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Naturalistic metaphysics at sea 海上的自然主义形而上学
IF 0.2 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-02-25 DOI: 10.4454/PHILINQ.V6I1.209
Matthew C. Haug
In this paper I return to the mid-20th-century debate between Quine and Carnap on the status of metaphysical questions with an eye toward advancing contemporary debates about whether naturalists can coherently undertake substantive metaphysical inquiry. Following Huw Price, I take the debate between Quine and Carnap to hinge, in part, on whether human inquiry is functionally unified. However, unlike Price, I suggest that this question is not best understood as a question about the function(s) of descriptive discourse. This goes along with rejecting a “linguistic conception” of the starting point of metaphysical inquiry, which, although shared by Quine and Carnap, Price gives us no good reason to think is mandatory for naturalists. I sketch two reasons naturalists have to reject a particular manifestation of this linguistic conception in Quine’s work – his criterion of ontological commitment. Finally, I show how these reasons can help us identify the grains of truth in some recent critiques of “mainstream metaphysics of mind”
在本文中,我回到了20世纪中叶奎因和卡尔纳普之间关于形而上学问题地位的辩论,着眼于推进当代关于自然主义者是否能够连贯地进行实质性形而上学探究的辩论。继休·普莱斯之后,我认为奎因和卡尔纳普之间的争论部分取决于人类的探究是否在功能上是统一的。然而,与Price不同的是,我认为最好不要把这个问题理解为一个关于描述性话语功能的问题。这与拒绝形而上学研究起点的“语言概念”是一致的,尽管奎因和卡尔纳普也同意这一观点,但普莱斯没有给我们充分的理由认为自然主义者必须这样认为。我概述了自然主义者不得不拒绝蒯因作品中这种语言概念的一个特殊表现的两个原因——他的本体论承诺标准。最后,我将展示这些原因如何帮助我们在最近对“主流心灵形而上学”的批评中找到真理的真谛。
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引用次数: 0
David Lewis’s place in the history of late analytic philosophy: his conservative and liberal methodology 大卫·刘易斯在晚期分析哲学史上的地位:他的保守主义和自由主义方法论
IF 0.2 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-02-25 DOI: 10.4454/PHILINQ.V6I1.208
F. Janssen-Lauret, F. MacBride
In 1901 Russell had envisaged the new analytic philosophy as uniquely systematic, borrowing the methods of science and mathematics. A century later, have Russell’s hopes become reality? David Lewis is often celebrated as a great systematic metaphysician, his influence proof that we live in a heyday of systematic philosophy. But, we argue, this common belief is misguided: Lewis was not a systematic philosopher, and he didn’t want to be. Although some aspects of his philosophy are systematic, mainly his pluriverse of possible worlds and its many applications, that systematicity was due to the influence of his teacher Quine, who really was an heir to Russell. Drawing upon Lewis’s posthumous papers and his correspondence as well as the published record, we show that Lewis’s non-Quinean influences, including G.E. Moore and D.M. Armstrong, led Lewis to an anti-systematic methodology which leaves each philosopher’s views and starting points to his or her own personal conscience.
1901年,罗素设想新的分析哲学是独特的系统,借用了科学和数学的方法。一个世纪后,罗素的希望变成现实了吗?大卫·刘易斯经常被誉为伟大的系统形而上学家,他的影响证明我们生活在系统哲学的鼎盛时期。但是,我们认为,这种普遍的信念是错误的:刘易斯不是一个系统的哲学家,他也不想成为。虽然他的哲学的某些方面是系统的,主要是他的多元可能世界及其许多应用,但这种系统性是由于他的老师奎因的影响,奎因实际上是罗素的继承人。根据刘易斯死后的论文和他的通信以及出版的记录,我们表明刘易斯的非奎宁影响,包括摩尔和阿姆斯特朗,导致刘易斯的反系统方法论,每个哲学家的观点和出发点留给他或她自己的个人良心。
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引用次数: 2
Lewis and Cavell on Ordinary Language and Academic Philosophy 刘易斯与卡维尔论日常语言与学术哲学
IF 0.2 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-02-25 DOI: 10.4454/PHILINQ.V6I1.183
Abraham D. Stone
Stanley Cavell and David Lewis agree on the conditions under which philosophical argument can reveal truth, and on the type of truth that can be revealed. Neverthelss, they disagree on whether the academy is a good site for philosophy.
斯坦利·卡维尔和大卫·刘易斯在哲学论证可以揭示真理的条件和可以揭示的真理类型上意见一致。尽管如此,他们对学院是否是一个研究哲学的好地方持不同意见。
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引用次数: 0
Aaron Preston (Ed.), Analytic Philosophy: An Interpretive History 亚伦普雷斯顿(编),分析哲学:一个解释的历史
IF 0.2 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-02-25 DOI: 10.4454/PHILINQ.V6I1.212
Richard Davies
Review of Aaron Preston (Ed.), Analytic Philosophy: An Interpretive History , Routledge, London 2017, pp. 168.
回顾亚伦普雷斯顿(编),分析哲学:一个解释的历史,劳特利奇,伦敦2017年,第168页。
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引用次数: 0
Interviews on the history of late analytic philosophy 晚期分析哲学史访谈
IF 0.2 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-02-25 DOI: 10.4454/PHILINQ.V6I1.207
G. Bonino, P. Tripodi
As editors of this special issue, we thought it useful to ask the same three questions on the history of late analytic philosophy to some philosophers. (1) What are the main philosophical and metaphilosophical similarities and differences between early analytic philosophy and late analytic philosophy? (2) Is it possible to identify a mainstream in late analytic philosophy? If so, what are its main (cultural, ideological, philosophical, methodological, metaphilosophical) features? (3) What are, in your view, the main critical and controversial aspects of late analytic philosophy? We warmly thank all the interviewees for their collaboration and their interesting answers: Thomas R. Baldwin (University of York) Michael Beaney (Humboldt-Universitat zu Berlin and King’s College, London) Cora Diamond (University of Virginia) Hans-Johann Glock (Universitat Zurich) Matthew Haug (The College of William & Mary, Williamsburg) Cheryl Misak (University of Toronto) Philip Pettit (Princeton University) Nicholas Rescher (University of Pittsburgh) John Skorupski (University of St. Andrews) Brian Weatherson (University of Michigan, Ann Arbor) Timothy Williamson (University of Oxford) Jonathan Wolff (University of Oxford)
作为本期特刊的编辑,我们认为向一些哲学家提出关于晚期分析哲学历史的同样三个问题是有用的。(1)早期分析哲学和晚期分析哲学在哲学和元哲学上的主要异同是什么?(2)是否有可能确定晚期分析哲学的主流?如果有,它的主要(文化的、意识形态的、哲学的、方法论的、形而上学的)特征是什么?(3)在您看来,晚期分析哲学的主要批判和争议方面是什么?我们衷心感谢所有受访者的合作和他们有趣的回答:Thomas R. Baldwin(约克大学)Michael Beaney(柏林洪堡大学和伦敦国王学院)Cora Diamond(弗吉尼亚大学)Hans-Johann Glock(苏黎世大学)Matthew Haug(威廉玛丽学院,威廉斯堡)Cheryl Misak(多伦多大学)Philip Pettit(普林斯顿大学)Nicholas Rescher(匹兹堡大学)John Skorupski(圣安德鲁斯大学)Brian Weatherson(密歇根大学)Timothy Williamson(牛津大学)Jonathan Wolff(牛津大学)
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引用次数: 0
The resurgence of metaphysics in late analytic philosophy: A constructive critique 晚期分析哲学中形而上学的复兴:一种建设性的批判
IF 0.2 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-02-25 DOI: 10.4454/PHILINQ.V6I1.210
Dionysis Christias
The purpose of the first part of this paper is to examine the major turning point events that transformed the attitude of analytic philosophers towards metaphysical discourse. We will focus on one such turning point, the modal revolution, based on the resources of possible world semantics, developed by Kripke (who devised suitable models for modal logic) and by philosophers such as Lewis and Plantinga (who offered influential metaphysical interpretations of those models). We shall see how the modal revolution, by bringing an unprecedented change in the way in which modal notions were understood by analytic philosophers, was central to the revival of metaphysics in contemporary philosophy. Yet, analytic philosophers encountered serious obstacles in their attempt to understand the ontological and epistemological foundations and implications of one of the most basic notions of the modal revolution, that of a possible world. In the second part of the paper, it will be argued that, surprisingly enough, the work of the pre-Kripkean “middle” analytic philosopher Wilfrid Sellars, especially as interpreted and reconstructed by Robert Brandom, can perhaps throw light on the semantic, epistemic and ontological dimension of possible world talk. Sellars does this mainly through 1) (what Brandom calls) the “Kant-Sellars thesis about modality”, 2) his understanding of modal discourse as non-descriptive, expressive, categorial and “metaliguistic”, and 3) his nominalism about abstract entities. Thus, it will be suggested that the implications of this Sellars-inspired position are such that make it an unexpectedly relevant and novel contribution to contemporary debates in analytic metaphysics.
本文第一部分的目的是考察改变分析哲学家对形而上学话语态度的主要转折点事件。我们将集中讨论一个这样的转折点,即模态革命,它基于可能世界语义的资源,由克里普克(他为模态逻辑设计了合适的模型)和像刘易斯和普兰廷加这样的哲学家(他们对这些模型提供了有影响力的形而上学解释)发展而来。我们将看到,模态革命是如何在分析哲学家理解模态概念的方式上带来前所未有的变化的,它是当代哲学中形而上学复兴的核心。然而,分析哲学家在试图理解模态革命的一个最基本概念——可能世界——的本体论和认识论基础和含义时,遇到了严重的障碍。在本文的第二部分,我们将讨论,令人惊讶的是,kripkean之前的“中间”分析哲学家Wilfrid Sellars的工作,特别是由Robert Brandom解释和重建的工作,也许可以阐明可能世界谈话的语义,认识论和本体论维度。塞拉斯做到这一点的主要途径是:1)(布兰顿称之为)“康德-塞拉斯关于情态的论点”;2)他对情态话语的理解是非描述性的、表达性的、范畴性的和“元主义的”;3)他关于抽象实体的唯名论。因此,这将被认为是塞拉斯启发的立场的含义,使其对分析形而上学的当代辩论做出了意想不到的相关和新颖的贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Was Royaumont merely a dialogue de sourds? An Introduction to the discussion générale 难道罗亚蒙只是一个声音的对话吗?讨论的导论
IF 0.2 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-02-25 DOI: 10.4454/PHILINQ.V6I1.218
M. Marion
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引用次数: 2
Toward a Jamesian account of trauma and healing 走向詹姆斯式的创伤和治愈
IF 0.2 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-08-04 DOI: 10.4454/PHILINQ.V5I2.197
S. Sullivan
In this essay, I use William James’s theory of emotion from his Principles of Psychology to develop an account of trauma as fully and non-reductively psychophysiological. After explaining James’s account of emotion as bodily change, I develop a Jamesian understanding of trauma and healing in three steps. Drawing from examples of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) experienced by both soldiers and victims of sexual assault, I argue that (1) all traumatic events, even ones that seem to leave no physical wound, are physiological because they are emotional, and (2) a Jamesian understanding of trauma need not be confined to the individual; it can account for the prememories and postmemories of collective and transgenerational trauma. Finally (3), I argue that because trauma involves bodily movement and change, so too should successful recovery from trauma, a Jamesian insight that supports the use of movement therapies to promote healing. Shannon Sullivan ssullivan@uncc.edu University of North Carolina at Charlotte
在这篇文章中,我使用威廉·詹姆斯的《心理学原理》中的情感理论,将创伤描述为完全的、非简化的心理生理学。在解释了詹姆斯将情感描述为身体变化之后,我分三步发展出了詹姆斯式的对创伤和治疗的理解。从士兵和性侵犯受害者都经历过的创伤后应激障碍(PTSD)的例子中,我认为(1)所有创伤事件,即使是那些似乎没有留下身体创伤的事件,都是生理上的,因为它们是情感上的;(2)詹姆斯式对创伤的理解不需要局限于个人;它可以解释集体和跨代创伤的前记忆和后记忆。最后(3),我认为,因为创伤涉及身体的运动和变化,所以也应该成功地从创伤中恢复,这是詹姆斯的观点,支持使用运动疗法来促进愈合。Shannon Sullivan ssullivan@uncc.edu北卡罗来纳大学夏洛特分校
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引用次数: 0
Andrea Lavazza (ed.), Frontiers in Neuroethics
IF 0.2 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-08-04 DOI: 10.4454/PHILINQ.V5I2.199
M. Borri
Open access Review of Frontiers in Neuroethics. Conceptual and Empirical Advancements , edited by Andrea Lavazza, Cambridge Scholar Publishing, Newcastle upon Tyne, 2016, pp. 168.
神经伦理学前沿开放获取评论。《概念与实证进展》,Andrea Lavazza编辑,剑桥学者出版社,泰恩河畔纽卡斯尔,2016年,第168页。
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引用次数: 1
Revolutions without any Goal. Ethics and politics in a letter from Max Weber to Roberto Michels 没有目标的革命。马克思·韦伯写给罗伯托·米歇尔斯的信中的伦理学和政治学
IF 0.2 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-08-04 DOI: 10.4454/PHILINQ.V5I2.200
Dimitri D'Andrea
Wolfgang Mommsen described the relationship between Weber and Michels as an “asymmetrical partnership” (Mommsen 1981). This asymmetry was not only linked to the former’s academic position and age, but also to the fact that Weber sensed something in Michels’ views that he himself had distanced himself from, but at the same time continued to reflect on. It was a subtle mix of similarities and differences that allowed Weber to engage in a dialogue with himself, in which he was able to formulate his positions in an unusually explicit and direct way (Mommsen 1989: 88). The issues were discussed in a correspondence which spanned many years, but was particularly intense and significant between 1906 and 1909, and actually revolved around two central themes: 1) a realistic analysis of political phenomena, processes and institutions which aimed, among other things, at defining the scope of what is politically possible and, 2) a reflection on the subjective attitude to be assumed in dealing with the ongoing political transformations and the aspirations of various collective actors in the field. Precisely because of its ambiguity, this Weberian perspective constituted an anomalous political realism, which was anything but indifferent to the normative questions that a realistic diagnosis poses to subjectivity. Michels’ letter of August 4, 1908, presented here for the first time in its entirety in an English translation, enables us to grasp a crucial phase in the development of this particular Weberian realism in which the fundamental inspiration is already present but in the argumentation of which neither the categories (ethics of conviction, ethics of responsibility and, in particular, the acosmism of love), nor the conclusions that he would reach in a later phase (Politics as Vocation) are put forward. What the letter offers the reader is a glimpse of a work in progress, which is not just of philological-exegetical interest but also highly valuable in a theoretical sense, since it allows us to reflect on questions such as the connection between ethics and politics, the limits and conditions of a possible radical transformation of the world which, even after the end of the short Twentieth century, continue to be of burning relevance.
沃尔夫冈·蒙森(Wolfgang Mommsen)将韦伯和米歇尔之间的关系描述为“不对称的伙伴关系”(Mommsen 1981)。这种不对称不仅与前者的学术地位和年龄有关,也与韦伯在米歇尔斯的观点中感觉到一些他自己已经远离的东西有关,但同时也在继续反思。正是相似和不同的微妙混合,使得韦伯能够与自己进行对话,在对话中,他能够以一种不同寻常的明确和直接的方式阐述自己的立场(Mommsen 1989: 88)。这些问题在多年的通信中进行了讨论,但在1906年至1909年期间尤为激烈和重要,实际上围绕着两个中心主题:1)对政治现象、进程和制度的现实分析,除其他外,旨在确定政治上可能的范围;2)反思在处理正在进行的政治变革和该领域各种集体行动者的愿望时应采取的主观态度。正是由于它的模糊性,这种韦伯的观点构成了一种反常的政治现实主义,它对现实主义诊断对主体性提出的规范性问题绝非漠不关心。米歇尔斯1908年8月4日的信,在这里第一次以完整的英文译本呈现,使我们能够把握韦伯现实主义发展的关键阶段在这个阶段,基本的灵感已经存在,但在论证中,无论是范畴(信念伦理,责任伦理,尤其是爱的无宇宙主义),也没有提出他在后期阶段(作为职业的政治)会得出的结论。这封信为读者提供了一个正在进行的工作的一瞥,它不仅具有语言学和训诂学的兴趣,而且在理论意义上也具有很高的价值,因为它使我们能够反思诸如伦理与政治之间的联系,世界可能发生的激进转变的限制和条件,即使在短暂的二十世纪结束之后,仍然具有强烈的相关性。
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