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The Status and Limits to Aspirations of Minorities in the South Caucasus States 南高加索国家少数民族的地位和愿望的限制
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-23 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221115917
Michael B. Bishku
This is an examination of the historical background and demographic composition of minorities in the three South Caucasus states—Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia—as well as a survey of their current status and limits to aspirations of those ethnic groups. It utilizes Sammy Smooha’s concept of ethnic democracy: “a system in which two contradictory principles operate: ‘the democratic principle,’ making for equal rights and equal treatment of all citizens, and ‘the ethnic principle,’ making for fashioning a homogenous nation-state and privileging the ethnic majority.” All of the countries examined fit that category in principle given their respective Constitutions, but Azerbaijan unlike its two neighbors has an autocratic system of government eliminating itself in terms of practice. Armenia is the most homogenous of the three states, while Georgia has the most diverse population. Yet all have numerous minorities living within their borders as well as having ethnic brethren in neighboring countries; dealing with those groups has been problematic to various degrees. Georgia has lost territory—Abkhazia and South Ossetia—to secessionist minorities aided by Russia, while Armenia and Azerbaijan have engaged in war over Nagorno-Karabakh, while driving out of their respective countries either Azerbaijanis or Armenians.
这是对南高加索三个州——亚美尼亚、阿塞拜疆和格鲁吉亚——少数民族的历史背景和人口构成的调查,也是对这些少数民族的现状和愿望限制的调查。它利用了Sammy Smooha的民族民主概念:“这是一个有两个相互矛盾的原则运作的体系:‘民主原则’,争取所有公民的平等权利和平等待遇,以及‘民族原则’,建立一个同质的民族国家,使多数民族享有特权。“考虑到各自的宪法,所有被审查的国家原则上都符合这一类别,但阿塞拜疆不同于其两个邻国,其专制政府制度在实践中自我淘汰。亚美尼亚是三个州中最同质的,而格鲁吉亚的人口最为多样化。然而,所有国家都有许多少数民族生活在自己的边界内,在邻国也有少数民族兄弟;与这些群体打交道在不同程度上都存在问题。格鲁吉亚的领土——阿布哈兹和南奥塞梯——被俄罗斯援助的分离主义少数民族夺走,而亚美尼亚和阿塞拜疆则在纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫问题上进行战争,同时将阿塞拜疆人或亚美尼亚人驱逐出各自的国家。
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引用次数: 0
Gerasimos Tsourapas (2021). Migration Diplomacy in the Middle East and North Africa: Power, Mobility, and the State. Manchester, United Kingdom: Manchester University Press. Price: £85.00. 192 pp., ISBN: 978-1-5261-3209-3 (Hardback). Gerasimos Tsourapas(2021)。中东和北非的移民外交:权力、流动性和国家。英国曼彻斯特:曼彻斯特大学出版社。价格:85.00英镑。192页,ISBN:978-1-5261-3209-3(精装本)。
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-15 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221116446
Irfan Nazir
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引用次数: 0
Nazli Kamvari (ed.) (2022), In the Middle, On the Edge: Essays on Iran’s Middle Class Poor. Amsterdam: Zamaneh Media, 254 pp. ISBN: 9789082919608 (e-Book). Nazli Kamvari(编辑)(2022),《在中间,在边缘:关于伊朗中产阶级穷人的文章》。阿姆斯特丹:Zamaneh Media,254页,ISBN:9789082919608(电子书)。
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-12 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221115915
Javad Heiran‐Nia
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引用次数: 0
Looking at Israel beyond Political Instability 从政治不稳定的角度来看以色列
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-12 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221118406
P. Kumaraswamy
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引用次数: 0
Joseph Zeira (2021), The Israeli Economy: A Story of Success and Costs. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Price: $35.00, 408 pp., ISBN: 9780691199450 (Hardcover). 约瑟夫·泽拉(2021),《以色列经济:一个成功与成本的故事》。新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社。价格:$35.00,408页,ISBN: 9780691199450(精装)。
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-12 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221115916
Prabhat Jawla
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引用次数: 0
Haredi Anti-Zionist Ideology as the Driving Force Behind the Ultraorthodox Protests in Israel 哈雷迪反犹太复国主义意识形态是以色列极端正统抗议背后的驱动力
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-12 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221115293
G. Hitman
Since its establishment as an independent state, Israel has witnessed waves of protests, sometimes violence, from the Haredi (ultraorthodox) community. Focusing on clashes between Haredi protesters and the police from 2000 onward, this study suggests a new theoretical explanation for Haredi protests and violent activities. By using a mixture of the following three major theories—primordial, constructivism, and contingency—the article provides a new model for analyzing Haredi patterns of confrontation with the Israeli authorities. It concludes, inter alia, that the Haredi community is a permanent passive protest movement that responds, usually immediately, to official initiatives to change the status quo involving the state, politics, society, and religion in Israel.
自从以色列成为一个独立的国家以来,它见证了一波又一波的抗议,有时甚至是来自极端正统派(Haredi)社区的暴力。本研究着眼于2000年以来哈瑞迪抗议者与警察之间的冲突,为哈瑞迪抗议和暴力活动提供了一种新的理论解释。通过混合使用以下三种主要理论——原始理论、建构主义理论和偶然性理论,本文为分析Haredi与以色列当局对抗的模式提供了一个新的模型。它的结论是,除其他外,Haredi社区是一个永久性的被动抗议运动,通常会立即响应官方改变以色列国家、政治、社会和宗教现状的倡议。
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引用次数: 1
Michael Christopher Low (2020). Imperial Mecca: Ottoman Arabia and the Indian Ocean Hajj. Columbia University Press. Paperback. ISBN: 9780231190770, Price: US$35.00, 392 pp. 迈克尔·克里斯托弗·洛(2020)。帝国麦加:奥斯曼阿拉伯和印度洋朝觐。哥伦比亚大学出版社。平装书。ISBN: 9780231190770,价格:35.00美元,392页。
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-26 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221098213
M. Quamar
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引用次数: 0
Construction of Jewish Women in Ihsan Abdel Quddous’s Fiction 伊赫桑·阿卜杜勒·库杜斯小说中犹太妇女的建构
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-03 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221100616
E. Alwuraafi
The article examines Ihsan Abdel Quddous’s literary texts that deal with Egyptian Jewish women to explore how Egyptian Jewesses figure in these texts to disrupt, disturb, or offset prevailing historical and fictional discourses and explore his attitude toward Egyptian Jews in general and Jewish women in particular. Deploying post-colonial feminist theory, the article argues that in Quddous’ works, Jewish women represent a highly-educated and liberal community with fluid, transnational identities that serve to foil exclusionary discourses, and that Quddous increasingly has given Egyptian Jewish women, more than any other Arab writer of the period, a voice and an active role in his works. As a result, he has articulated their hopes, fears, and needs in a period dominated by political and social instability. The article aims at identifying and categorizing major tropes and characteristics pertaining to the portrayal of Jewish women in Ihsan Abdel Quddous’ fiction, and how these portrayals adhere to or play on the universal stereotypes of Jews.
本文考察了Ihsan Abdel Quddous关于埃及犹太妇女的文学文本,以探索埃及犹太妇女如何在这些文本中出现,以破坏、扰乱或抵消流行的历史和虚构话语,并探讨了他对埃及犹太人的态度,特别是对犹太妇女的态度。文章运用后殖民女性主义理论,认为在Quddous的作品中,犹太女性代表了一个受过高等教育的自由群体,她们具有流动的、跨国的身份,有助于挫败排他性的话语,而且Quddous越来越多地给予埃及犹太女性在他的作品中发声和发挥积极作用的机会,比同时期任何其他阿拉伯作家都多。因此,在一个政治和社会不稳定的时期,他表达了他们的希望、恐惧和需求。本文旨在识别和分类Ihsan Abdel Quddous小说中与犹太妇女形象有关的主要修辞和特征,以及这些形象如何坚持或发挥对犹太人的普遍刻板印象。
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引用次数: 0
Iraq’s Religious Minorities: On the Precipice 伊拉克的宗教少数群体:悬崖上
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-02 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221099162
J. Calabrese
The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is often described as the cradle of the three Abrahamic faiths and Iraq as a land “where faith was born.” But the past two decades have dealt a severe, possibly fatal blow to religious communities that were once vibrant and integral parts of Iraq’s social fabric—and perhaps to the very idea of pluralism in the region. Ensuring the continued presence of religious minority communities is vital to preserving Iraq’s social diversity and nurturing a culture of pluralism. Iraq’s best hope to save its vanishing minorities from extinction and revive religious pluralism lies in the Iraqi Region of Kurdistan (IRK). Fully incorporating displaced non-Muslim components of Iraqi society into host communities in the IRK while preserving their distinctive collective identity would advance the prospects for the survival of religious minorities and the future of pluralism in the IRK, the country at large, and the wider region.
中东和北非(MENA)经常被描述为三种亚伯拉罕信仰的摇篮,伊拉克是“信仰诞生的地方”。但过去二十年对宗教社区造成了严重的、可能是致命的打击,这些宗教社区曾经是伊拉克社会结构中充满活力和不可分割的一部分,也许也对该地区的多元化理念造成了严重打击。确保宗教少数群体的持续存在对于维护伊拉克的社会多样性和培育多元化文化至关重要。伊拉克拯救正在消失的少数民族免遭灭绝并复兴宗教多元化的最大希望在于伊拉克库尔德斯坦地区。将伊拉克社会中流离失所的非穆斯林组成部分充分纳入伊斯兰革命卫队的东道社区,同时保留他们独特的集体身份,将促进宗教少数群体的生存前景,以及伊斯兰革命卫队、整个国家和更广泛地区多元主义的未来。
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引用次数: 0
How to Survive as an Armed Non-state Actor? An Assessment of the Syrian Democratic Union Party 如何作为一个武装的非国家行动者生存?对叙利亚民主联盟党的评价
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-23 DOI: 10.1177/23477989221100042
Fatih Oğuzhan İpek
This article examines the case of the Syrian Democratic Union Party (Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat or PYD) to explain the survival strategies of the non-state armed actor (NSAA). Although the Middle Eastern State System remarkably remained stable after the end of Mandates, the legitimacy of states has been eroded by a combination of colonial legacy, neo-patrimonialism, and authoritarianism, laying the seeds for the rise of non-state challengers to states. At the beginning of the Syrian uprising, the PYD did not fight against the Syrian regime but established its autonomy in northern Syria by taking advantage of the chaos. Using the process-tracing method, the article explains the survival of the PYD until the territorial defeat of the so-called Islamic State and offers parameters of the territorial logic, its organizational structuring, and relations with the states to explain the survival strategies of the PYD. Finally, the study concludes that while the territorial and organizational structuring logics of the NSAA shape its strategies, its complex relationship with states determines its survival.
本文考察了叙利亚民主联盟党(Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat或PYD)的案例,以解释非国家武装行为者(NSAA)的生存策略。尽管在授权结束后,中东国家体系显著保持稳定,但殖民遗产、新世袭主义和威权主义的结合侵蚀了国家的合法性,为国家的非国家挑战者的崛起埋下了种子。在叙利亚起义之初,PYD没有与叙利亚政权作战,而是利用混乱在叙利亚北部建立了自治。本文采用过程追踪法,解释了PYD在所谓伊斯兰国领土战败前的生存,并提供了领土逻辑、组织结构和与国家关系的参数来解释PYD的生存策略。最后,研究得出结论,虽然NSAA的领土和组织结构逻辑决定了其战略,但其与国家的复杂关系决定了其生存。
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引用次数: 0
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Contemporary Review of the Middle East
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