The Rohingya, sometimes referred to as the „most persecuted people in the world‟, in 2017, once again, faced violence in Myanmar and many have been forced into displacement across international borders. More recently, in August 2018, they were in the spotlight as they observed the „anniversary‟ of the spate of mass displacements. The violence faced by this group is of extreme proportions and has persisted over many decades. This article examines the issue of the Rohingya of Myanmar from the lens of global ethics and International Relations. The solution to this humanitarian crisis does not seem to be coming from inside the borders of the country. From outside, there exists the possibility of international intervention on humanitarian grounds. The article explores a possible framework for such an intervention by examining interests of the intervening states and those of the people of the intervened state.
{"title":"To Intervene or Not to Intervene: Ethics of Humanitarian Intervention in Myanmar","authors":"Imran Syed","doi":"10.31945/iprij.190105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31945/iprij.190105","url":null,"abstract":"The Rohingya, sometimes referred to as the „most persecuted people in the world‟, in 2017, once again, faced violence in Myanmar and many have been forced into displacement across international borders. More recently, in August 2018, they were in the spotlight as they observed the „anniversary‟ of the spate of mass displacements. The violence faced by this group is of extreme proportions and has persisted over many decades. This article examines the issue of the Rohingya of Myanmar from the lens of global ethics and International Relations. The solution to this humanitarian crisis does not seem to be coming from inside the borders of the country. From outside, there exists the possibility of international intervention on humanitarian grounds. The article explores a possible framework for such an intervention by examining interests of the intervening states and those of the people of the intervened state.","PeriodicalId":41363,"journal":{"name":"IPRI Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48383202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad or QSD), a proposed multilateral platform consisting of the United States (US), India, Japan and Australia intended to underpin a future Asia-Pacific order, has the potential to significantly impact Pakistan‟s international standing. As an important regional actor, Pakistan‟s responses to such a platform will be influential. This article discusses possible ways Pakistan is likely to perceive the Quad and its consequences. It analyses the nature of the Quad, Pakistan‟s foreign policy and current geopolitical trends to provide a framework for discussion. It then outlines two potential forms the Quad may take, aggressive and cooperative, and explores Pakistan‟s likely perceptions and responses. It finds that in case of an aggressive Quad, Pakistan will resist pressure and seek external support which may trigger greater strategic competition, whereas it may be willing to adopt a balanced foreign policy in the case of a cooperative Quad. These findings demonstrate the importance of considering such long-term implications at a time when other concerns are driving international engagement with Pakistan.
{"title":"Pakistan and the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue: Current and Future Perceptions","authors":"B.D. Clarke","doi":"10.31945/iprij.190102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31945/iprij.190102","url":null,"abstract":"The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad or QSD), a proposed multilateral platform consisting of the United States (US), India, Japan and Australia intended to underpin a future Asia-Pacific order, has the potential to significantly impact Pakistan‟s international standing. As an important regional actor, Pakistan‟s responses to such a platform will be influential. This article discusses possible ways Pakistan is likely to perceive the Quad and its consequences. It analyses the nature of the Quad, Pakistan‟s foreign policy and current geopolitical trends to provide a framework for discussion. It then outlines two potential forms the Quad may take, aggressive and cooperative, and explores Pakistan‟s likely perceptions and responses. It finds that in case of an aggressive Quad, Pakistan will resist pressure and seek external support which may trigger greater strategic competition, whereas it may be willing to adopt a balanced foreign policy in the case of a cooperative Quad. These findings demonstrate the importance of considering such long-term implications at a time when other concerns are driving international engagement with Pakistan.","PeriodicalId":41363,"journal":{"name":"IPRI Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43503721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Under the premiership of Narendra Modi, India has witnessed a renewed focus on maritime interests, especially in its broader foreign policy. As the country envisions a key role for itself in extended oceanic waters, its Navy is undergoing a comprehensive modernisation plan that could enable it to dominate maritime activities at least in the Indian Ocean (IO). While it pursues acquiring blue water naval capabilities, India‟s maritime posture has been gradually shifting from mere selfdefence to pre-eminence. Through such enhanced capabilities, the Navy presumably seeks to pursue a set of different objectives that include performing missions of deterrence, creating an Indian-led maritime environment, and ensuring preparedness to engage in possible military conflicts. This article is an attempt to understand India‟s evolving maritime thinking and how „Indo-Pacific‟ as a new regional construct is designed to complement the country‟s naval ambitions.
{"title":"Analysing India’s Naval Development Strategy","authors":"S. Ullah","doi":"10.31945/iprij.190104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31945/iprij.190104","url":null,"abstract":"Under the premiership of Narendra Modi, India has witnessed a renewed focus on maritime interests, especially in its broader foreign policy. As the country envisions a key role for itself in extended oceanic waters, its Navy is undergoing a comprehensive modernisation plan that could enable it to dominate maritime activities at least in the Indian Ocean (IO). While it pursues acquiring blue water naval capabilities, India‟s maritime posture has been gradually shifting from mere selfdefence to pre-eminence. Through such enhanced capabilities, the Navy presumably seeks to pursue a set of different objectives that include performing missions of deterrence, creating an Indian-led maritime environment, and ensuring preparedness to engage in possible military conflicts. This article is an attempt to understand India‟s evolving maritime thinking and how „Indo-Pacific‟ as a new regional construct is designed to complement the country‟s naval ambitions.","PeriodicalId":41363,"journal":{"name":"IPRI Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44021960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Exceptionalism has been the principal narrative of the United States‘ foreign policy decision-making. It is the set of beliefs and principles that envisages the country‘s uniqueness and superiority over the rest. It has two strands: one being its status as an exemplar state; and the other being God‘s chosen people – the latter being the dominant one. The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) threatened life, liberty, pursuit of happiness and freedom – far away from the shores of the US. However, with ‗doing God‘s work‘ underpinning its foreign policy dictates – the US mobilised its military forces and spearheaded the campaign to help its Middle Eastern allies in getting rid of ISIS. The article aims to understand the basic tenets of US exceptionalism and the intervening variables which led the country to fight against the ISIS.
{"title":"Exceptionalism in US Foreign Policy: A Case Study of ISIS","authors":"Syed, Muhammad Ali Sabir, Baig","doi":"10.31945/IPRIJ.190106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31945/IPRIJ.190106","url":null,"abstract":"Exceptionalism has been the principal narrative of the United States‘ foreign policy decision-making. It is the set of beliefs and principles that envisages the country‘s uniqueness and superiority over the rest. It has two strands: one being its status as an exemplar state; and the other being God‘s chosen people – the latter being the dominant one. The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) threatened life, liberty, pursuit of happiness and freedom – far away from the shores of the US. However, with ‗doing God‘s work‘ underpinning its foreign policy dictates – the US mobilised its military forces and spearheaded the campaign to help its Middle Eastern allies in getting rid of ISIS. The article aims to understand the basic tenets of US exceptionalism and the intervening variables which led the country to fight against the ISIS.","PeriodicalId":41363,"journal":{"name":"IPRI Journal","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69796550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
India‟s ongoing nuclear modernisation does not seem compatible with its declared nuclear doctrine of 2003. Several influential voices from within the country have argued for the need to review its nuclear posture. As a consequence, and to restore the credibility of its deterrence posture, some former senior Indian decision-makers have hinted that the country may have already moved from its traditional posture of No First Use (NFU) and could possibly contemplate a comprehensive first-strike against Pakistan. This potential shift in India‟s nuclear posture, along with operationalisation of second-strike capability, suggest that India may have drifted away from its stated policy of Credible Minimum Deterrence (CMD). It is not yet clear whether this shift is real, intended to maintain deliberate ambiguity, or else a result of prevailing dissonance within India‟s strategic elite. The resultant discord between its declaratory position and its ongoing developments may force Pakistan to take remedial measures that could lead to action-reaction syndrome, thus, causing instability in South Asia.
{"title":"India’s Nuclear Doctrine: A Case of Strategic Dissonance or Deliberate Ambiguity","authors":"A. Sultan","doi":"10.31945/IPRIJ.180202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31945/IPRIJ.180202","url":null,"abstract":"India‟s ongoing nuclear modernisation does not seem compatible with its declared nuclear doctrine of 2003. Several influential voices from within the country have argued for the need to review its nuclear posture. As a consequence, and to restore the credibility of its deterrence posture, some former senior Indian decision-makers have hinted that the country may have already moved from its traditional posture of No First Use (NFU) and could possibly contemplate a comprehensive first-strike against Pakistan. This potential shift in India‟s nuclear posture, along with operationalisation of second-strike capability, suggest that India may have drifted away from its stated policy of Credible Minimum Deterrence (CMD). It is not yet clear whether this shift is real, intended to maintain deliberate ambiguity, or else a result of prevailing dissonance within India‟s strategic elite. The resultant discord between its declaratory position and its ongoing developments may force Pakistan to take remedial measures that could lead to action-reaction syndrome, thus, causing instability in South Asia.","PeriodicalId":41363,"journal":{"name":"IPRI Journal","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42343719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Hindu right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) made history by winning a clear majority in the 2014 Indian elections. The Party espouses updating and revising India‟s nuclear doctrine and making it relevant to the challenges of current times. Prospective change in the three central tenets of the nuclear doctrine – No First Use (NFU), threat of massive retaliation and a policy of Credible Minimum Deterrence (CMD) – will impact other areas as well. India‟s revision of its support for a nuclear-weapons-free world, moratorium on nuclear testing and the willingness to negotiate the Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty (FMCT) would be problematic. This article examines the likely impact of possible revision in the stated Indian doctrine on deterrence stability and global nuclear politics.
{"title":"Debating Potential Doctrinal Changes in India’s Nuclear Ambitions","authors":"Sameer Ali, T. Khalil","doi":"10.31945/iprij.180203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31945/iprij.180203","url":null,"abstract":"The Hindu right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) made history by winning a clear majority in the 2014 Indian elections. The Party espouses updating and revising India‟s nuclear doctrine and making it relevant to the challenges of current times. Prospective change in the three central tenets of the nuclear doctrine – No First Use (NFU), threat of massive retaliation and a policy of Credible Minimum Deterrence (CMD) – will impact other areas as well. India‟s revision of its support for a nuclear-weapons-free world, moratorium on nuclear testing and the willingness to negotiate the Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty (FMCT) would be problematic. This article examines the likely impact of possible revision in the stated Indian doctrine on deterrence stability and global nuclear politics.","PeriodicalId":41363,"journal":{"name":"IPRI Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49500029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Historically, the present-day northwestern Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan have been ruled under the 1901 Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR). After partition of British India in 1947, the tribal areas acceded to Pakistan; and the latter continued with the same colonial era isolationist special governance system. The Cold War politics and post-9/11 Afghan war turned this area into an ideological and operational base for domestic, regional and global terrorism and militancy. This precarious security environment compelled Pakistan to carry out counterinsurgency military operations. Lately, to achieve enduring peace, the debate on FATA‟s merger has taken on momentum resulting in milestone constitutional developments. This article is an attempt to explore how this significant tribal region evolved over time into a strategic vulnerability for Pakistan leading to a sociopolitical movement for its integration, with a focus on the advantages and challenges of this objective.
{"title":"Mainstreaming the Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan: Historical Dynamics, Prospective Advantages and Challenges","authors":"Muhammad Riaz Shad, Sarfraz Ahmed","doi":"10.31945/IPRIJ.180205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31945/IPRIJ.180205","url":null,"abstract":"Historically, the present-day northwestern Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan have been ruled under the 1901 Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR). After partition of British India in 1947, the tribal areas acceded to Pakistan; and the latter continued with the same colonial era isolationist special governance system. The Cold War politics and post-9/11 Afghan war turned this area into an ideological and operational base for domestic, regional and global terrorism and militancy. This precarious security environment compelled Pakistan to carry out counterinsurgency military operations. Lately, to achieve enduring peace, the debate on FATA‟s merger has taken on momentum resulting in milestone constitutional developments. This article is an attempt to explore how this significant tribal region evolved over time into a strategic vulnerability for Pakistan leading to a sociopolitical movement for its integration, with a focus on the advantages and challenges of this objective.","PeriodicalId":41363,"journal":{"name":"IPRI Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44803631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Do Bilateral Investment Treaties Promote Foreign Direct Investment Inflows in Asian Countries?","authors":"Muhammad Zubair Mumtaz, Zachary Alexander Smith","doi":"10.31945/iprij.180204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31945/iprij.180204","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41363,"journal":{"name":"IPRI Journal","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69796466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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