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Congress & The Presidency-A Journal of Capital Studies最新文献

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Browne, Stephen Howard. The First Inauguration: George Washington and the Invention of the Republic 布朗,斯蒂芬·霍华德。第一次就职典礼:乔治·华盛顿和共和国的发明
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2021-08-19 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2021.1964820
Sandra Moats
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引用次数: 1
Devine, Christopher J., and Kyle C. Kopko. Do Running Mates Matter? The Influence of Vice Presidential Candidates in Presidential Elections 克里斯托弗·J·迪瓦恩和凯尔·c·科普科。竞选伙伴重要吗?副总统候选人对总统选举的影响
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2021-08-19 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2021.1964829
W. Court
The debate about the potential influence of vice presidential nominees on voters has long been dominated by outdated stereotypes and speculative political punditry. This foundation was a result of ...
长期以来,关于副总统候选人对选民潜在影响的辩论一直被过时的刻板印象和投机的政治专家所主导。这个基金会是。。。
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引用次数: 0
Bose, Meena, and Andrew Rudalevige, Eds. Executive Policymaking: The Role of the OMB in the Presidency Bose、Meena和Andrew Rudalevige,编辑:行政政策制定:OMB在总统任期中的作用
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2021-08-17 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2021.1964819
Y. Ouyang
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引用次数: 0
The Unorthodox Presidency of Donald J. Trump 唐纳德·J·特朗普的非正统总统任期
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2021-08-10 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1vg7nzn
R. L. Riley
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引用次数: 0
Informal and Private: Bargaining and Veto Threats over the Freedom of Information Act 非正式与私下:资讯自由法案的讨价还价与否决威胁
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2021-07-27 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2021.1922540
Kevin M. Baron
Abstract The president’s formal role in lawmaking comes through the veto power, although Neustadt noted the informal power of persuasion through bargaining. Building from Azari and Smith’s work on information institutions, this research demonstrates how bargaining and veto threats function as an informal institution operating within the formal rules and constraints of the legislative development process, as there are no formal rules to govern presidential bargaining with Congress. The president’s power to persuade becomes contextual and situational to the issue, individual, and moment in time. Using the development of the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) and the first amendment to the bill, I examine how and why presidents will choose to employ a private versus public bargaining strategy based on the context in which they find themselves. Using the same policy issue across three administrations – Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, and Gerald Ford - provides consistency in the political contexts allowing for an in-depth examination of a single policy issue. The informal nature of presidential engagement on legislation highlights the motivations and constraints presidents face in choosing a private or public strategy. Original archival research was conducted to provide the context-rich examination of the internal White House conversations along with the conversations between the president and Congress.
总统在立法中的正式作用是通过否决权来实现的,尽管纽施塔特指出了通过讨价还价来说服的非正式力量。基于Azari和Smith对信息制度的研究,本研究展示了议价和否决威胁如何作为一种非正式制度在立法发展过程的正式规则和约束下运作,因为没有正式规则来管理总统与国会的议价。总统的说服能力变得与问题、个人和时刻相关和情境化。本文以《信息自由法》(Freedom of Information Act, FOIA)的发展及其第一修正案为例,探讨总统如何以及为什么会根据自己所处的环境,选择采用私下与公开谈判的策略。在三届政府(林登·约翰逊、理查德·尼克松和杰拉尔德·福特)中使用相同的政策问题,提供了政治背景的一致性,允许对单个政策问题进行深入研究。总统参与立法的非正式性质凸显了总统在选择私人或公共战略时面临的动机和限制。进行原始档案研究是为了对白宫内部对话以及总统与国会之间的对话进行背景丰富的检查。
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引用次数: 1
Getting “Primaried” in the Senate: Primary Challengers and the Roll-Call Voting Behavior of Sitting senators 在参议院获得“初选”:初选挑战者和现任参议员的唱名投票行为
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2021-07-27 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2021.1922541
Chase B. Meyer
Abstract Primary challenges are semi-regular occurrences for incumbent members of Congress, and while many of these primary challengers never pose a serious threat to the incumbent, there are occasions when the incumbent faces a difficult primary challenge. How do incumbent members of Congress, particularly members of the Senate, act in response to primary challengers? This study examines the impact a primary challenger has on the voting behavior of incumbent senators to determine if incumbents change how they vote in Congress to counter their primary threat. In response to a primary challenger incumbent I find that senators shift their voting behavior and vote more often with their party’s leadership, but this is conditional on the threat-level posed by the primary challenger. High-quality primary challengers elicit the greatest shift in the incumbent’s behavior, according to this study. Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/07343469.2021.1922541 .
对于现任国会议员来说,初选挑战是半定期发生的事情,尽管这些初选挑战者中的许多人从未对现任议员构成严重威胁,但现任议员有时会面临艰难的初选挑战。现任国会议员,特别是参议院议员,如何应对主要挑战者?本研究考察了主要挑战者对现任参议员投票行为的影响,以确定现任参议员是否会改变他们在国会的投票方式,以应对他们的主要威胁。在对主要挑战者现任的回应中,我发现参议员改变了他们的投票行为,更频繁地与本党领导人一起投票,但这是有条件的,主要挑战者构成的威胁程度。根据这项研究,高质量的初选挑战者能最大程度地改变现任总统的行为。本文的补充数据可在https://doi.org/10.1080/07343469.2021.1922541上在线获得。
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引用次数: 0
Impeaching the President: Mapping the Political Landscape in the House of Representatives 弹劾总统:绘制众议院的政治版图
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2021-07-08 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2021.1934186
Christopher A. Martínez, Mariana Llanos, R. Tatalovich
Abstract Our main objective is to explain why and under what conditions legislators (co)sponsor impeachment resolutions against the president of the United States. We examine the impact of political, institutional, and economic variables, suggested by presidency and impeachment scholarship, on the behavior of 2,044 legislators who were members of the House of Representatives between 1973 and 2019. To test these hypotheses, we use two-level logistic regressions and an original dataset of all presidential impeachment resolutions filed in the House during that period. Our primary findings are that impeachment resolutions against the president are driven by individual-level variables such as representatives’ ideological extremity and partisanship. Our analysis also shows that the occurrence of major presidential scandals incentivizes representatives to target the chief executive. Surprisingly, we find no statistical evidence for the effects of divided government, presidential approval, and macro-economic factors. Our results suggest that representatives use impeachment resolutions both for position taking and for rendering the president accountable.
我们的主要目的是解释立法者为什么以及在什么条件下共同发起针对美国总统的弹劾决议。我们研究了总统和弹劾研究提出的政治、制度和经济变量对1973年至2019年期间担任众议院议员的2044名立法者行为的影响。为了检验这些假设,我们使用了两级逻辑回归和一个原始数据集,该数据集包含了在此期间众议院提交的所有总统弹劾决议。我们的主要发现是,针对总统的弹劾决议受到个人层面变量的驱动,如代表的意识形态极端和党派关系。我们的分析也显示,总统重大丑闻的发生,会激励代表们把矛头指向行政长官。令人惊讶的是,我们没有发现分裂政府、总统支持率和宏观经济因素影响的统计证据。我们的研究结果表明,代表们使用弹劾决议既是为了表明立场,也是为了让总统承担责任。
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引用次数: 1
The Longer You Wait, the Longer It Takes: Presidential Transition Planning and Appointment Politics 等待的时间越长,需要的时间就越长:总统过渡计划和任命政治
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2021-05-12 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2021.1880499
Heather Ba, B. Schneider, T. Sullivan
Abstract Contemporary research on presidential appointments tends to focus on the Senate’s political climate as a primary cause of its “broken politics.” In contrast, we focus on the role the president plays in setting the stage for Senate confirmation of federal appointees. Our empirical approach suggests that an active president who demonstrates initiative in the transition planning phase of an administration can better control the agenda of the Presidentially Appointed and Confirmed by the Senate (PAS) appointment process by jump-starting it before the Senate’s policy workload accumulates and legislative politicking takes over. This approach suggests that better transition planning can hasten the overall appointments process.
当代关于总统任命的研究倾向于将参议院的政治气候作为其“破碎政治”的主要原因。相比之下,我们关注的是总统在为参议院确认联邦任命奠定基础方面所发挥的作用。我们的实证方法表明,在政府过渡规划阶段表现出主动性的活跃总统可以更好地控制总统任命和参议院确认(PAS)任命过程的议程,在参议院的政策工作量积累和立法政治接管之前启动它。这种做法表明,更好的过渡规划可以加快整个任命过程。
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引用次数: 5
How Trump Happened: A System Shock Decades in the Making 特朗普是如何发生的:几十年来的制度冲击
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2021.1917965
Michael G. Hagen
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引用次数: 0
Constitutional Dysfunction on Trial: Congressional Lawsuits and the Separation of Powers 审判中的宪法功能障碍:国会诉讼与三权分立
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/07343469.2021.1917958
T. Bell
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引用次数: 0
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Congress & The Presidency-A Journal of Capital Studies
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