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Stealing Words, Transplanting Images: Stephen Bushell and the Intercultural Articulation of “Chinese Art” in the Early Twentieth Century 盗用文字,移植图像:斯蒂芬·布谢尔与二十世纪初“中国艺术”的跨文化阐释
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2018-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/00666637-7162246
Yu-jen Liu
abstract:This article explores how the category “Chinese art” was articulated and consolidated in the early twentieth century by focusing on Stephen Bushell’s Chinese Art, the first book in English defined in terms of this category. Bushell’s monograph highlights the intercultural character of the category, which was transformed in its content and cultural significance, when ostensibly the same authentic knowledge, articulated in verbal and visual representations, was moved from China to Europe and back again. The article starts by examining how Bushell’s insider knowledge of Chinese art was transformed to fit the institutional setting of the Victoria and Albert Museum. It then explores how the authoritative knowledge of Chinese art communicated in Bushell’s book was appropriated in China by the journal Guocui xuebao 國粹學報 (Journal of National Essence) in the context of attempts to revive national culture. Both cases involved hitherto unnoticed repetitions of text and images. By analyzing the mechanism informing these repetitions, this article reveals the entangled history behind the distinctive articulations of “Chinese art” in Britain and in China. Moreover, the analysis shows how the same elements, whether words or pictures, acquired a substantially different significance as they moved between cultures. This is exemplified by the formulation of the newly emergent classifying category Zhongguo meishupin 中國美術品 (“Chinese art objects”) in Guocui xuebao.
文摘:本文以斯蒂芬·布谢尔的《中国艺术》一书为研究对象,探讨了“中国艺术”这一范畴在二十世纪初是如何被阐明和巩固的。布谢尔的专著强调了这一类别的跨文化特征,当表面上用语言和视觉表达的真实知识从中国转移到欧洲并再次返回时,这一类别在内容和文化意义上发生了转变。文章首先考察了布谢尔对中国艺术的内部知识是如何转变为适应维多利亚和阿尔伯特博物馆的制度环境的。进而探讨布谢尔书中所传达的中国艺术的权威知识是如何被《国粹学报》杂志移植到中国的國粹學報 (《民族本质杂志》)在试图复兴民族文化的背景下。这两起案件都涉及迄今为止未被注意到的文本和图像的重复。通过分析这些重复的机制,本文揭示了“中国艺术”在英国和中国独特表述背后的纠缠历史。此外,该分析表明,相同的元素,无论是文字还是图片,在不同文化之间移动时,都会获得显著不同的意义。新出现的分类范畴“中国美舒品”的提法就是例证中國美術品 (“中国艺术品”)。
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引用次数: 1
In Defiance of Collage: Assembling Modernity, ca. 1112 ce 蔑视拼贴:装配现代性,约公元1112年
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2018-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/00666637-4342384
K. Kersey
abstract:This article advocates for a reevaluation of the origins of "collage" in global modernity. It does so by scrutinizing the materiality, historicization, and emergence of a medieval Japanese manuscript known as the Anthology of the Thirty-Six Poets. Rediscovered in 1896, well into Japan's modern era, the voluminous manuscript is replete with stunning examples of papers pasted together in the year 1112—precisely eight centuries before the celebrated Cubist innovations of Pablo Picasso and Georges Braque. The stakes of the comparison are raised, however, by the fact that twentieth-century art historians and critics repeatedly cast the Anthology as the ultimate exemplar of an autochthonous, purely Japanese aesthetic. For some, the medieval Anthology was evidence of a proleptic modernity that challenged the purported innovativeness of North Atlantic modern art. Here I trace the trajectory and test the cogency of this provocative parallel.
本文主张在全球现代性背景下重新审视“拼贴”的起源。它通过仔细研究物质性、历史化和中世纪日本手稿《三十六诗人选集》的出现来做到这一点。1896年,在日本的现代时代,大量的手稿被重新发现,其中充满了1112年粘贴在一起的令人惊叹的纸张样本,正好比巴勃罗·毕加索(Pablo Picasso)和乔治·布拉克(Georges Braque)著名的立体主义创新早了8个世纪。然而,20世纪的艺术史学家和评论家一再将《选集》视为本土纯日本美学的终极典范,这一事实提高了这种比较的风险。对一些人来说,中世纪选集是预言现代性的证据,挑战了北大西洋现代艺术的创新。在这里,我追溯了这一轨迹,并检验了这一挑衅类比的真实性。
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引用次数: 1
Changing Notions of "Feminine Spaces" in Chosŏn-Dynasty Korea: The Forged Image of Sin Saimdang (1504–1551) 朝鲜王朝“女性空间”观念的转变:辛的伪造形象(1504-1551)
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2018-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/00666637-4342402
Burglind Jungmann
abstract:Facts about Sin Saimdang, the most famous female artist in Korean history, are scattered and none of the remaining works attributed to her can be confirmed as authentic. Since her death every century has contributed new ideas about the painter and her oeuvre. By discussing texts from the sixteenth century through the twentieth, this article investigates how concepts of "feminine space"—in the sense of ideas of femininity in an artist's oeuvre and in the physical, economic, and social spaces of women—changed and created a phantom of an artist whose personality and artwork have disappeared due to the continuous reconstruction and manipulation of (art) history.
摘要:关于韩国历史上最著名的女艺术家辛赛当的事实是零散的,剩下的作品都不能被证实是真实的。自她去世以来,每个世纪都有关于这位画家及其作品的新思想。通过讨论从16世纪到20世纪的文本,本文探讨了“女性空间”的概念——在艺术家作品中的女性主义思想的意义上,以及女性的社会空间——改变并创造了一个艺术家的幻影,由于对(艺术)历史的不断重建和操纵,他的个性和艺术作品已经消失。
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引用次数: 1
Gateways to Power and Paradise: Twin Towers in Early Chinese Architecture 通往权力和天堂的大门:中国早期建筑中的双塔
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2018-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/00666637-4342411
Li-kuei Chien
abstract:Twin gate towers (que) were a characteristic feature of urban and palatial architecture in Chinese cities from the Warring States period onward. Although they initially served the practical military purpose of strengthening the defensive characteristics of gates in the city walls, they rapidly acquired symbolic significance through their association with political power. This article examines the development of twin towers from the Warring States period to the Eastern Han dynasty, showing how their ability to define political or sacred space was adapted to a variety of different social, political, and religious contexts, from city walls and palaces to imperial shrines and tombs. After the First Qin Emperor and Emperor Wu of the Han erected twin towers at the palaces they built in their pursuit of immortality, twin towers also became signifiers of the celestial realm. Finally, in the Eastern Han dynasty, the newly prominent merchant and local gentry classes who rose to assume political and administrative roles in the government adopted the architectural vocabulary of twin towers by constructing smaller-scale stone mimics at their own family tombs, appropriating the imperial prestige of this form to flaunt their social and financial success and construct their own identities as local elites. By examining this long historical development, I show how a functional element of urban architecture could acquire new symbolic meanings as different social and political actors adapted it to serve a wide variety of ends.
摘要:双门楼是战国以来中国城市和宫殿建筑的一大特色。虽然它们最初是用于加强城墙大门防御特征的实际军事目的,但它们通过与政治权力的联系迅速获得了象征意义。本文考察了从战国时期到东汉时期双塔的发展,展示了它们定义政治或神圣空间的能力是如何适应各种不同的社会、政治和宗教背景的,从城墙、宫殿到帝国神社和坟墓。秦始皇和汉武帝为了追求永生,在他们建造的宫殿里建造了双塔之后,双塔也成为了天国的象征。最后,在东汉时期,在政府中担任政治和行政角色的新突出的商人和地方绅士阶层通过在自己的家族陵墓中建造较小规模的石头复制品,采用了双塔的建筑词汇,利用这种形式的帝国威望来炫耀他们的社会和经济成就,并构建自己作为地方精英的身份。通过研究这一漫长的历史发展,我展示了城市建筑的功能元素如何获得新的象征意义,因为不同的社会和政治参与者将其适应于各种各样的目的。
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引用次数: 1
Imbrication and Implication: Early Maratha Architecture and the Deccan Sultanates 瓦片及其含义:早期马拉地建筑与德干苏丹国
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2018-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/00666637-4342393
Pushkar Sohoni
abstract:The independent Maratha kingdom of Chhatrapati Shivaji was founded in the mid-seventeenth century, when the sultanates of the Deccan were defending against the expansionist Mughal empire. The Mughals slowly anchored themselves in the Deccan, and the kingdom of the Nizam Shahs of Ahmadnagar was finally subdued in 1636, a decade after the death of Malik Ambar. Over the next half century, as the Adil Shahs of Bijapur and the Qutb Shahs of Golconda found themselves in a weakened position against the Mughals, the Marathas were consolidating their gains with building campaigns. It is not surprising that the architectural expression of the early Maratha kingdom had the same artisanal qualities and visual vocabulary as the sultanates of the Deccan, given that most of the Maratha elite families, including Shivaji's grandparents, had served at sultanate courts. Examples of nonmilitary architecture in the form of memorials demonstrate the deep connections between the architecture of the Deccan sultanates and that of the early Marathas.
查特拉帕蒂·希瓦吉独立的马拉塔王国成立于17世纪中期,当时德干苏丹国正在抵御扩张主义的莫卧儿帝国。莫卧儿人慢慢地在德干站稳了脚跟,在马利克·安巴尔去世十年后的1636年,Ahmadnagar的Nizam Shahs王国终于被征服。在接下来的半个世纪里,比贾布尔的阿迪尔·沙赫和戈尔孔达的库特布·沙赫发现自己在对抗莫卧儿人时处于弱势,马拉塔人正在通过建筑运动巩固他们的成果。考虑到包括希瓦吉的祖父母在内的大多数马拉塔精英家族都曾在苏丹国宫廷任职,早期马拉塔王国的建筑表现与德干苏丹国具有相同的工艺品质和视觉词汇也就不足为奇了。纪念馆形式的非军事建筑的例子表明了德干苏丹国的建筑与早期马拉塔人的建筑之间的深刻联系。
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引用次数: 0
The Mediating Mind: Image, Text, and Ritual in the Cave of Perfect Enlightenment at Baodingshan, Dazu 冥想的心灵:大足宝顶山正悟洞的意象、文字与仪式
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2018-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/00666637-4342420
Phillip E. Bloom
abstract:Drawing on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (Yuanjuejing) and repentance liturgies such as Zongmi's Manual for Cultivating Realization in the Place of Practice of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (Yuanjuejing daochang xiuzheng yi), this essay examines the visual program of the Southern Song–dynasty Cave of Perfect Enlightenment (Yuanjuedong) at Baodingshan, Dazu. It argues that the cave serves not as an arena for ritual practice per se but instead presents an idealized representation of such a site. In particular, this essay focuses on the conceptual function of the sculpture of the kneeling bodhisattva in the middle of the cave, a figure that finds no exact counterpart in scriptural sources. Investigating the significance of such figures that mediate between worshippers and their deities in various media in the Song, this essay contends that the kneeling bodhisattva not only enacts perpetual reverence on behalf of absent worshippers but also solicits spectatorial self-identification, enabling viewers to imagine themselves into the representational world of scriptural narrative and liturgical practice constructed in the cave. This essay then interrogates the triangular relationship between illusion, matter, and the mind that is thematized in the cave and in liturgies like that by Zongmi. Engaging with Hans Belting's recent work on image anthropology, this essay concludes by suggesting that the cave, its source texts, and related repentance rituals collectively insist on the fundamental irrelevance of all media save the mind itself. Such a notion points to the need to develop a specifically Buddhist theory of images, media, and minds.
文摘:借鉴《圆觉经》和宗密《圆觉道场修证一》等忏悔仪式,考察大足宝顶山南宋圆觉洞的视觉程序。它认为,这个洞穴本身并不是一个仪式练习的场所,而是一个理想化的场所。特别是,本文着重于洞穴中央跪着的观音雕像的概念功能,这是一个在圣经来源中找不到确切对应的人物。本文考察了宋代各种媒介中这种介乎朝拜者与神灵之间的人物形象的意义,认为跪菩萨不仅代表缺席的朝拜者表达永恒的崇敬之情,使观众能够想象自己进入洞穴中构建的圣经叙事和礼拜仪式实践的具象世界。然后,本文探讨了幻觉、物质和心灵之间的三角关系,这种关系在洞穴和宗密的礼拜仪式中被主题化。本文结合汉斯·贝尔廷(Hans Belting)最近在图像人类学方面的工作,得出结论,认为洞穴、其原始文本和相关的忏悔仪式共同坚持了除了心灵本身之外的所有媒体的根本无关性。这样一个概念表明,需要发展一种专门的佛教图像、媒体和思想理论。
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引用次数: 0
The Component-Model Method of Mirror Manufacture in 300 BCE China 公元前300年中国镜子制造的组件模型方法
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2017-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/00666637-4229728
K. Li
abstract:In approximately 300 bce, a new method was developed in the design and manufacturing technologies of the bronze mirror production industry in China that changed the ways in which producers cast mirrors. This article utilizes four mirrors as examples to illustrate this method, and hypothesizes an invention termed the component-model method of mirror manufacturing. Multiple transfers were performed on models and molds applied at different stages of the production process. The method was devised to satisfy the burgeoning needs of a growing number of consumers while catering to the requirements of the diverse decorative patterns on different mirrors.
大约在公元前300年,中国铜镜工业的设计和制造技术出现了一种新的方法,改变了生产者铸造镜子的方式。本文利用四个镜子作为例子来说明这种方法,并假设一种发明称为镜子制造的组件模型方法。在生产过程的不同阶段对模型和模具进行了多次转移。设计这种方法是为了满足越来越多的消费者的需求,同时满足不同镜子上不同装饰图案的要求。
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引用次数: 1
Trophies of Trade: Collecting Nineteenth-Century Sino-Filipino Export Paintings 贸易奖杯:收藏19世纪中菲出口绘画
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2017-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/00666637-4229719
Florina H. Capistrano-Baker
abstract:The commercial success of American merchant houses in Canton (present-day Guangzhou, China) and Manila (Philippines) brought extraordinary wealth to New England in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, along with sophisticated tastes for Asian luxury goods. Among the least studied objects from this period are export paintings of Asian inhabitants, costumes, and occupations by Chinese and Filipino artists that are now in various American and Asian collections. It is my contention that many export watercolors attributed to Filipino artists are, in fact, Chinese copies based on Philippine originals. I examine the interregional connections between Manila and Canton that inform this intriguing phenomenon. Various collecting histories in Asia and America are investigated in light of the politics of constructing and transforming identities of self and others through travel souvenirs and trophies of trade.
摘要:十八世纪末十九世纪初,美国在广州(今中国广州)和马尼拉(菲律宾)的商业成功为新英格兰带来了非凡的财富,同时也带来了对亚洲奢侈品的高雅品味。这一时期研究最少的物品包括中国和菲律宾艺术家的亚洲居民、服装和职业的出口画,这些画现在被美国和亚洲收藏。我的观点是,许多菲律宾艺术家的出口水彩实际上是基于菲律宾原作的中国复制品。我研究了马尼拉和广州之间的区域间联系,这些联系为这一有趣的现象提供了信息。从通过旅游纪念品和贸易战利品构建和转换自我和他人身份的政治角度,考察了亚洲和美国的各种收藏历史。
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引用次数: 2
"Utterly False, Utterly Undeniable": Visual Strategies in the Akaniṣṭha Shrine Murals of Takden Phuntsokling Monastery “完全错误,完全不可否认”:阿卡尼的视觉策略ṣṭ塔登丰松灵寺的ha神社壁画
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2017-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/00666637-4229692
Rob Linrothe
abstract:This essay argues that the design strategies of the murals in the Akaniṣṭha Shrine, the top-floor shrine at Tāranātha's Takden Phuntsokling, were intended to provoke in the viewer a type of absorption compatible with Tibetan Buddhist values. This would have been in line with contemporaneous recognition of the potential for consecrated works of art to provide direct contact with the deity depicted. By eliminating framing and boundaries between scenes, minimizing inscriptions, employing the gaze to foster internal and external coherence, and using detailing, highlighting, and a painterly illusion of proximity, the murals invite the beholder to engage with an aesthetic of presence.
文摘:本文认为阿卡尼壁画的设计策略ṣṭha Shrine是位于Tāranātha的Takden Phuntsokling的顶层神社,旨在激发观众一种与藏传佛教价值观相兼容的吸收。这与同时代对神圣艺术作品与所描绘的神直接接触的潜力的认识是一致的。通过消除场景之间的框架和边界,最大限度地减少铭文,利用凝视来促进内部和外部的连贯性,并使用细节、突出显示和绘画般的接近错觉,壁画邀请观看者融入存在的美学。
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引用次数: 1
Japan's Venice: The Japanese Pavilion at the Venice Biennale and the "Pseudo-Objectivity" of the International 日本威尼斯:威尼斯双年展日本馆与国际的“伪客观性”
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2017-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/00666637-4229710
Ignacio Adriasola
abstract:This essay addresses three key moments in the history of Japan's representation at the Venice Biennale: the introduction of "Japanese art" in the early stages of the exposition's development, in the late nineteenth century; Japan's official participation in the postwar Biennale, starting in 1952 and through the end of the 1960s; and the Japanese pavilion's program during the Biennale's so-called experimental period in the decade following the student demonstrations of 1968. While seemingly distinct, these three episodes evince a structural continuity: the demand for and performance of cultural difference within the space of the exhibition. This essay argues that Japan's (self-)representation of cultural alterity was mediated by the idea of pluralism promoted by the exhibition. Such representation was functional to the Biennale's mandate as well as to Japan's shifting world-historical aspirations. In the postwar period, Japanese artists and critics—including some individuals directly involved in the planning of Japan's submissions—came to diagnose what they saw as the limitations of the Biennale-Pavilion system. In doing so, they intuited a fundamental problem with the discourse of world in art as articulated in this exposition. This was, namely, the "pseudo-objectivity" of the international: the discourse of heterogeneity found in the Venice Biennale concealed inequalities based on the power differentials of the hegemonic world-system.
摘要:本文论述了日本在威尼斯双年展上的表现史上的三个关键时刻:在博览会发展的早期阶段,即19世纪末,引入了“日本艺术”;从1952年开始到20世纪60年代末,日本正式参加战后双年展;以及在1968年学生示威后的十年里,日本馆在双年展所谓的实验期的项目。虽然这三个情节看似不同,但却表现出一种结构上的连续性:对展览空间内文化差异的需求和表现。本文认为,日本对文化交替的(自我)表现是由展览所倡导的多元主义思想所介导的。这种代表性对双年展的任务以及日本不断变化的世界历史愿望都有作用。在战后时期,日本艺术家和评论家——包括一些直接参与日本作品策划的个人——开始诊断他们认为双年展展馆系统的局限性。在这样做的过程中,他们直觉地发现了艺术世界话语的一个根本问题,正如本次展览所阐述的那样。这就是国际的“伪客观性”:威尼斯双年展上发现的异质性话语掩盖了基于霸权世界体系权力差异的不平等。
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引用次数: 3
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ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART
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