Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2022.2101787
J. Day
ABSTRACT In the Qing dynasty, the diary-form for intelligence gathering was perfected by Tulišen, whose travelogue to Central Asia allowed the Kangxi emperor’s “imperial eyes” to assume vicarious witness to that heroic journey. Prior to China’s stationing of resident ministers abroad in 1876, envoy journals similar to Tulišen’s were commonly used for information gathering. In the next three decades, the genre of envoy communication became a fertile field for trials and experimentations, as Qing diplomats adjusted their method of communication to the changing needs of the state and the prevalent media and information technology. When the Qing dynasty established China’s first bureau of foreign affairs (Waiwubu) in 1901, the modern-style “foreign office” required radically new genres for diplomatic communication, which prioritized systemization, standardization, and a complete elimination of subjective experience. These diplomatic reports, akin to Western-style bluebooks, were separated from classified information and thus designed for domestic circulation. Tracing the evolution in diplomatic communications from late imperial China to the turn of the twentieth century, this paper seeks to unpack how new views of the foreign were shaped by new genres, new media, and new diplomatic institutions.
{"title":"From envoy journals to legation reports: regulating knowledge of the world in late imperial and modern China","authors":"J. Day","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2022.2101787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2022.2101787","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the Qing dynasty, the diary-form for intelligence gathering was perfected by Tulišen, whose travelogue to Central Asia allowed the Kangxi emperor’s “imperial eyes” to assume vicarious witness to that heroic journey. Prior to China’s stationing of resident ministers abroad in 1876, envoy journals similar to Tulišen’s were commonly used for information gathering. In the next three decades, the genre of envoy communication became a fertile field for trials and experimentations, as Qing diplomats adjusted their method of communication to the changing needs of the state and the prevalent media and information technology. When the Qing dynasty established China’s first bureau of foreign affairs (Waiwubu) in 1901, the modern-style “foreign office” required radically new genres for diplomatic communication, which prioritized systemization, standardization, and a complete elimination of subjective experience. These diplomatic reports, akin to Western-style bluebooks, were separated from classified information and thus designed for domestic circulation. Tracing the evolution in diplomatic communications from late imperial China to the turn of the twentieth century, this paper seeks to unpack how new views of the foreign were shaped by new genres, new media, and new diplomatic institutions.","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74894918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2022.2101794
J. Qiu
ABSTRACT Du Fengzhi, a county magistrate in Guangdong province in the late Qing dynasty, recorded hundreds of legal cases in his diary. In addition to the details of cases and the process of dealing, he also recorded his own observations, doubts, analyses, judgments and deliberations. The diary reflected not only how he dealt with cases, but also the reasons for his decisions. From the diary, we know that Du’s actual judicial power far exceeded the provisions of the Qing law. However, the judicial resources he possessed and the political and social reality he faced often made it difficult for him to deal with legal cases abiding by the statute law, and in many cases the truth could not even be found at all. Therefore, he often ignored the evidence of the case and dealt with them in violation of law. His first consideration was to maintain his position in the officialdom, safeguard his own economic interests and reduce trouble. He also paid attention to the unwritten rules of officialdom and the comments of local gentries. In some cases, he showed his compassion for the poor, orphans and the widowed as well. This article discusses two cases in detail to reflect Du’s various deliberations in dealing with legal cases.
{"title":"Extrajudicial deliberations in the late Qing local government: the case of Du Fengzhi","authors":"J. Qiu","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2022.2101794","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2022.2101794","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Du Fengzhi, a county magistrate in Guangdong province in the late Qing dynasty, recorded hundreds of legal cases in his diary. In addition to the details of cases and the process of dealing, he also recorded his own observations, doubts, analyses, judgments and deliberations. The diary reflected not only how he dealt with cases, but also the reasons for his decisions. From the diary, we know that Du’s actual judicial power far exceeded the provisions of the Qing law. However, the judicial resources he possessed and the political and social reality he faced often made it difficult for him to deal with legal cases abiding by the statute law, and in many cases the truth could not even be found at all. Therefore, he often ignored the evidence of the case and dealt with them in violation of law. His first consideration was to maintain his position in the officialdom, safeguard his own economic interests and reduce trouble. He also paid attention to the unwritten rules of officialdom and the comments of local gentries. In some cases, he showed his compassion for the poor, orphans and the widowed as well. This article discusses two cases in detail to reflect Du’s various deliberations in dealing with legal cases.","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86120701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2022.2101791
Wenjie Li
ABSTRACT The government decision-making in the middle and late Qing Dynasty was mainly shown in the process of how government documents and memorials to the emperor were dealt with. Officials who were authorized with the right to submit memorials to the emperor drafted reports on the state affairs to ask for permissions or offer their own opinions, and the emperor replied to them with absolute power. In the late Qing, the Grand Council (Junjichu), the Six Boards (Bu), Zongli Yamen and other institutions were frequently consulted during the two periods of the empress dowagers’ “administering the state affairs behind the curtain” (chui lian ting zheng), so the higher officials’ role in dealing with state affairs gradually increased. The monarch’s routine approval of higher officials’ suggestions made these institutions to a large extent participated in the daily decision-making. However, the monarch’s authority of final decision-making remained unchanged until the establishment of Yuan Shikai’s cabinet in November 1911 when all government affairs followed the cabinet orders. Then the monarch’s decision-making power became void, and the Qing was actually turned into a constitutional monarchy.
{"title":"The system of government decision-making and its changes in the late Qing","authors":"Wenjie Li","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2022.2101791","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2022.2101791","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The government decision-making in the middle and late Qing Dynasty was mainly shown in the process of how government documents and memorials to the emperor were dealt with. Officials who were authorized with the right to submit memorials to the emperor drafted reports on the state affairs to ask for permissions or offer their own opinions, and the emperor replied to them with absolute power. In the late Qing, the Grand Council (Junjichu), the Six Boards (Bu), Zongli Yamen and other institutions were frequently consulted during the two periods of the empress dowagers’ “administering the state affairs behind the curtain” (chui lian ting zheng), so the higher officials’ role in dealing with state affairs gradually increased. The monarch’s routine approval of higher officials’ suggestions made these institutions to a large extent participated in the daily decision-making. However, the monarch’s authority of final decision-making remained unchanged until the establishment of Yuan Shikai’s cabinet in November 1911 when all government affairs followed the cabinet orders. Then the monarch’s decision-making power became void, and the Qing was actually turned into a constitutional monarchy.","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83206887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2022.2101793
Zenghe Liu
ABSTRACT In the late Qing, due to frequent large-scale wars, the Board of Revenue (hubu) and provincial treasuries were often in a state of great difficulties, struggling to support the wartime needs. After the central government was forced to delegate the authority of fundraising, tax collection and expenditure to the provinces, the provincial governments had to rely on themselves to relieve financial difficulties. Hence, within the centralized and unified traditional fiscal system, the provincial finance was getting stronger, forming the new pattern that the central and provincial governments had equal control of finance. The allocation system of the national financial resources changed from the direct appropriation of funds from the Board of Revenue to the appropriation according to needs of provinces based on consultations with the provinces. In the later period of the Guangxu reign, the central government actively introduced the western fiscal budget system in order to solve the financial problems and prevent chaos. In revenue and expenditure, the Qing government adhered to the traditional principle of “adjusting expenditure according to the income” (liang ru wei chu), while in the wartime or when the demand of funds substantially increased due to the enforcement of the New Policy Reform, it became trapped in the predicament between the traditional principle and the new principle of “adjusting income according to the expenditure” (liang chu wei ru). When the modern budget system was implemented in the late Qing, the central government resolutely put into effect the above two principles into practical budgetary planning, trying to balance between the steady and the positive policies for expanding financial resources. However, the fiscal reform failed to save the Qing government from ultimate falling after the 1911 Revolution started.
{"title":"Changes in China’s fiscal system in the late Qing","authors":"Zenghe Liu","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2022.2101793","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2022.2101793","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the late Qing, due to frequent large-scale wars, the Board of Revenue (hubu) and provincial treasuries were often in a state of great difficulties, struggling to support the wartime needs. After the central government was forced to delegate the authority of fundraising, tax collection and expenditure to the provinces, the provincial governments had to rely on themselves to relieve financial difficulties. Hence, within the centralized and unified traditional fiscal system, the provincial finance was getting stronger, forming the new pattern that the central and provincial governments had equal control of finance. The allocation system of the national financial resources changed from the direct appropriation of funds from the Board of Revenue to the appropriation according to needs of provinces based on consultations with the provinces. In the later period of the Guangxu reign, the central government actively introduced the western fiscal budget system in order to solve the financial problems and prevent chaos. In revenue and expenditure, the Qing government adhered to the traditional principle of “adjusting expenditure according to the income” (liang ru wei chu), while in the wartime or when the demand of funds substantially increased due to the enforcement of the New Policy Reform, it became trapped in the predicament between the traditional principle and the new principle of “adjusting income according to the expenditure” (liang chu wei ru). When the modern budget system was implemented in the late Qing, the central government resolutely put into effect the above two principles into practical budgetary planning, trying to balance between the steady and the positive policies for expanding financial resources. However, the fiscal reform failed to save the Qing government from ultimate falling after the 1911 Revolution started.","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83412385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2021.2100608
Qing-Ping Zhu
{"title":"The “Bipolar disorder” of civilization: the entanglement of disasters and history","authors":"Qing-Ping Zhu","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2021.2100608","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2021.2100608","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76824281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2021.2100603
Y. Yun
{"title":"A general history of the Chinese market (3 volumes)","authors":"Y. Yun","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2021.2100603","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2021.2100603","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75244520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2021.2100640
Wei Song
ABSTRACT Following the Bandung Conference held in 1955, China and Africa strengthened their contacts, and the provision of assistance to Africa gradually became an important part of China’s diplomacy. In light of its uncompromising support for African national liberation movements, China’s assistance programs to Africa targeted promoting African countries’ independence and self-reliance, including a variety of forms of assistance to support African countries in various fields such as agricultural cultivation, primary industrial development, and medical and health care. After China’s Reform and Opening Up in 1978, its assistance to Africa adjusted accordingly in terms of its guiding ideology and implementation methods. Assistance to Africa encouraged China-Africa cooperation to become deeper, China’s policy itself was given higher expectations, and its history deserves study.
{"title":"Breaking diplomatic isolation: the origin of the People’s Republic of China’s assistance to Africa","authors":"Wei Song","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2021.2100640","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2021.2100640","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Following the Bandung Conference held in 1955, China and Africa strengthened their contacts, and the provision of assistance to Africa gradually became an important part of China’s diplomacy. In light of its uncompromising support for African national liberation movements, China’s assistance programs to Africa targeted promoting African countries’ independence and self-reliance, including a variety of forms of assistance to support African countries in various fields such as agricultural cultivation, primary industrial development, and medical and health care. After China’s Reform and Opening Up in 1978, its assistance to Africa adjusted accordingly in terms of its guiding ideology and implementation methods. Assistance to Africa encouraged China-Africa cooperation to become deeper, China’s policy itself was given higher expectations, and its history deserves study.","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79120816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2021.2100639
Covell F. Meyskens
ABSTRACT This article examines Republican-era efforts to turn the Yangzi River into an engine of national development by building the Three Gorges Dam (abbreviated as TGD). Beginning with Sun Yat-sen’s initial proposal in 1919 and ending with a Sino-American attempt in the 1940s, it analyzes how Chinese and foreign actors went about developing such a dream. Every endeavor ran into a similar problem: China did not have the industrial, administrative, or financial capacity to accommodate the gargantuan hydraulic feat, an issue which critics repeatedly raised. Undeterred, the dam’s backers pushed for China to overcome a domestic lack of capital by collaborating with foreign technocrats. A joint venture would purportedly benefit both China and foreigners by not only facilitating trade with inland areas and producing a huge monument to the powers of modern engineering, but also because the dam’s immense electrical output would boost China’s transformation into an industrial powerhouse, one that would increasingly desire foreign goods. Although the Three Gorges Dam was not realized in the Republican Period, Chinese and foreign actors continued to pursue their infrastructure dream in order to fuel national industrialization on both sides of the Taiwan Straits during the Cold War.
{"title":"Dreaming of a Three Gorges dam amid the troubles of Republican China","authors":"Covell F. Meyskens","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2021.2100639","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2021.2100639","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines Republican-era efforts to turn the Yangzi River into an engine of national development by building the Three Gorges Dam (abbreviated as TGD). Beginning with Sun Yat-sen’s initial proposal in 1919 and ending with a Sino-American attempt in the 1940s, it analyzes how Chinese and foreign actors went about developing such a dream. Every endeavor ran into a similar problem: China did not have the industrial, administrative, or financial capacity to accommodate the gargantuan hydraulic feat, an issue which critics repeatedly raised. Undeterred, the dam’s backers pushed for China to overcome a domestic lack of capital by collaborating with foreign technocrats. A joint venture would purportedly benefit both China and foreigners by not only facilitating trade with inland areas and producing a huge monument to the powers of modern engineering, but also because the dam’s immense electrical output would boost China’s transformation into an industrial powerhouse, one that would increasingly desire foreign goods. Although the Three Gorges Dam was not realized in the Republican Period, Chinese and foreign actors continued to pursue their infrastructure dream in order to fuel national industrialization on both sides of the Taiwan Straits during the Cold War.","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82222657","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2021.2108602
Shannon Li
ABSTRACT English writing was an important medium for Sun Yat-sen to promote his revolutionary ideas and seek foreign support. In 1896, Sun’s kidnapping and imprisonment in London caught great public attention. Being slandered and misunderstood on his desertion from the Guangzhou Uprising and his unpermitted entry into the Legation, Sun wrote in English Kidnapped in London, “China’s Present and Future,” and “Judicial Reform in China” in collaboration with his friends James Cantlie and Edwin Collins after his release from the Legation. In these works, Sun recorded the cause and effect of the Guangzhou Uprising, exposed the corruption of the rule and the darkness of justice in the Qing court, and expounded his revolutionary ideal of learning from the West and reforming China. The publication and dissemination of these works changed Westerners’ attitudes towards Sun: they saw him as a revolutionary with Western cultural background and political consciousness rather than a common rebel and political offender. The English writing of Sun’s thoughts dictated by himself and written by someone else not only constituted personal characteristics of his revolutionary career but also reflected the connection and interaction between Chinese and foreign politics in the era of globalization.
{"title":"Sun Yat-sen’s English writing and revolutionary image after his kidnapping and imprisonment in London","authors":"Shannon Li","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2021.2108602","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2021.2108602","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT English writing was an important medium for Sun Yat-sen to promote his revolutionary ideas and seek foreign support. In 1896, Sun’s kidnapping and imprisonment in London caught great public attention. Being slandered and misunderstood on his desertion from the Guangzhou Uprising and his unpermitted entry into the Legation, Sun wrote in English Kidnapped in London, “China’s Present and Future,” and “Judicial Reform in China” in collaboration with his friends James Cantlie and Edwin Collins after his release from the Legation. In these works, Sun recorded the cause and effect of the Guangzhou Uprising, exposed the corruption of the rule and the darkness of justice in the Qing court, and expounded his revolutionary ideal of learning from the West and reforming China. The publication and dissemination of these works changed Westerners’ attitudes towards Sun: they saw him as a revolutionary with Western cultural background and political consciousness rather than a common rebel and political offender. The English writing of Sun’s thoughts dictated by himself and written by someone else not only constituted personal characteristics of his revolutionary career but also reflected the connection and interaction between Chinese and foreign politics in the era of globalization.","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88204846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2021.2100637
Chi-kong Lai, Kent P. K. Wan
ABSTRACT “Liberalism” has served often as an analytical concept in Chinese intellectual history. In this paper, I use this term to refer to the thinking of a group of “open-minded” and unorthodox thinkers who espoused progressive and/or radical opinions about institutional reforms for nineteenth century China. To a certain extent, these reformers’ political thinking had features similar to some that are found in J. S. Mill’s liberalism – namely, political participation, popular initiative, free enterprise, religious toleration, individualism, and commitment to long-term moral ideals.
{"title":"Between practical and liberal statecraft: Guo Songtao and his political and economic ideas","authors":"Chi-kong Lai, Kent P. K. Wan","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2021.2100637","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2021.2100637","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT “Liberalism” has served often as an analytical concept in Chinese intellectual history. In this paper, I use this term to refer to the thinking of a group of “open-minded” and unorthodox thinkers who espoused progressive and/or radical opinions about institutional reforms for nineteenth century China. To a certain extent, these reformers’ political thinking had features similar to some that are found in J. S. Mill’s liberalism – namely, political participation, popular initiative, free enterprise, religious toleration, individualism, and commitment to long-term moral ideals.","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85035744","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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