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Journal of Modern Chinese History最新文献

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Minds connected by a common tongue: the national language movement and modern China 用同一种语言连接心灵:民族语言运动与近代中国
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2020.1746582
J. Cai
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking China’s “modernity”: Between Thought and Society, by SUN Jiang 《重新思考中国的“现代性”:在思想与社会之间》,孙江著
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2020.1752495
Tian Xu
The author of this book, Sun Jiang, obtained his bachelor and master degrees in history at Nanjing University, and his doctoral degree at Tokyo University. He has been studying the history of China...
本书作者孙江在南京大学获得历史学学士和硕士学位,在东京大学获得博士学位。他一直在研究中国历史。
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引用次数: 0
Discovering East Asia: the formation of modern East Asia as a crucial grand history from a global perspective 发现东亚:近代东亚的形成是一段重要的全球宏大历史
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2020.1746581
W. Tsai
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引用次数: 1
A “lost” republic: reinterpretation of the Chinese revolution in the late Qing and early Republican period 一个“失落的”共和国:对清末民初中国革命的重新解读
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1693743
Sun Qing
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引用次数: 0
Was the enlightenment a continuous process from the late Qing to the May Fourth period? 从清末到五四,启蒙运动是一个连续的过程吗?
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1693752
Fan-sen Wang
ABSTRACT Intellectual development from the late Qing to the 1911 Revolution and then to the May Fourth New Culture Movement was generally a continuous process despite various ambivalent and hesitant zigzags. Within this overall continuity, new elements became salient. The new policies promulgated by the republican government soon after the success of the 1911 Revolution created an institutional legacy that gave previously marginal ideas enough legitimacy to enter the mainstream. Changes in “background culture” also resulted in many new themes associated with May Fourth, though these themes were ostensibly similar to those in the late Qing period. The enlightenment of May Fourth endowed the “future” with positive values so that a future-oriented perspective became a fashionable trend in this period.
从晚清到辛亥革命再到五四新文化运动,知识分子的发展总体上是一个连续的过程,尽管有各种矛盾和犹豫的曲折。在这种整体连续性中,新的元素变得突出。辛亥革命成功后不久,共和政府颁布的新政策创造了一种制度遗产,使以前边缘化的思想有足够的合法性进入主流。“背景文化”的变化也导致了许多与五四相关的新主题,尽管这些主题表面上与晚清时期的主题相似。五四的启蒙运动赋予了“未来”积极的价值,以未来为导向的观点成为这一时期的流行趋势。
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引用次数: 0
Unity in the trees: Arbor Day and Republican China, 1915–1927 树上的团结:植树节与民国,1915-1927
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1688958
Larissa Pitts
ABSTRACT Scholars of modern China have overlooked the role environmental policy played in early Republican efforts to promote both modernization and national unity. Beginning in 1916, the national government in Beijing mandated that each province and county throughout the Chinese nation celebrate “Arbor Day” in order to foster a modern Chinese environmental culture. This change was made in response to global discourses that linked forest cover to a modern nation’s moral and economic health. Arbor Day coincided with the Tomb-Sweeping Festival, a day traditionally reserved for ancestor worship. Due to the vast climatic disparities within China, many governments planted Arbor Day trees under conditions that made it impossible for them to thrive. Nevertheless, officials throughout China continued to celebrate Arbor Day as proof of their loyalty to the government in Beijing. Arbor Day thus served more as an exercise in promoting national unity than in creating a viable reforestation campaign.
近代中国学者忽视了环境政策在民国初期促进现代化和民族团结的作用。从1916年开始,北京的国民政府规定全国各省、县都要庆祝“植树节”,以培养现代中国环境文化。这一变化是为了回应将森林覆盖率与现代国家的道德和经济健康联系起来的全球话语。植树节恰逢清明节,这是传统上祭拜祖先的日子。由于中国国内巨大的气候差异,许多政府在不可能茁壮成长的条件下种植植树树。尽管如此,中国各地的官员仍继续庆祝植树节,以证明他们对北京政府的忠诚。因此,植树节更多的是一种促进民族团结的活动,而不是发起一场切实可行的重新造林运动。
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引用次数: 1
May Fourth in three keys: revolutionary, pluralistic, and scientific 五四的三个关键:革命、多元、科学
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1688989
T. Weston
If any topic in modern Chinese history has been “well done,” to the point of being possibly “overcooked,” it is the May Fourth Movement – by which I refer both to the demonstrations of 1919 and to the broader “New Culture” context in which they unfolded. I would suggest that one reason for May Fourth’s being so “well done,” if not in fact “overcooked,” is because intellectuals love to talk about themselves. The May Fourth-era intellectuals talked about themselves a great deal over the decades after 1919, and we intellectuals belonging to the generations that have followed can relate to those historical figures quite easily. And so we (especially contemporary Chinese intellectuals) have interpreted and narrated them at exhaustive length. Deeply attuned to diachronic process as historians are, it is axiomatic among us that the meaning of the past is always changing in light of the constantly unfolding present. Indeed, we might even say that this phenomenon is what keeps historians “in business.” We know well that the past forever needs remodeling and that somebody has got to do that work. The broad array of commemorative and academic events that have taken place in China and the West in honor of May Fourth’s centennial anniversary, not to mention the outpouring of articles and special issues of journals on the subject, make abundantly clear that, “well done” or “overcooked” though it may be, May Fourth’s value has not been exhausted. How then might we think about May Fourth’s ongoing and ever-replenishing meaningfulness? In pondering that question on the occasion of the centennial anniversary I find myself thinking about a book I assign to my college students in order to teach them about the concept of historiography. That book is Paul Cohen’s study of the Boxer Uprising, History in Three Keys: The Boxers as Event, Experience, and Myth. Cohen masterfully lays out the variety of kinds voices that write history – those of professional historians, of participants, and of mythologizers, the latter of whom are less interested in rigorous historical research than they are in the value of the past as a contemporary ideological and political resource. Cohen’s work on the “career” of the Boxer Uprising as a historical subject suggests ways that we may think about May Fourth’s post-1919 “career” as a historical subject. Cohen discusses the New Culture Movement of the late 1910s and early 1920s as a key phase in the history of the different narrations of the Boxer Uprising that unfolded during the twentieth century. With regard to the New Culture Movement,
如果说中国现代史上有什么话题被“做得很好”,到了可能“煮过头”的地步,那就是五四运动——我指的是1919年的示威活动,以及更广泛的“新文化”背景。我认为,五四之所以“做得好”,如果不是“煮过头”的话,其中一个原因就是知识分子喜欢谈论自己。五四时期的知识分子在1919年之后的几十年里谈了很多关于他们自己的事情,而我们这一代的知识分子可以很容易地与这些历史人物联系起来。因此,我们(尤其是当代中国知识分子)对它们进行了详尽的解读和叙述。作为历史学家,我们对历时过程有着深刻的理解,在我们中间,一个不言自明的事实是,过去的意义总是随着不断展开的现在而变化。事实上,我们甚至可以说,正是这种现象让历史学家“在工作”。我们很清楚,过去永远需要重塑,必须有人来做这项工作。中国和西方为纪念五四百年而举行的一系列纪念和学术活动,更不用说关于这个主题的大量文章和期刊特刊,都充分表明,尽管“做得好”或“煮得过火”,但五四的价值还没有耗尽。那么,我们该如何看待“五四”持续不断、不断充实的意义呢?在一百周年纪念之际思考这个问题时,我发现自己在思考我给大学生布置的一本书,目的是教他们史学的概念。那本书是保罗·科恩对义和团起义的研究,《三键历史:义和团作为事件、经验和神话》。科恩巧妙地列出了书写历史的各种声音——专业历史学家的声音,参与者的声音,以及神话学家的声音,后者对严格的历史研究不太感兴趣,他们更感兴趣的是过去作为当代意识形态和政治资源的价值。科恩关于义和团运动作为一个历史主题的“生涯”的研究,为我们提供了一些思考1919年之后的五四运动作为一个历史主题的“生涯”的方法。科恩讨论了20世纪10年代末和20世纪初的新文化运动,作为20世纪展开的义和团起义的不同叙述历史的关键阶段。关于新文化运动,
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引用次数: 0
The other side of the may fourth movement: the formation of the concept of “society” and the birth of a new-style organization 五四运动的另一面:“社会”观念的形成和新型组织的诞生
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1693744
Li Jingyao
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引用次数: 0
Qing travelers to the Far West: diplomacy and the information order in late imperial China 清代西游:帝制晚期中国的外交与信息秩序
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1688981
K. Ren
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引用次数: 2
Beyond Beijing: May Fourth as a national and international movement 北京之外:五四作为一场全国性和国际运动
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1688982
S. Rahav
The twenty-first century aboundswith centenaries of formative events that shaped the present and therefore with opportunities to commemorate and reflect on events of the previous century. What – if anything – did they mean? After commemorating the one hundredth anniversary of China’s RepublicanRevolution of 1911 and the beginning and ending ofWorld War I and on the eve ofmarking the centenary of the founding theChineseCommunist Party, we have arrived at the one hundredth anniversary of the May Fourth Movement. From our current vantage point, what seems to be the significance of the movement? One straightforward response was coined by Mao Zedong. In his seminal 1940 essay “On New Democracy,” Mao stated flatly that “since the May Fourth Movement things have been different.” For Mao the movement’s primary significance lay in paving the road to Communism, but the significance of May Fourth has always been contested. Historians and politicians have assigned the movement a variety of meanings, from cultural renaissance to patriotic awakening, from the advent of Marxism to the celebration of liberalism. Yet, as is often stated, history is ever changing reflecting the concerns of scholars and pundits about their own era. Hindsight provides many reasons to reflect anew about May Fourth. What does the movement mean given what we now know about the evolution of Communism in China, the alternate paths of Taiwan and Hong Kong, the embrace of market mechanisms in Deng Xiaoping’s time, and the New Era of Xi Jinping? What do language reform and cultural reform mean in the current era of globalization and the digital revolution? As the late twentieth century’s political order of liberal democratic nation-states faces severe challenges domestically from the rise of populist leaders and internationally from the rise of China and Russia and the weakening of the United States, the centenary of May Fourth beckons us to reflect on the meaning of this movement. Viewed from the perspective of our increasingly connected world, it might be time to conceive of May Fourth as a national and international movement. This proposition inevitably raises questions about the way in which ideas spread and the relation between ideas and political change.
二十一世纪充满了塑造当今世界的百年事件,因此也有机会纪念和反思上个世纪的事件。如果有的话,他们是什么意思?在纪念辛亥革命和第一次世界大战爆发和结束一百周年、中国共产党建党一百周年前夕,我们又迎来了五四运动一百周年。从我们现在的角度来看,这场运动的意义是什么?在他1940年的开创性论文《新民主主义论》中,毛直截了当地说:“自从五四运动以来,情况就不同了。”对毛来说,这场运动的主要意义在于为共产主义铺平道路,但五四的意义一直备受争议。历史学家和政治家给这场运动赋予了各种意义,从文化复兴到爱国觉醒,从马克思主义的出现到自由主义的庆祝。然而,正如人们常说的那样,历史是不断变化的,反映了学者和权威人士对自己时代的关注。事后诸葛亮提供了许多重新反思五四的理由。在当今全球化和数字革命的时代,语言改革和文化改革意味着什么?20世纪末,自由民主民族国家的政治秩序在国内面临着民粹主义领导人崛起带来的严峻挑战,在国际上面临着中国和俄罗斯崛起以及美国衰落带来的严峻挑战。五四百年纪念召唤我们反思这场运动的意义。从我们这个联系日益紧密的世界的角度来看,也许是时候把五四看作是一场全国性和国际运动了。这一命题不可避免地提出了关于思想传播方式以及思想与政治变革之间关系的问题。
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Journal of Modern Chinese History
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