit to Jerusalem to the Israeli invasion of Lebanon and its impact on the budding Israeli–Egyptian relations.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":"9 1","pages":"9 - 30"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45986709","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-10DOI: 10.1177/23477989211017567
Badreya Al Jenaibi, Alyazi Al Mansoori
The use of social media platforms by the education sector has grown significantly in the past decade. The advancement in information and technology has prompted the integration of social media use in education. Social media use has revolutionized the learning processes from what was traditionally teacher-centered to the current student-centered approach. People between 16 and 24 years of age are considered among the active users of social media; hence, by incorporating an important part of their lives in school activities, learning may become more amusing and improve performance. Despite the United Arab Emirates being considered the technological hub of the Middle East, it has made minimal steps toward integrating social media in the learning system for high school students. This article explores the type of social media used by students and teachers in the Emirati high school system and examines the favorable social media tools used in learning in high schools by teachers and students and responds to questions like the purposes of using social media in learning and does social media use in learning affect student and teacher satisfaction and attitude? Further, it asks what the impacts of using social media on learning are. Finally, it discusses the challenges students and teachers come across when using social media for learning.
{"title":"Use of Social Media in Teaching High School Students: A Case of United Arab Emirates","authors":"Badreya Al Jenaibi, Alyazi Al Mansoori","doi":"10.1177/23477989211017567","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989211017567","url":null,"abstract":"The use of social media platforms by the education sector has grown significantly in the past decade. The advancement in information and technology has prompted the integration of social media use in education. Social media use has revolutionized the learning processes from what was traditionally teacher-centered to the current student-centered approach. People between 16 and 24 years of age are considered among the active users of social media; hence, by incorporating an important part of their lives in school activities, learning may become more amusing and improve performance. Despite the United Arab Emirates being considered the technological hub of the Middle East, it has made minimal steps toward integrating social media in the learning system for high school students. This article explores the type of social media used by students and teachers in the Emirati high school system and examines the favorable social media tools used in learning in high schools by teachers and students and responds to questions like the purposes of using social media in learning and does social media use in learning affect student and teacher satisfaction and attitude? Further, it asks what the impacts of using social media on learning are. Finally, it discusses the challenges students and teachers come across when using social media for learning.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":"9 1","pages":"158 - 183"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46293643","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-07DOI: 10.1177/23477989211053177
Michael Sharnoff
This article examines Jordanian postage stamp depiction of the West Bank as part of the Hashemite Kingdom from 1952 to 1985. The majority of maps of the West Bank are featured as part of Jordan, both during Jordanian rule of the West Bank (1948–1967) and after Israel conquered the land during the 1967 war. Sometimes the West Bank is delineated from Jordan to suggest a territorial dispute with Israel, while other times, the West Bank is shown as part of Palestine. The ambiguous representations of the West Bank as Jordanian territory, disputed territory, and Palestinian territory reinforce Hashemite sovereignty claims to the West Bank while also supporting Palestinian rights and acknowledging Jordanian rule of the West Bank was conditional upon settlement of the Palestinian issue. Finally, this analysis seeks to explain why stamps stopped showing the West Bank as part of Jordan in 1985, three years before the kingdom formally severed all legal and administrative ties to the land.
{"title":"Maps of the West Bank in Jordanian Postage Stamps, 1952–1985","authors":"Michael Sharnoff","doi":"10.1177/23477989211053177","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989211053177","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines Jordanian postage stamp depiction of the West Bank as part of the Hashemite Kingdom from 1952 to 1985. The majority of maps of the West Bank are featured as part of Jordan, both during Jordanian rule of the West Bank (1948–1967) and after Israel conquered the land during the 1967 war. Sometimes the West Bank is delineated from Jordan to suggest a territorial dispute with Israel, while other times, the West Bank is shown as part of Palestine. The ambiguous representations of the West Bank as Jordanian territory, disputed territory, and Palestinian territory reinforce Hashemite sovereignty claims to the West Bank while also supporting Palestinian rights and acknowledging Jordanian rule of the West Bank was conditional upon settlement of the Palestinian issue. Finally, this analysis seeks to explain why stamps stopped showing the West Bank as part of Jordan in 1985, three years before the kingdom formally severed all legal and administrative ties to the land.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":"9 1","pages":"51 - 69"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42746203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-15DOI: 10.1177/23477989211050707
Yusuke Kawamura
Although the IMF and the World Bank have advocated public sector reforms for market-oriented economic development, Egyptian authoritarian leaders have avoided such reforms. Egypt maintains a large public sector with a significant number of young Egyptians among its ranks. However, the public sector has shortcomings such as overstaffed government departments, deteriorating working conditions, and employee protests. This study uses the “social contract” concept to understand why Egypt’s political leaders have preserved this inefficient institution. The logic of the “social contract” works under two conditions: generous welfare as the main source of the regime’s legitimacy and a lack of accurate information concerning the extent to which people can tolerate painful reforms under authoritarian rule. Contrary to the conventional understanding, a lack of democratic institutions imposes “shackles” upon authoritarian leaders rather than giving them wide discretion regarding policymaking and the manipulation of institutions for their survival. The findings thus offer important insights into the dynamics of authoritarianism.
{"title":"Public Sector Employment as a Social Welfare Policy: The “Social Contract” and Failed Job Creation for Youth in Egypt","authors":"Yusuke Kawamura","doi":"10.1177/23477989211050707","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989211050707","url":null,"abstract":"Although the IMF and the World Bank have advocated public sector reforms for market-oriented economic development, Egyptian authoritarian leaders have avoided such reforms. Egypt maintains a large public sector with a significant number of young Egyptians among its ranks. However, the public sector has shortcomings such as overstaffed government departments, deteriorating working conditions, and employee protests. This study uses the “social contract” concept to understand why Egypt’s political leaders have preserved this inefficient institution. The logic of the “social contract” works under two conditions: generous welfare as the main source of the regime’s legitimacy and a lack of accurate information concerning the extent to which people can tolerate painful reforms under authoritarian rule. Contrary to the conventional understanding, a lack of democratic institutions imposes “shackles” upon authoritarian leaders rather than giving them wide discretion regarding policymaking and the manipulation of institutions for their survival. The findings thus offer important insights into the dynamics of authoritarianism.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":"9 1","pages":"31 - 50"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49517870","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-16DOI: 10.1177/23477989211027068
Avner Asher, D. Naor, Yossi Mann
Lebanon is among the most developed Arab countries concerning freedom of expression, and its press and media are famous for their openness and critical approach toward domestic and Arab affairs. The openness and criticism notwithstanding, there are various restrictions, not always formal ones, on the freedom of expression in Lebanon. While much has been written about Lebanese freedom of expression and media, few researches have concentrated on Lebanese political TV satire. This article aims to examine the limits of freedom of expression in Lebanon, as reflected in the various political TV satire shows. The article examined five satire shows: Basmat Watan, La Youmal, Ma Fi Metlo, Chi.N.N. and Awal ‘Ala Akhir. For each show, the article referred to three controversial issues: the attitude toward politics and politicians; the attitude toward Hezbollah and its weapons; and the attitude toward Lebanese presidents, foreign heads of states and Syria. Focusing on the different Lebanese TV satire shows and these contentious subjects reveals how these shows challenge the press and media laws, break taboos and even, to a certain degree, habituate the Lebanese audience to engage with controversial issues.
黎巴嫩是言论自由最发达的阿拉伯国家之一，其新闻和媒体以其对国内和阿拉伯事务的开放和批判性态度而闻名。尽管存在公开和批评，但黎巴嫩的言论自由受到各种限制，并不总是正式的限制。虽然关于黎巴嫩言论和媒体自由的文章很多，但很少有研究集中在黎巴嫩政治电视讽刺上。本文旨在探讨黎巴嫩言论自由的局限性，这些局限性反映在各种政治电视讽刺节目中。这篇文章考察了五个讽刺节目：Basmat Watan、La Youmal、Ma Fi Metlo、Chi.N.和Awal‘Ala Akhir。对于每一个节目，文章都提到了三个有争议的问题：对政治和政客的态度；对真主党及其武器的态度；以及对黎巴嫩总统、外国元首和叙利亚的态度。关注不同的黎巴嫩电视讽刺节目和这些有争议的主题，揭示了这些节目如何挑战新闻和媒体法，打破禁忌，甚至在一定程度上使黎巴嫩观众习惯于参与有争议的问题。
{"title":"Defending Freedom of Expression and Challenging the Press and Media Laws in Lebanon: The Case of the Lebanese Political TV Satire Shows","authors":"Avner Asher, D. Naor, Yossi Mann","doi":"10.1177/23477989211027068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989211027068","url":null,"abstract":"Lebanon is among the most developed Arab countries concerning freedom of expression, and its press and media are famous for their openness and critical approach toward domestic and Arab affairs. The openness and criticism notwithstanding, there are various restrictions, not always formal ones, on the freedom of expression in Lebanon. While much has been written about Lebanese freedom of expression and media, few researches have concentrated on Lebanese political TV satire. This article aims to examine the limits of freedom of expression in Lebanon, as reflected in the various political TV satire shows. The article examined five satire shows: Basmat Watan, La Youmal, Ma Fi Metlo, Chi.N.N. and Awal ‘Ala Akhir. For each show, the article referred to three controversial issues: the attitude toward politics and politicians; the attitude toward Hezbollah and its weapons; and the attitude toward Lebanese presidents, foreign heads of states and Syria. Focusing on the different Lebanese TV satire shows and these contentious subjects reveals how these shows challenge the press and media laws, break taboos and even, to a certain degree, habituate the Lebanese audience to engage with controversial issues.","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":"8 1","pages":"388 - 409"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46673694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1177/23477989211017560
Mohammed Alrmizan
{"title":"Yeşim Kaptan and Ece Algan (eds.). (2020), Television in Turkey: Local Production, Transnational Expansion and Political Aspirations","authors":"Mohammed Alrmizan","doi":"10.1177/23477989211017560","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989211017560","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41159,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Review of the Middle East","volume":"8 1","pages":"376 - 378"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44756661","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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