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Indian Quest for Hypersonic Missiles in South Asia and Disruption of Strategic Stability in the Indo-Pak Dyad 印度在南亚寻求高超音速导弹和破坏印巴边界的战略稳定
IF 0.1 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-29 DOI: 10.31945/iprij.230102
A. Abbasi
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引用次数: 0
When Unipolarity Dies: The Russo-Ukrainian War, the End of the Neoliberal Order and Asian Security in the 2020s 《当单极消亡:俄乌战争、新自由主义秩序的终结和21世纪20年代的亚洲安全
IF 0.1 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.31945/iprij.220203
D. Walton
The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union allowed for a period of US-centered unipolarity in global affairs. This period has ended;it will not return. Moreover, the delicate neoliberal world order crafted by the United States and its allies is collapsing, unable to endure the stress of the COVID-19 crisis and its aftermath. The rise of China does not, however, mean that the world is returning to a long period of bipolarity --reminiscent of the US-Soviet Cold War. Rather, the United States and China simply happen to be far greater than any of their potential competitors at present-the globe is in a condition of "incomplete multi-polarity." The multipolar system is maturing rapidly, however, and it is to be expected that an increasing number of great and medium powers will pursue their interests unilaterally and assertively. This period of deepening multi-polarity is dangerous. It may plausibly culminate in a Third World War. This analysis examines immediate and longer-term dangers accompanying the new multi-polarity, with particular emphasis on how the security of East and South Asia is inextricably linked.
冷战的结束和苏联的解体使全球事务出现了一段以美国为中心的单极时期。这一时期已经结束;它不会回来。此外,美国及其盟友精心打造的微妙的新自由主义世界秩序正在崩溃,无法承受新冠肺炎危机及其后果的压力。然而,中国的崛起并不意味着世界正在回到长期的两极状态——让人想起美苏冷战。相反,美国和中国恰好比他们的任何潜在竞争对手都强大——目前全球正处于“不完全多极”的状态。然而,多极体系正在迅速成熟,预计越来越多的大国和中大国将单方面、果断地追求自己的利益。这个多极性加深的时期是危险的。它可能会在第三次世界大战中达到高潮。这项分析考察了伴随新的多极性而来的直接和长期危险,特别强调东亚和南亚的安全是如何密不可分的。
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引用次数: 0
World Politics after the War in Ukraine: Non-polarity and its South Asian Dimensions 乌克兰战争后的世界政治:非极性及其南亚维度
IF 0.1 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.31945/iprij.220204
Dr. Arshin Adib-Moghaddam
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引用次数: 0
Politico-Strategic Implications of the Russia-Ukraine War for South Asia: A Bangladeshi Perspective 从孟加拉国的角度看俄乌战争对南亚的政治战略影响
IF 0.1 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.31945/iprij.220206
Dr. Bhumitra Chakma
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of Russo-Ukrainian War on South Asia: An Afghan Perspective 俄乌战争对南亚的影响:阿富汗视角
IF 0.1 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.31945/iprij.220205
Arwin Rahi
The Russo-Ukrainian War has had a global impact on financial markets, commodity prices and military alliances. Initially, for the West to assume Russia would be negligent of its security interests following the Cold War, was a major mistake. The whole world, including South Asia, is now paying a price. As such, this paper looks at the impacts of the Russo-Ukrainian War on South Asia from an Afghan perspective given the fact that Afghanistan has the longest engagement with its neighbour in the north, besides being an integral part of the SAARC. The paper argues that the Russo-Ukrainian War entails negative consequences for South Asian stability — with a particular focus on the situation in Afghanistan —and the region’s economies. The paper also suggests that the Russo-Ukrainian War will impact alliance politics variably in South Asia, depending on each country’s interests. Similarly, the paper notes that both Pakistan and India can learn invaluable lessons with respect to the use of modern technology such as surveillance drones in conventional warfare during the 21 century. Finally, the paper concludes by noting that no amount of trade and economic * Arwin Rahi is a former adviser to the Parwan governor in Afghanistan. He is a Fulbright scholar, a recipient of two Congressional Fellowships, and a researcher at the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terror (START) at the University of Maryland. He can be reached at rahiarwin@gmail.com. ___________________ @2022 by the Islamabad Policy Research Institute. IPRI Journal ◼ XXII (2): 77-102 https://doi.org/10.31945/iprij.220205
俄乌战争对金融市场、商品价格和军事联盟产生了全球性影响。最初,西方认为俄罗斯在冷战后会忽视自己的安全利益,这是一个重大错误。包括南亚在内的整个世界正在付出代价。鉴于阿富汗与北方邻国的接触时间最长,而且是南盟的组成部分,因此,本文从阿富汗的角度来看俄乌战争对南亚的影响。该报告认为,俄乌战争对南亚的稳定(特别是阿富汗的局势)和该地区的经济产生了负面影响。本文还认为,俄乌战争将对南亚的联盟政治产生不同的影响,这取决于每个国家的利益。同样,该文件指出,巴基斯坦和印度都可以在21世纪的常规战争中使用无人侦察机等现代技术方面吸取宝贵的经验教训。最后,文章最后指出,阿富汗帕尔旺省省长的前顾问Arwin Rahi没有多少贸易和经济。他是富布赖特学者,两项国会奖学金获得者,马里兰大学国家恐怖主义与反恐研究联盟(START)研究员。您可以通过rahiarwin@gmail.com与他联系。___________________ @ 2022年巴基斯坦政策研究所。IPRI学报原标题:77-102 https://doi.org/10.31945/iprij.220205
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引用次数: 0
Russia’s Policies toward Ukraine: The Context, Evolution, and Outlook 俄罗斯对乌克兰政策的背景、演变与展望
IF 0.1 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.31945/iprij.220202
D. Trenin
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引用次数: 0
Fighting for Freedom: Ukrainian Assessment of the Implications of the Russian Invasion for South Asia 为自由而战:乌克兰对俄罗斯入侵南亚影响的评估
IF 0.1 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.31945/iprij.220201
O. Haran, Petro Burkovskyi
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引用次数: 0
Hybrid regimes: An Overview 混合制度:综述
IF 0.1 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-30 DOI: 10.31945/iprij.220101
Dr. Muntasser Majeed Hameed
According to different types of democracy Indexes,  hybrid regimes or those in the gray zone, make up the majority of regime transformations in the third wave of democracy. However, after nearly three decades, conceptual confusion about hybrid regimes persists and grows, while obstructing the accumulation of knowledge about the nature of hybrid regimes. This leads to significant political repercussions for democratization. This Paper attempts to provide a clearer view of different and overlapping concepts. The classifications in this complex field, and sustain development in democratic transformation are highlighted in the literature review. To achieve this, we followed an approach based on the classification of concepts and terms in three distinct categories, based on the different trends and successive stages in literature on hybrid regimes. This limits the conceptual stretching and intellectual bias. It also helps to extrapolate the elements of contrast and diversity to highlight the prospects for the transition to those regimes as much as possible. The Paper reached a number of results. The transition paradigm was the product of a previous stage during the strong early days of the third wave. Similarly, the subsequent facts have proven that this was not "the end of history." The hybrid regimes expressed these facts through their different patterns that were in multiple directions due to various cases and contexts. Therefore, the transition outcomes are also as accommodating towards the diversity in the experiences of different democratic countries.
根据不同类型的民主指数, 混合政权或处于灰色地带的政权,构成了第三波民主浪潮中政权转型的大部分。然而,近三十年后,关于混合政权的概念混乱持续存在并加剧,同时阻碍了关于混合政权性质的知识积累。这对民主化产生了重大的政治影响。本文试图对不同和重叠的概念提供一个更清晰的视角。文献综述强调了这一复杂领域的分类以及民主转型中的可持续发展。为了实现这一点,我们采用了一种方法,基于混合制度文献中的不同趋势和连续阶段,将概念和术语分为三个不同的类别。这限制了概念延伸和智力偏见。这也有助于推断对比和多样性的因素,以尽可能突出向这些制度过渡的前景。该论文取得了一些成果。过渡范式是第三波浪潮早期强劲时期前一阶段的产物。同样,随后的事实证明,这并不是“历史的终结”。混合政权通过其不同的模式来表达这些事实,这些模式因各种情况和背景而朝着多个方向发展。因此,过渡成果也同样适应了不同民主国家经验的多样性。
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引用次数: 1
Pakistan-Bangladesh relations – Prospects and Way Forward 巴孟关系——前景和前进道路
IF 0.1 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-30 DOI: 10.31945/iprij.220107
Dr. Moonis Ahmar
This paper will analyze how in the last 51 years of Bangladesh’s Independence, Pakistan has viewed its former part positively transforming in human and social development without any hostility, jealousy, prejudice, mistrust or paranoia. The role of political parties, civil society and youth in altering Pakistan-Bangladesh relations for the better will also be examined in detail. An interesting aspect of Pakistan-Bangladesh relations is the debate in Dhaka which got an impetus on the occasion of the 50 th anniversary of Bangladesh’s Independence that their country has left Pakistan behind in important indicators of human security and development like economic growth rate, foreign exchange reserves, exports, literacy ratio, poverty alleviation, women empowerment and controlling religious fanaticism. Ups and downs in Pakistan-Bangladesh relations are linked with the internal dynamics of Dhaka particularly, when Awami League is in power and uses the ‘Pakistan card’ to mobilize popular sentiments and support for domestic political consumption. Some of the measures which can help augment political will, mutual trust and confidence between Pakistan and Bangladesh relate to easing of visa restrictions, better air connectivity, shipping links, joint ventures, cultural and educational cooperation. Furthermore, award of scholarships to Bangladeshi and Pakistani students to study in each other’s educational institutions will go a long way in building confidence and goodwill particularly, among the youths of the two countries.
本文将分析在孟加拉国独立的最后51年里,巴基斯坦如何看待其前一部分在人类和社会发展中的积极转变,而没有任何敌意、嫉妒、偏见、不信任或偏执。还将详细审查政党、民间社会和青年在改善巴基斯坦与孟加拉国关系方面的作用。巴孟关系的一个有趣方面是在达卡举行的辩论,这场辩论在孟加拉国独立50周年之际得到了推动,即他们的国家在人类安全和发展的重要指标方面落后于巴基斯坦,如经济增长率、外汇储备、出口、识字率、减贫,赋予妇女权力和控制宗教狂热。巴孟关系的起伏与达卡的内部动态有关,尤其是当人民联盟执政并利用“巴基斯坦牌”动员民众情绪和支持国内政治消费时。一些有助于增强巴基斯坦和孟加拉国之间政治意愿、互信和信心的措施涉及放宽签证限制、改善航空连通性、航运联系、合资企业、文化和教育合作。此外,向孟加拉国和巴基斯坦学生颁发奖学金,让他们在彼此的教育机构学习,这将大大有助于建立信心和善意,尤其是在两国青年中。
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引用次数: 0
Hybrid Warfare and its Nuances: A Case-Study from South Asia 混合战争及其核武器——以南亚为例
IF 0.1 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-30 DOI: 10.31945/iprij.220102
Dr Farah Naz, Dr Zia ul Haque Shamsi
In a hypothetical sense, hybrid war, in its all nuances, may prove extremely damaging for Pakistan due to certain evident fault lines in country’s security infrastructure and body politic. India and its closest allies did try to find several avenues, which could be exploited with their location within Pakistan’s political, religious, cultural, and psychological domains. Pakistan’s response to India’s Hybrid War, as exposed recently by the European Watchdog through the ‘Indian Chronicles’, has been of great significance and worth investigating. Pakistan was able to sail through the troubling times, unleashed by this Hybrid War imposed by India. It retrospectively offers a formative case study in this context. This paper aims to explore how and what kind of a Hybrid War was imposed on Pakistan, which could rather prove a recurrent security threat. In addition, an effort has been made to determine pathways and methodologies adopted by the hostile neighbour to achieve its defined objectives by undertaking diverse insidious pathways.
在一种假设的意义上,混合战争,在其所有细微差别中,可能会对巴基斯坦造成极大的伤害,因为该国的安全基础设施和政体存在某些明显的断层线。印度及其最亲密的盟友确实试图找到一些途径,这些途径可以利用他们在巴基斯坦政治、宗教、文化和心理领域的位置。欧洲监察机构最近通过“印度编年史”揭露了巴基斯坦对印度混合战争的反应,这具有重要意义,值得调查。巴基斯坦能够顺利度过由印度强加的混合战争引发的混乱时期。它回顾性地在这方面提供了一个形成性的案例研究。本文旨在探讨如何以及什么样的混合战争是强加给巴基斯坦,这可以证明是一个经常性的安全威胁。此外,还努力确定敌对邻国为实现其确定的目标而采取的各种阴险途径的途径和方法。
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