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Interpreting the Eye ('ain): Poetry and Painting in the Shrineof Aḥmad Shāh al-Walī al-Bahmanī (r. 1422–1436) 解读眼睛(阿):A神殿中的诗歌与绘画ḥmad Shāh al-Walīal-Bahmanī(1422–1436年在位)
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2017-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/00666637-4229701
Vivek Gupta
abstract:In Persian and Arabic 'ain carries several meanings, including "eye, vision, a fountain, wellspring, or source." The poetry of the Sufi shaikh Shah Ni'matullah Vali (Kirman-Mahan, Iran, 1330–1431) inscribed in the shrine of the Bahmani sultan Ahmad Shah al-Wali al-Bahmani (Ashtur, Deccan India, r. 1422–1436) is full of wordplay on 'ain. Just as the inscriptions in Ahmad Shah's shrine (khānqāh) draw heavily on each of these meanings, its murals give sight to these 'ains. The paintings recognizably depict poetic allusions, and calligraphic talismans intensify each utterance. The shrine is surrounded by water sources, placing emphasis on instances when 'ain means fountain. This article offers an interpretation of the decorative program in the shrine of Ahmad Shah, and argues that this monument demonstrates a phenomenon where a poetic text is integrated into a profoundly aestheticized space.The Bahmani empire of Gulbarga and Bidar was the first Islamicate court culture to flourish in South-Central India and unified a vast territory from which the Deccani sultanates later emerged. This article demonstrates how the shrine of Ahmad Shah exemplifies a broader genealogy of Deccani refractions of the Timurid International Style. While the large-scale migration of Ni'matullahi Sufis from Iran to the Deccan imported certain aesthetic sensibilities, this research also draws attention to how local visual culture is reflected in the shrine's murals. It speculates how the careful planning of this site would have involved the collaboration of Indian and Iranian nobility, architects, and painters.
摘要:在波斯语和阿拉伯语中,“ain”有多种含义,包括“眼睛、视觉、喷泉、源泉或源泉”。苏菲派谢赫·沙阿·尼玛杜拉·瓦利(Kirman Mahan,伊朗,1330–1431)的诗歌刻在巴赫曼尼苏丹艾哈迈德·沙阿瓦利·巴赫曼尼(Ashtur,Deccan India,r.1422–1436)的神殿中,充满了对“ain”的文字游戏。正如艾哈迈德·沙阿(Ahmad Shah)神殿中的铭文(khānqāh)大量借鉴了这些含义一样,它的壁画也展现了这些含义。画作清晰地描绘了诗意的典故,书法的符文强化了每一句话。神社周围都是水源,强调“ain”的意思是喷泉。本文对艾哈迈德·沙阿神殿的装饰程序进行了解读,并认为这座纪念碑展示了一种将诗意文本融入深度审美空间的现象。古尔巴加和比达尔的巴赫曼尼帝国是第一个在印度中南部蓬勃发展的伊斯兰宫廷文化,并统一了后来出现德干苏丹国的广阔领土。这篇文章展示了艾哈迈德·沙阿(Ahmad Shah)的神殿是如何体现蒂穆里德国际风格的德卡尼折射的更广泛谱系的。虽然尼玛杜拉希·苏菲派从伊朗大规模迁移到德干带来了一定的美感,但这项研究也引起了人们对当地视觉文化如何在圣地壁画中反映的关注。它推测,这个遗址的精心规划将如何涉及印度和伊朗贵族、建筑师和画家的合作。
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引用次数: 3
Colonial-Period Court Painting and the Case of Bikaner 殖民时期宫廷绘画与比卡内尔案
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2017-03-26 DOI: 10.1215/00666637-3788636
M. Aitken
Nineteenth-century court painters in India’s princely states reconfigured traditional portraiture to address British, Indian courtly and local values and conventions. At Bikaner, a father and son, Rahim and Chotu, experimented with a number of different styles and compositions to devise a royal portrait that confirmed monarchic ideals in uncertain times yet also modernized the genre in step with broader trends. Until recently the creative agency of such artists was mostly set aside as insufficiently modern to be art historically significant, with the result that detailed studies of colonial court painting are only now emerging, and the discipline still has little sense of how developments in this period related within the princely states or with the contemporaneous visual arts of British India. This paper begins to address the disciplinary lacuna on three fronts: first, by drawing out a critique from dispersed local studies to exert more forceful pressure on the discipline; second, by examining the pictorial strategies with which Chotu and Rahim addressed the cultural transformations of the late nineteenth century to test the field’s frameworks against the complex, particular visual thinking of court artists; and third, by comparing the strategies of Chotu and Rahim with the visual rhetoric of Bengal School painters to expand on colonial conceptions of past and present, of Western and non-Western, and of the affective power of images. These three approaches are directed at estranging colonial modernism from art historical narratives that give preference to internationalized terms and tastes.
19世纪印度诸侯国的宫廷画家重新配置了传统肖像画,以满足英国、印度宫廷和当地的价值观和习俗。在Bikaner,一对父子Rahim和Chotu尝试了多种不同的风格和构图,设计了一幅王室肖像,在不确定的时代确认了君主的理想,同时也使这一类型与更广泛的趋势同步现代化。直到最近,这些艺术家的创作机构大多被认为不够现代,不具备艺术历史意义,因此,对殖民地宫廷绘画的详细研究才刚刚出现,该学科对这一时期的发展在王子国家内部或与英属印度同时代的视觉艺术之间的关系仍知之甚少。本文从三个方面着手解决学科空白:首先,从分散的地方研究中提出批评,对学科施加更大的压力;第二,通过研究Chotu和Rahim处理19世纪末文化转型的绘画策略,以测试该领域的框架与宫廷艺术家复杂、特殊的视觉思维的对比;第三,将Chotu和Rahim的策略与孟加拉派画家的视觉修辞进行比较,以扩展对过去和现在、西方和非西方以及图像情感力量的殖民概念。这三种方法旨在将殖民现代主义从艺术历史叙事中剥离出来,这些叙事倾向于国际化的术语和品味。
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引用次数: 1
Heike Paintings in the Early Edo Period: Edification and Ideology for Elite Men and Women 江户前期的黑客绘画:对精英男女的教化与思想
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2017-03-26 DOI: 10.1215/00666637-3788627
N. Gunji
The Heike monogatari (Tale of the Heike) is a warrior chronicle represented in a variety of formats: not just texts but narration, performing arts, and paintings, among others. This paper explores the elite reception of Heike paintings in the Edo period by connecting it closely to the reception of other formats. Studying the “Chishakuin group”—a canonical group of paintings for elites depicting two battles in the Heike monogatari—and analyzing in particular the pair of screens in the British Museum, I will bring to light some intended functions of a social, political, and ideological nature that the Edo warrior elite expected of these paintings: most centrally, to edify the audience and legitimize the Tokugawa rule. As will be shown, these functions relied closely on the similar ones expected of other formats of the Heike monogatari. In fact, I will argue that Heike paintings, as well as the tale itself, were targeted to and received by elite women, not just men. I will investigate an interesting case of appreciation of Heike picture scrolls in 1632 by Tōfukumon’in, a daughter of the second Tokugawa shogun Hidetada and the imperial consort of Emperor Go-Mizunoo. It will be made clear that political and ideological reasons stemming from her particular background and circumstances were behind Tōfukumon’in’s practice of reading the Heike paintings.
《黑克传说》是一部以各种形式表现的战士编年史:不仅是文本,还有叙事、表演艺术和绘画等。本文将黑客绘画与其他形式的接受紧密联系起来,探讨江户时期黑客绘画的精英接受。研究“Chishakuin群”——一组典型的精英画作,描绘了海科会社的两场战斗——并特别分析了大英博物馆的两块屏幕,我将揭示江户战士精英对这些画作所期望的社会、政治和意识形态的一些预期功能:最集中的是,以启迪观众并使德川统治合法化。正如将要显示的,这些功能密切依赖于其他格式的Heikemonoatari所期望的类似功能。事实上,我认为海克的绘画,以及故事本身,都是针对精英女性的,并受到精英女性的欢迎,而不仅仅是男性。我将调查一个有趣的案例,欣赏1632年德川幕府第二代秀田信长的女儿、水野天皇的贵妃Tōfukumon'in的黑克卷轴。可以明确的是,由于其特殊的背景和环境所产生的政治和意识形态原因,Tōfukumon'in阅读黑克画的做法是背后的原因。
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引用次数: 2
More Than Mere Diversion: Painting and Tihuashi in the Life of Luo Qilan 不只是消遣:罗启兰一生中的绘画与体花诗
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2017-03-26 DOI: 10.1215/00666637-3788645
De-nin D. Lee
Whereas texts on painting by Chinese literati have had a profound impact on art history, women’s writings are almost unknown. This article examines poems by the Qing-dynasty poet-painter Luo Qilan (b. 1755), using her as a case study to argue for a literatae tradition in painting. Luo’s tihuashi (poems on paintings) and related poems bear witness to vigorous participation in the culture of Chinese painting. Her poems evidence learning from male teachers and female exemplars, adaptation of masculine conventions, and adroit use of poetic and painterly skills to cultivate supporters who disseminated her reputation beyond the Inner Chambers.
虽然中国文人的绘画文本对艺术史产生了深远的影响,但女性的写作几乎是未知的。本文以清代诗画家罗其兰(生于1755年)的诗作为研究对象,探讨文人墨客的绘画传统。罗氏的题画诗及相关诗歌见证了他对中国画文化的积极参与。她的诗歌证明了她向男性老师和女性榜样学习,对男性传统的适应,以及熟练使用诗歌和绘画技巧来培养支持者,这些支持者将她的声誉传播到内室之外。
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引用次数: 0
Transformations of Identity and the Buddha’s Infancy Narratives at Kanaganahalli 身份的转变与佛陀在卡纳格纳哈里的幼年叙事
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2017-03-26 DOI: 10.1215/00666637-3788663
S. R. Quintanilla
This essay proposes a chronology of sculptural embellishment at the recently excavated Buddhist stūpa at Kanaganahalli in the state of Karnataka in southwestern India. Included is the interpretation of caption inscriptions as later additions, applied during the second century ce in order to alter and update the meaning of older, preexisting imagery from the first century bce. Transforming the meaning of visual images by the addition of new descriptive inscriptions indicates a shift in interests and priorities in the Buddhist community at Kanaganahalli over the span of about 150 years.The narrative episode from the life of the Buddha Śākyamuni in which his mother presents him as a newborn to the deity of a tree-shrine is featured as a key example of this phenomenon. While the sculpted image depicts the spirit of a tree venerating the infant, the caption inscription identifies the scene as the presentation of Śākyamuni to the deity of his father’s ancestral clan, described in textual sources as performed by men at a structural temple. The shift in meaning of this and other images at Kanaganahalli indicate that Buddhist narrative sources and emphases from predominantly patriarchal northern regions rose to greater prominence in the south during the second century ce. The new identities of older imagery diminish the role of vernacular women’s rites, which were important in the southern regions of Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, where the social structure of local populations was matriarchal.
本文提出了最近在印度西南部卡纳塔克邦卡纳甘纳哈利发掘的佛教圣塔的雕塑装饰年表。其中包括对铭文的解释,作为后来的补充,应用于公元前二世纪,以改变和更新公元前一世纪已有的古老图像的含义。通过添加新的描述性铭文来改变视觉图像的含义,表明在大约150年的时间里,卡纳甘纳哈利佛教界的兴趣和优先事项发生了转变。佛祖希亚穆尼的故事情节是这一现象的一个重要例子,在这一情节中,他的母亲将他作为新生儿赠送给一个树神庙的神。虽然雕刻的图像描绘了一棵树崇拜婴儿的精神,但铭文将这一场景确定为希亚穆尼向他父亲祖先氏族的神的展示,在文本来源中描述为男子在一座结构寺庙中表演。这幅图像和其他图像在卡纳甘纳哈利的意义转变表明,公元二世纪,以父权制为主的北方地区的佛教叙事来源和重点在南方变得更加突出。旧图像的新身份削弱了当地妇女仪式的作用,这在卡纳塔克邦和安得拉邦的南部地区很重要,那里当地人口的社会结构是母系的。
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引用次数: 3
Painting, Peonies, and Ming Loyalism in Qing-Dynasty China, 1644–1795 1644-1795年中国清代的绘画、牡丹与明朝忠诚
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2017-03-26 DOI: 10.1215/00666637-3788654
K. Chiem
From the conquest of the Ming dynasty in 1644 by the Manchurians through the literary inquisitions of the eighteenth century, seemingly innocuous paintings of peony flowers kept alive a discourse of Ming loyalism among Chinese artists and poets. While the peony’s appearance in poetic imagery was deemed seditious by the Qianlong emperor (r. 1736–1795), paintings by Yun Shouping, Shitao, Hua Yan, and Jin Nong, among many others, endured a century and a half of censorship, all the while contributing to portrayals of the flower in court imagery. This study examines peony paintings by several artists active in the Jiangnan region to consider how their works demonstrated traces of dissent or used loyalist imagery to deepen social ties. It reveals how these garden subjects were made powerfully subversive after centuries of dormant conventionality, seen merely as auspicious symbols until the Qing dynasty. Their multivalent imagery allowed them to exist in multiple, conflicted contexts: north and south, literati and academic, private and public, and, in the ultimate coup, amid both loyalists and the Manchu court.
从1644年满洲人征服明朝到18世纪的文字狱,看似无害的牡丹花绘画在中国艺术家和诗人中一直保持着对明朝忠诚的话语。虽然牡丹在诗歌意象中的出现被乾隆皇帝(1736-1795)认为是煽动性的,但云寿平、石涛、华严和金农等人的绘画经历了一个半世纪的审查,同时也为宫廷意象中的牡丹描绘做出了贡献。本研究考察了几位活跃在江南地区的艺术家的牡丹画,以思考他们的作品是如何表现出异议的痕迹,或是如何利用效忠者的意象来加深社会联系的。它揭示了在沉寂了几个世纪的传统之后,这些花园主题是如何被强烈颠覆的,直到清朝,这些主题才被视为吉祥的象征。他们的多元形象使他们能够存在于多种冲突的环境中:北方和南方,文人和学者,私人和公共,在最终的政变中,在效忠者和满清朝廷之间。
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引用次数: 3
Chinese Glass Paintings in Bangkok Monasteries 曼谷寺院的中国玻璃画
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2016-09-09 DOI: 10.1353/AAA.2016.0015
J. Patterson
Reverse glass paintings, a form of Chinese export art, were extensively traded in the nineteenth century. Several examples are on display in prominent Thai Buddhist monasteries in Bangkok. King Nangklao of Siam, Rama III, encouraged Sino-Siamese trade that brought Chinese objects and images to nineteenth-century Siam. The ideals of accretion and abundance characteristic of Thai Buddhism and the sinophilia of Rama III facilitated the construction of “Chinese-style” Thai temples. Glass paintings with scenes of the Pearl River Delta, Romance of the Three Kingdoms, auspicious objects, and bird-and-flower compositions were installed in temples and inspired new directions in Thai mural painting.
反玻璃画是中国出口艺术的一种形式,在19世纪被广泛交易。在曼谷著名的泰国佛教寺院中展出了一些这样的例子。暹罗国王南老拉玛三世(Rama III)鼓励中暹贸易,将中国的物品和图像带到19世纪的暹罗。泰式佛教的增裕理想和罗摩三世的亲华思想促进了“中国式”泰式寺庙的建设。描绘珠江三角洲、三国演义、吉祥物品和花鸟的玻璃画被安装在寺庙里,激发了泰国壁画的新方向。
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引用次数: 5
The Pagoda in Kherlen-Bars: New Understandings of Khitan-Period Towering Pagodas 喀伦巴塔:对契丹时期高塔的新认识
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2016-09-09 DOI: 10.1353/AAA.2016.0016
N. Steinhardt
Abstract: The Kherlen-Bars Pagoda is a little-known, undocumented monument in Dornad province of eastern Mongolia. This article argues that the pagoda was built during the period of Khitan rule in North Asia. It begins by comparing it with dated and undated pagodas of the Liao dynasty in eastern Inner Mongolia and Liaoning. The discussion then turns to less tangible aspects of Liao pagoda architecture that are observed at Kherlen-Bars: the relation between a tall monument and lower ones within viewing range, and the relation between a tall Khitan structure and a nearby walled town. A newly discovered Liao pagoda site in Xishanpo, Inner Mongolia, is presented. Finally, the article proposes sources for the three-monument arrangement at Kherlen-Bars in Northern Wei, Northern Qi, and the Silla kingdom of Korea.
摘要:Kherlen-Bars宝塔是蒙古东部多纳德省一座鲜为人知的无文献记载的纪念碑。本文认为该塔建于契丹统治北亚时期。首先将其与内蒙古东部和辽宁的辽代有日期和无日期的宝塔进行比较。然后,讨论转向在kherren - bars观察到的辽代宝塔建筑的不太有形的方面:一个高大的纪念碑和视野范围内较低的纪念碑之间的关系,以及一个高大的契丹建筑和附近有城墙的城镇之间的关系。本文介绍了内蒙古西山坡新发现的辽塔遗址。最后,本文提出了北魏、北齐、朝鲜新罗三碑布置的来源。
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引用次数: 2
The Literati, the Eunuch, and a Memorial: The Nelson-Atkins’s Red Cliff Handscroll Revisited 文人、太监与纪念:纳尔逊-阿特金斯的赤壁手卷重访
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2016-06-06 DOI: 10.1353/AAA.2016.0011
Lei Xue
Abstract:The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art’s Illustration to the Second Prose Poem on the Red Cliff, attributed to Qiao Zhongchang, has been long celebrated as a major achievement of early Chinese literati painting. Nevertheless, the lifelike portraiture of Su Shi and the depiction of an actual site, as well as the contemporary colophons, all point to a memorial function for the scroll. The early provenance of this handscroll indicates that Liang Shicheng, the eunuch at Emperor Huizong’s court, was the one who commissioned it. The painting bears witness to the appropriation of the Li Gonglin style in the late Northern Song court.
摘要:纳尔逊-阿特金斯艺术博物馆的《乔仲昌赤壁第二散文诗图》一直被誉为中国早期文人绘画的重大成就。然而,苏轼的栩栩如生的肖像和对一个实际地点的描绘,以及当代的壁画,都表明了卷轴的纪念功能。这幅手卷的早期来源表明,这幅手卷是由宗宗朝廷太监梁士成委托制作的。这幅画见证了北宋晚期朝廷对李公麟风格的挪用。
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引用次数: 0
King Jeongjo’s Patronage of Kim Hong-do 正祖王对金弘道的庇护
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2016-06-06 DOI: 10.1353/AAA.2016.0012
K. Kim
The eighteenth-century Korean painter Kim Hong-do 金弘道 (1745–ca. 1806) still dazzles today’s viewers with his paintings of genre scenes and Daoist immortals, just as he astonished his contemporaries with his talent and versatility. Although he had numerous patrons, none had as much impact on his art as King Jeongjo 正祖 (r. 1776–1800). By examining written records and Kim’s extant paintings, this paper explores and assesses the significance of King Jeongjo’s patronage in unlocking the opportunities that enabled Kim Hong-do to reach his full potential as the most versatile painter in Korea.
18世纪韩国画家金弘道金氏(1745-ca。(1806年)的风俗画和道教神仙画仍然让今天的观众眼花缭乱,正如他的才华和多才多艺令同时代的人震惊一样。虽然他有很多赞助人,但没有一个人对他的艺术产生了像正祖(约1776-1800)那样大的影响。通过研究文字记录和金弘道现存的画作,本文探索和评估了正祖国王的赞助在释放机会方面的重要性,使金弘道能够充分发挥他作为韩国最多才多艺的画家的潜力。
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引用次数: 1
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ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART
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