On June 13, 2021, Naftali Bennet was sworn in as Israel’s first ever Religious-Zionist Prime Minister. Although Bennet’s political party, Yamina (Rightward), currently has only seven seats in the Knesset (out of 120), and he heads a shaky coalition government, his election as Prime Minister symbolizes the progress made by Religious-Zionism towards achieving a hegemonic position in Israeli society. Historically, Religious-Zionism had been a junior partner in the historic bloc which sustained the hegemony of the Labor Zionist movement over the Zionist settlement project. However, the Arab-Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973 gave the younger generation of Religious-Zionism the opportunity to take over their own movement and aim, as they put it, to move from the back seat to the driver’s seat of Israeli society. Labor Zionism’s loss of the political initiative regarding the territories occupied in 1967 provided the opening for that move. Religious-Zionism encompasses a whole range of religious and nationalist outlooks, but its most influential and dynamic element is the activist-Messianic tendency associated with Gush Emunim. The core interest and value of this dominant tendency is the permanent incorporation of the West Bank under Israeli sovereignty.
{"title":"FROM SAFE HAVEN TO MESSIANIC REDEMPTION: THE ASCENDANCE OF RELIGIOUS-ZIONISM","authors":"Y. Peled","doi":"10.54561/prj1601127p","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1601127p","url":null,"abstract":"On June 13, 2021, Naftali Bennet was sworn in as Israel’s first ever Religious-Zionist Prime Minister. Although Bennet’s political party, Yamina (Rightward), currently has only seven seats in the Knesset (out of 120), and he heads a shaky coalition government, his election as Prime Minister symbolizes the progress made by Religious-Zionism towards achieving a hegemonic position in Israeli society. Historically, Religious-Zionism had been a junior partner in the historic bloc which sustained the hegemony of the Labor Zionist movement over the Zionist settlement project. However, the Arab-Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973 gave the younger generation of Religious-Zionism the opportunity to take over their own movement and aim, as they put it, to move from the back seat to the driver’s seat of Israeli society. Labor Zionism’s loss of the political initiative regarding the territories occupied in 1967 provided the opening for that move. Religious-Zionism encompasses a whole range of religious and nationalist outlooks, but its most influential and dynamic element is the activist-Messianic tendency associated with Gush Emunim. The core interest and value of this dominant tendency is the permanent incorporation of the West Bank under Israeli sovereignty.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44047867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The phenomenon of Islamophobia is one of the most dangerous cultural consequences of the wave of extremism and violence that has shaken the world over the past three decades. The more extremism increases, Islamophobia increases, and the more Islamophobia increases, extremism increases at the same rate. This phenomenon has imposed its heavy consequences on Muslims in all Western and non-Western countries in which Muslims represent a minority of the social fabric. Many international and local organizations have endeavored to confront this phenomenon. The Muslim World League is considered to be one of the most active international Islamic organizations in combating and confronting this phenomenon. In this article I try to trace the cultural and religious efforts of the League in countries that suffer from increasing rates of Islamophobia, through which the League aims to mitigate the effects of this phenomenon - either by educating Muslims about further integration, or educating non-Muslims about the truth of the Islamic religion. That is how it tries to correct negative perceptual images they have about Islamic religion in the Western mentality, which are the underlying motivations behind the development and escalation of islamophobia.
{"title":"MUSLIM WORLD LEAGUE’S EFFORTS TO CONFRONT ISLAMOPHOBIA","authors":"Hanan K. Al-Khudairi","doi":"10.54561/prj1601083a","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1601083a","url":null,"abstract":"The phenomenon of Islamophobia is one of the most dangerous cultural consequences of the wave of extremism and violence that has shaken the world over the past three decades. The more extremism increases, Islamophobia increases, and the more Islamophobia increases, extremism increases at the same rate. This phenomenon has imposed its heavy consequences on Muslims in all Western and non-Western countries in which Muslims represent a minority of the social fabric. Many international and local organizations have endeavored to confront this phenomenon. The Muslim World League is considered to be one of the most active international Islamic organizations in combating and confronting this phenomenon. In this article I try to trace the cultural and religious efforts of the League in countries that suffer from increasing rates of Islamophobia, through which the League aims to mitigate the effects of this phenomenon - either by educating Muslims about further integration, or educating non-Muslims about the truth of the Islamic religion. That is how it tries to correct negative perceptual images they have about Islamic religion in the Western mentality, which are the underlying motivations behind the development and escalation of islamophobia.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47018349","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Following its establishment in 1962, the Muslim World League (MWL) was meant to be an organization that expands the outreach of Saudi Arabia and its then Wahabi version of Islam in the world in the time when other competing ideologies, especially Arab nationalism, were on the rise. This allowed it to carry out religious, cultural, aid and educational programs. At the time, The Saudi adopted version of Islam known as Wahabism was rejected in the western world. This study analyses news reports about the MWL published by mostly western media outlets, by using Critical Discourse Analysis as a theory. This study concludes that the coverage of MWL has changed recently from being negative to being positive with Mohammad Al-Issa assuming the leadership of MWL and with radical changes taking place in Saudi Arabia itself, politically, socially, religiously and culturally. Western media coverage of MWL now connects the organization to coexistence, religious tolerance, openness and moderate thinking and positive view of other faiths. It suggests that MWL has rejected all forms of radicalism and strict interpretation of Islam and calls for unity and building bridges with other religions.
穆斯林世界联盟(MWL)成立于1962年,旨在扩大沙特阿拉伯及其当时的瓦哈比版本伊斯兰教在世界上的影响力,当时其他相互竞争的意识形态,特别是阿拉伯民族主义正在兴起。这使它能够开展宗教、文化、援助和教育项目。当时,沙特采用的伊斯兰教瓦哈比主义在西方世界遭到拒绝。本研究以批判性话语分析为理论基础,对西方主流媒体发表的有关MWL的新闻报道进行分析。这项研究得出的结论是,随着穆罕默德·伊萨(Mohammad Al Issa)担任MWL的领导,沙特阿拉伯本身在政治、社会、宗教和文化上发生了根本性的变化,MWL的报道最近从负面变成了正面。西方媒体对MWL的报道现在将该组织与共存、宗教宽容、开放和温和的思想以及对其他信仰的积极看法联系起来。它表明,MWL拒绝一切形式的激进主义和对伊斯兰教的严格解释,并呼吁团结一致,与其他宗教建立桥梁。
{"title":"FROM RADICALISM TO TOLERANCE: MEDIA COVERAGE OF THE MUSLIM WORLD LEAGUE","authors":"Yousef M. Aljamal","doi":"10.54561/prj1601095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1601095","url":null,"abstract":"Following its establishment in 1962, the Muslim World League (MWL) was meant to be an organization that expands the outreach of Saudi Arabia and its then Wahabi version of Islam in the world in the time when other competing ideologies, especially Arab nationalism, were on the rise. This allowed it to carry out religious, cultural, aid and educational programs. At the time, The Saudi adopted version of Islam known as Wahabism was rejected in the western world. This study analyses news reports about the MWL published by mostly western media outlets, by using Critical Discourse Analysis as a theory. This study concludes that the coverage of MWL has changed recently from being negative to being positive with Mohammad Al-Issa assuming the leadership of MWL and with radical changes taking place in Saudi Arabia itself, politically, socially, religiously and culturally. Western media coverage of MWL now connects the organization to coexistence, religious tolerance, openness and moderate thinking and positive view of other faiths. It suggests that MWL has rejected all forms of radicalism and strict interpretation of Islam and calls for unity and building bridges with other religions.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44362106","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Islamic Fiqh Council is considered to be one of the most important organs of the Muslim World League (MWL), and it serves as the legal body that directs the League’s work in general, especially in religious and jurisprudential issues. It also serves as the Saudi version of the specialized fiqh councils distributed in most countries of the Muslim world. The Council's work extends to many fields including issuing decrees and publishing dictionaries and academic works. In this paper, the researcher tries to introduce the Islamic Fiqh Council, its history, its organs, the tasks it manages and the most important issues it discusses, as well as the general religious line it follows. The researcher has relied almost entirely on the Council's publications and periodicals due to the lack of studies devoted to studying the Council.
{"title":"THE ISLAMIC FIQH COUNCIL OF THE MUSLIM WORLD LEAGUE","authors":"Modi S. Akoridis","doi":"10.54561/prj1601111a","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1601111a","url":null,"abstract":"The Islamic Fiqh Council is considered to be one of the most important organs of the Muslim World League (MWL), and it serves as the legal body that directs the League’s work in general, especially in religious and jurisprudential issues. It also serves as the Saudi version of the specialized fiqh councils distributed in most countries of the Muslim world. The Council's work extends to many fields including issuing decrees and publishing dictionaries and academic works. In this paper, the researcher tries to introduce the Islamic Fiqh Council, its history, its organs, the tasks it manages and the most important issues it discusses, as well as the general religious line it follows. The researcher has relied almost entirely on the Council's publications and periodicals due to the lack of studies devoted to studying the Council.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41336903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Muslim World League (MWL) is considered one of the oldest Islamic organizations that took care of charitable and relief work in the Islamic world. Over the past sixty years, it has worked to diversify its charitable, relief and humanitarian activities in line with its position as an organization in support of Muslim peoples. Besides, it has established several subsidiary organizations to handle the task of managing charitable and relief work, such as the International Commission for Relief, Welfare and Development, and the Supreme Council of Mosques, as well as other affiliated organizations that handle religious, cultural and scientific affairs. This article highlights the efforts made by the League in the health, educational, community and relief sectors, by analyzing the League’s official magazine and the periodicals.
{"title":"THE CHARITABLE AND HUMANITARIAN WORK EFFORTS OF THE MUSLIM WORLD LEAGUE","authors":"Afaf Alotaibi","doi":"10.54561/prj1601065a","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1601065a","url":null,"abstract":"The Muslim World League (MWL) is considered one of the oldest Islamic organizations that took care of charitable and relief work in the Islamic world. Over the past sixty years, it has worked to diversify its charitable, relief and humanitarian activities in line with its position as an organization in support of Muslim peoples. Besides, it has established several subsidiary organizations to handle the task of managing charitable and relief work, such as the International Commission for Relief, Welfare and Development, and the Supreme Council of Mosques, as well as other affiliated organizations that handle religious, cultural and scientific affairs. This article highlights the efforts made by the League in the health, educational, community and relief sectors, by analyzing the League’s official magazine and the periodicals.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46789383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When viewed in light of other revolutions, the revolution in Iran raises important analytical and conceptual questions. Of a religious character that for the most part was misunderstood, overwhelmingly urban in nature, characterized by the conscious rejection of force by its leadership and following, premised on extraordinarily high levels of popular participation, and achieving success within a remarkably brief time period (one year elapsed from the first major demonstrations to the expulsion of the shah), the Iranian upheaval seems to elude explanation when viewed in terms of conventional theories of revolution. Conceivably, the Iranian case could be considered under the rubric of relative deprivation, a state system under pressure from the international system, or in terms of stages of revolution, yet such notions do not directly address most of the features enumerated above. 1 And although the construction of theory on the basis of one case would be foolhardy, it is still possible to conceptualize events of the Iranian Revolution while modestly contributing to an expansion, not a rewriting, of our understanding of how revolutions come about.
{"title":"Religion and Countermobilization in the Iranian Revolution","authors":"Jerrold D. Green","doi":"10.1201/9780429338458-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1201/9780429338458-6","url":null,"abstract":"When viewed in light of other revolutions, the revolution in Iran raises important analytical and conceptual questions. Of a religious character that for the most part was misunderstood, overwhelmingly urban in nature, characterized by the conscious rejection of force by its leadership and following, premised on extraordinarily high levels of popular participation, and achieving success within a remarkably brief time period (one year elapsed from the first major demonstrations to the expulsion of the shah), the Iranian upheaval seems to elude explanation when viewed in terms of conventional theories of revolution. Conceivably, the Iranian case could be considered under the rubric of relative deprivation, a state system under pressure from the international system, or in terms of stages of revolution, yet such notions do not directly address most of the features enumerated above.\u0000 1\u0000 And although the construction of theory on the basis of one case would be foolhardy, it is still possible to conceptualize events of the Iranian Revolution while modestly contributing to an expansion, not a rewriting, of our understanding of how revolutions come about.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75136665","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Religion, the State, and Politics","authors":"I. Horowitz","doi":"10.1201/9780429338458-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1201/9780429338458-2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":"48 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87802160","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Bible in the American Political Tradition","authors":"W. Mcwilliams","doi":"10.1201/9780429338458-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1201/9780429338458-3","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":"73 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86042002","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This is the first part of an extensive study of the mobilization of Lebanon’s Shi’a community, which has long been on the periphery of Lebanon’s political system and on the bottom of the country’s economic system. Notwithstanding the political activities of individual Shi’a zu’ama (political bosses), the Shi’a community qua community was marked by quiescence and even irrelevance for the conduct of politics in Lebanon. Only in the late 1960s did incipient efforts to mobilize the community become evident. 1 Those efforts were overtaken by the civil war that began in 1975. While the war temporarily eclipsed the Shi’as’ mobilization, it was the war and its broader political and socioeconomic consequences that provided the decisive impetuses for the assertive and important role that the Shi’as are today assuming in Lebanon. (I have corrupted the correct plural form “Shiya”’ so as to render a more readily recognized plural.) Especially in the shadow of the June 1982 Israeli invasion, it is evident that the Shi’as of Lebanon may well play a decisive part in determining the future and perhaps the survival of the Lebanese state.
{"title":"Harakat Amal (The Movement of Hope)","authors":"A. Norton","doi":"10.1201/9780429338458-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1201/9780429338458-7","url":null,"abstract":"This is the first part of an extensive study of the mobilization of Lebanon’s Shi’a community, which has long been on the periphery of Lebanon’s political system and on the bottom of the country’s economic system. Notwithstanding the political activities of individual Shi’a zu’ama (political bosses), the Shi’a community qua community was marked by quiescence and even irrelevance for the conduct of politics in Lebanon. Only in the late 1960s did incipient efforts to mobilize the community become evident.\u0000 1\u0000 Those efforts were overtaken by the civil war that began in 1975. While the war temporarily eclipsed the Shi’as’ mobilization, it was the war and its broader political and socioeconomic consequences that provided the decisive impetuses for the assertive and important role that the Shi’as are today assuming in Lebanon. (I have corrupted the correct plural form “Shiya”’ so as to render a more readily recognized plural.) Especially in the shadow of the June 1982 Israeli invasion, it is evident that the Shi’as of Lebanon may well play a decisive part in determining the future and perhaps the survival of the Lebanese state.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89054777","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Gush Emunim: The Institutionalization of a Charismatic, Messianic, Religious-Political Revitalization Movement in Israel","authors":"M. Aronoff","doi":"10.1201/9780429338458-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1201/9780429338458-5","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":"1131 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80653762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}