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Updating Records of Nazi Art Looting from an Art Dealer’s Archive: A Case Study from Gustav Cramer’s Archive at the Getty 从艺术品经销商档案中更新纳粹艺术品掠夺记录:以盖蒂博物馆古斯塔夫·克莱默档案为例
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/702754
Isabella Zuralski-Yeager
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引用次数: 1
Harald Szeemann and the Road Back to the Museum 哈拉尔德·泽曼与重返博物馆之路
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/702750
Max Rosenberg
107 The Event Form Early indications of what the public could expect at documenta 5 were revealed on the cover of the May/June 1970 issue of Informationen (fig. 1), a seasonal brochure on local culture in and around the city of Kassel, Germany, where the famed quinquennial contemporary art exhibition was established in 1955. In a brief schematic outline, Harald Szeemann (fig. 2), the newly appointed general secretary of documenta 5, along with a few collaborators whom he had selected to help with the organization of the show, gave a brief explanation of the approach to the next Kassel mega-exhibition. Their documenta, as the brochure makes abundantly clear, would distinguish itself from its predecessors by embracing an “event structure” (Ereignisstruktur). More than the proposal itself, a graphic featured above the text illustrated this ambition. In a large black field, “documenta IV” appeared in big white letters, but the “IV” was struck through and a “V” was printed above it. Beneath this, “Museum der 100 Tage” (100-day museum), the traditional length of the exhibition and its de facto tagline, was printed, but only “100 Tage” remained; “Museum der” was struck through and “Ereignis” (event) was added next to and slightly above the previous motto. From “Museum der 100 Tage,” the “100 Tage Ereignis” (100-day event) was born. By depicting the first conceptual proposal for the exhibition in this way, Szeemann and his coorganizers signaled that documenta 5 would constitute an assertive departure from the format and structure of the past exhibitions. Specifically, Szeemann wished to break down the traditional media distinctions and the privileging of painting and sculpture that the previous documentas had maintained. This intention also stemmed from a desire to move away from abstract painting, metonymy for modern art itself in much of the capitalist West (especially West Germany). Documenta had been a primary conduit through which abstraction had achieved broad cultural supremacy. At the first several documentas, the art historian and coorganizer of the shows Werner Haftmann had popularized the idea of abstraction as a “world language” (Weltsprache), a concept that the exhibition’s founder, the local Kassel artist and curator Arnold Bode, had also embraced.1 At the same time, as aggressive as the striking through of the motto of the past documentas appeared, Szeemann did not outright discard it; rather, he reformatted it into a new Harald Szeemann and the Road Back to the Museum
从1970年5月/ 6月号的《Informationen》(图1)封面上可以初步看出公众对第5届文献展的期待。《Informationen》是一本关于德国卡塞尔市及其周边地区文化的季节性小册子,1955年,著名的五年一度的当代艺术展览在卡塞尔市举办。第5届文献展新任秘书长哈拉尔德·塞曼(Harald Szeemann)(图2)与他挑选的几位合作者一起简要介绍了下一届卡塞尔大型展览的方案。他们的文献展,正如宣传册上写得非常清楚的那样,将通过采用“事件结构”(ereignisstrucktur)来区别于以往的文献展。除了提案本身,文本上方的图形还说明了这一雄心。在黑色的一大片区域里,出现了几个白色的大字“documenta IV”,但“IV”被划掉了,上面印着一个“V”。下面印着“100天博物馆”(Museum der 100 Tage),这是展览的传统长度和事实上的口号,但只剩下“100天”;“博物馆”(Museum der)被删掉,“事件”(Ereignis)被添加到前面的座右铭旁边和略高于前面的地方。从“100天博物馆”开始,“100天活动”诞生了。通过以这种方式描绘展览的第一个概念建议,塞曼和他的合作者表明,第5届文献展将构成对过去展览形式和结构的坚定背离。具体来说,塞曼希望打破以往文献展所保持的传统媒介的区别和绘画和雕塑的特权。这一意图也源于摆脱抽象画的愿望,抽象画是西方资本主义国家(尤其是西德)现代艺术本身的代名词。文献展一直是抽象主义获得广泛文化霸权的主要渠道。在最初的几届文献展上,艺术史学家、展览的共同组织者维尔纳·哈夫特曼(Werner Haftmann)普及了抽象作为“世界语言”(Weltsprache)的概念,展览的创始人、当地卡塞尔艺术家和策展人阿诺德·博德(Arnold Bode)也接受了这个概念与此同时,尽管塞曼对过去文献展的座右铭进行了激进的抨击,但他并没有完全抛弃它;相反,他把它改造成了一个新的哈拉尔德·塞曼和回到博物馆的路
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引用次数: 1
Forbidden Love in the Andes: Murúa and Guaman Poma Retell the Myth of Chuquillanto and Acoytapra 安第斯山脉的禁忌之爱:穆鲁阿和瓜曼·波玛重述丘奎兰托和阿科伊塔普拉的神话
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/702752
Alicia Maria Houtrouw
161 The following coauthored indigenous tale about two lovers—an Inca ñusta (princess), Chuquillanto, and a humble shepherd, Acoytapra—was recorded around the turn of the seventeenth century in colonial Peru. The story’s meaning is layered, having been written and illustrated by two people of vastly different backgrounds: the drawings by a native Andean man and the writing by a Spanish friar. Although the images complement the text by illuminating events in the written tale, the artist applies his knowledge of the native Andean belief system and Inca visual culture by inserting additional meanings into the illustrations and communicating visually what the Spanish author cannot. Even though both authors eventually arrive at the same conclusion—that Acoytapra and Chuquillanto’s relationship is impossible—each values this outcome for distinct reasons. Their diverging interpretations of the legend help us to see how each author engaged with the story to further his own ideology and mission. Furthermore, the illustrator’s role in the retelling of this myth shows how an indigenous artist and author negotiated his relationship with Spanish authorities and asserted his indigenous knowledge in a colonial context. Below is a summary of the tale Ficción y suçesso de un famosso pastor llamado el gran Acoytapra con la hermossa y discreta Chuquillanto, ñusta, hija del sol (Legend and account of a famous shepherd named the great Acoytapra with the beautiful and discreet Chuquillanto, princess, daughter of the sun).1 ——— One day, as the shepherd Acoytapra was tending his herd, he was unexpectedly approached by two daughters of the sun. The eldest, Chuquillanto, was drawn to the shepherd, who wore on his forehead a canipu (silver pendant) with an image of two aradores (plowers)2 eating a heart. He told Chuquillanto it was called an utusi, which the narrator explains may be slang for the genital member, an old word invented by lovers. She was intrigued by his strange ornament and talked to her sister about the shepherd until arriving back at the palace. That night, Chuquillanto had no appetite and thought incessantly about the shepherd. When she finally fell asleep she dreamt that a nightingale flew to her lap and spoke to her. Chuquillanto explained to the bird that she could only be cured of what ailed her if she pursued her love for the shepherd, but that her father would kill her if she did. Forbidden Love in the Andes: Murúa and Guaman Poma Retell the Myth of Chuquillanto and Acoytapra
161 .下面的故事是关于两个恋人的故事,一个是印加人ñusta(公主)丘基兰托,另一个是卑微的牧羊人阿科伊特帕拉。故事发生在17世纪初的秘鲁殖民地。这个故事的意义是有层次的,它是由两个背景截然不同的人写的和画的:一个是安第斯当地人的图画,一个是西班牙修士的文字。虽然这些图像通过阐明书面故事中的事件来补充文本,但艺术家运用他对安第斯土著信仰体系和印加视觉文化的了解,在插图中插入了额外的含义,并在视觉上传达了西班牙作者无法做到的事情。尽管两位作者最终都得出了相同的结论——Acoytapra和Chuquillanto的关系是不可能的——但他们各自看重这个结果的原因各不相同。他们对这个传说的不同解读有助于我们了解每个作者是如何利用这个故事来推进自己的意识形态和使命的。此外,插画家在复述这个神话中的角色表明了一个土著艺术家和作家如何与西班牙当局谈判他的关系,并在殖民背景下坚持他的土著知识。下面是这个故事的摘要Ficción y suesso de un famosso pastor llamado el gran Acoytapra con la hermossa y discreta Chuquillanto, ñusta, hija del sol(一个著名的牧羊人的传说和故事,名叫伟大的Acoytapra和美丽而谨慎的公主Chuquillanto,太阳的女儿)。一天,牧羊人阿科塔帕拉正在放羊,太阳的两个女儿意外地走近他。老大丘基兰托(Chuquillanto)被牧羊人吸引住了,牧羊人额头上戴着一个canipu(银垂饰),上面画着两个犁头在吃一颗心。他告诉丘基兰托,它被称为utusi,叙述者解释说,这可能是一个俚语,指生殖器的一部分,一个由恋人发明的古老词汇。她对他奇怪的装饰很感兴趣,并和她的妹妹谈论牧羊人,直到回到宫殿。那天晚上,丘基兰托没有胃口,不停地想着牧羊人。当她终于睡着时,她梦见一只夜莺飞到她的腿上,对她说话。丘基兰托向鸟儿解释说,只有当她追求对牧羊人的爱时,她的病痛才能被治愈,但如果她这样做,她的父亲会杀了她。安第斯山脉的禁忌之爱:Murúa和瓜曼波马重新讲述丘基兰托和阿科塔帕拉的神话
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引用次数: 0
“First Surrealists Were Cavemen”: The American Abstract Artists and Their Appropriation of Prehistoric Rock Pictures in 1937 “最初的超现实主义者是穴居人”:1937年美国抽象艺术家和他们对史前岩石画的挪用
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/702747
Elke Seibert
Artists: Three Yearbooks (1938, 1939, 1946), unpaginated. 25. Irving Sandler, Abstract Expressionism: The Triumph of American Painting (London: Pall Mall,
艺术家:三本年鉴(1938、1939、1946),未分页。25.欧文·桑德勒,《抽象表现主义:美国绘画的胜利》(伦敦:Pall Mall,
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking Provenance Research 对种源研究的再思考
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/702755
C. Fuhrmeister, Meike Hopp
213 What, in Germany in 2018, is the state of research into the provenance of expropriated cultural property within the context of National Socialist (Nazi) persecution? How have we arrived at this situation? What remains to be done? These three questions determine the structure of this essay, which looks exclusively at public institutions; that is, to the greatest possible extent it steers clear of the realm of private collectors and the art trade, including auction houses and art dealers. The focus here is primarily on the German Bund (the national government), Länder (states), and Kommunen (local authorities), and our thesis concludes that we need to reflect more intensively on the premises, structures, and procedures in these areas. Do we—as art historians and provenance researchers—have at our disposal the research infrastructure that is necessary for us to meet the current and forthcoming challenges? Are we capable of dealing effectively with the contexts of injustice relating to acquisition and translocation processes? Let us begin the discussion with a review of the developments that have—and have not—taken place up to now.
213 2018年,在国家社会主义(纳粹)迫害的背景下,德国对被征用文化财产来源的研究情况如何?我们是如何到达这种情况的?还有什么要做?这三个问题决定了本文的结构,它只关注公共机构;也就是说,它在最大程度上避开了私人收藏家和艺术品交易领域,包括拍卖行和艺术品经销商。这里的重点主要是德国外滩(国家政府)、各州和地方当局,我们的论文得出结论,我们需要更深入地反思这些领域的前提、结构和程序。作为艺术历史学家和出处研究人员,我们是否拥有应对当前和即将到来的挑战所需的研究基础设施?我们是否有能力有效处理与获取和迁移过程有关的不公正情况?让我们首先回顾一下迄今为止已经发生和尚未发生的事态发展。
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引用次数: 5
The Palazzo Foscarini in Venice and the Celebration Honoring the Dukes of Modena (1749) in a Getty Research Institute Manuscript 威尼斯的福斯卡里尼宫和摩德纳公爵的庆祝活动(1749年),盖蒂研究所手稿
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/702746
Linda Borean
Getty Research Journal, no. 11 (2019): 1–16 © 2019 Linda Borean. English translation © 2019 The J. Paul Getty Trust On 3 August 1749, on the occasion of the departure from Venice of Francesco III d’Este, Duke of Modena (1698–1780), a sumptuous ball was organized at the palazzo Foscarini ai Carmini. This imposing edifice, while now unembellished (fig. 1), still dominates its surroundings; it sits across from the homonymous bridge and is well known for having hosted various significant figures in European history, beginning with Henry III, King of France, when he visited Venice in 1574 (fig. 2).1 An expression of the Republic of Venice’s long-standing tradition of hospitality to foreigners, private receptions were part of a broader context of a political and cultural society that, over the centuries, was unique by virtue of the precise and measured staging of civic rituals, such as the procession marking the election of the doge and religious celebrations with an unavoidable political tone: all moments necessary for solidifying, in both the patrician and the plebeian classes, loyalty and a sense of belonging to the state.2 Over the course of the Enlightenment era, Venice witnessed an increase in solemn ceremonies and performances organized by the government to pay homage to visiting sovereigns and princes and to officially welcome foreign ambassadors: from bull hunts to concerts to the regatta, which constituted the “pyramid” of celebrations, being “one of the most joyful entertainments that the Public habitually offers to Foreign Princes.”3 We know about these sorts of public events not only from archival documents but also from visual records, thanks to talented painters such as Luca Carlevariis, Canaletto, and Francesco Guardi, who, through the genre of the documentary vista or reportorial view,4 captured historical and newsworthy moments, giving them a specific narration. The Republic paid for receptions that included entertainments provided by patricians in their palaces; while conceived as another manifestation of the wealth and power of an aristocratic state, in the eighteenth century these receptions became a vehicle for the exhibition of the resources, reputation, and image of the host family as well. The republican mediocritas of the Cinquecento, in fact, was supplanted by a growing desire to demonstrate the prominence of a family name, a phenomenon accompanied by a revolution in residential tastes, with the expansion of clearly defined spaces for entertainment, set aside for social life.5 Performances, concerts, and banquets in homage to illustrious guests constituted a natural corollary to these transformations. The Palazzo Foscarini in Venice and the Celebration Honoring the Dukes of Modena (1749) in a Getty Research Institute Manuscript
盖蒂研究杂志,第11期(2019):1–16©2019 Linda Borean。英语翻译©2019 J.Paul Getty Trust 1749年8月3日,在摩德纳公爵弗朗西斯科三世(1698-1780)离开威尼斯之际,在Foscarini ai Carmini宫举办了一场盛大的舞会。这座气势恢宏的建筑,虽然现在没有被埋葬(图1),但仍然主宰着周围的环境;它坐落在同名大桥的对面,以接待欧洲历史上的各种重要人物而闻名,从1574年法国国王亨利三世访问威尼斯开始(图2)。1私人招待会是威尼斯共和国长期以来接待外国人的传统的一种表达,是政治和文化社会更广泛背景的一部分,几个世纪以来,由于公民仪式的精确和有分寸的举行,如标志着总督选举的游行和不可避免的政治基调的宗教庆祝活动,这是独一无二的:在贵族和平民阶层中,所有必要的时刻都是巩固对国家的忠诚和归属感。2在启蒙时代,威尼斯见证了政府组织的庄严仪式和表演的增加,以向来访的君主和王子致敬,并正式欢迎外国大使:从斗牛到音乐会,再到帆船赛,这构成了庆祝活动的“金字塔”,是“公众习惯性地向外国王子提供的最快乐的娱乐之一”。“3我们不仅从档案文件中了解到这类公共事件,还从视觉记录中了解到,这要归功于卢卡·卡莱瓦里斯、卡纳莱托和弗朗切斯科·瓜迪等才华横溢的画家,他们通过纪录片视野或报道视野的类型,4捕捉到了历史和新闻价值的时刻,并为其提供了具体的叙述。共和国支付招待费,其中包括贵族在其宫殿内提供的娱乐活动;虽然被认为是贵族国家财富和权力的另一种表现,但在18世纪,这些招待会也成为展示东道国家庭资源、声誉和形象的工具。事实上,随着明确界定的娱乐空间的扩大,为社交生活留出了空间,人们越来越渴望展示姓氏的重要性,这一现象伴随着住宅品味的革命,取代了五世纪共和国的平庸,向杰出客人致敬的宴会是这些转变的自然结果。威尼斯的福斯卡里尼宫和盖蒂研究所手稿中的摩德纳公爵庆典(1749年)
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引用次数: 0
A Set of Eight Gurkha Campaign Copperplate Prints 一套八件廓尔喀战役铜版印刷品
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/702753
Niklas Leverenz
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引用次数: 1
Critic and Catalyst: Pauline Gibling Schindler (1893–1977) 批评家和催化剂:宝琳·吉卜林·辛德勒(1893-1977)
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/702748
T. Hines
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引用次数: 1
“Alcuni dei miei progetti”: Aldo Rossi and the Editorial Impulse “我的一些项目”:阿尔多·罗西和编辑冲动
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/702751
Maura Lucking
133 The Italian architect Aldo Rossi’s second book, A Scientific Autobiography (1981), does not make for an easy read. It has no clear exposition or organization, meandering instead through readings of the postwar European landscape, making connections between the works of other artists and scholars and his own childhood memories. A brief preface introduces the project as an impossible effort to track the influence of small experiences on the development of the architect’s craft—a paean to the “disorder of things.”1 It is the type of book that one might open to any number of pages and have a similarly pleasant, if disorienting, reading experience—more like an Oulipo tone poem than an architectural manifesto. When his slippery indefinite articles momentarily bring building, life, and memory into alignment, however, it can be sublime in its associative pursuit of meaning. Some of the most powerful passages revolve around the architect’s recovery from a life-threatening car accident. Confined to his hospital bed, Rossi jotted down the notes that would shape his best-known built project, the stark and cavernous San Cataldo Ceme tery (fig. 1). What follows seems intended to provide insight into that project’s formation. He considers the architectural expression of his condition, including abstractions of prone bodies such as those on the facade of the convent of Santa Clara at Santiago de Compostela in Galicia (fig. 2). The building, he writes, expands on the iconographic tradition of the deposition of Christ; its overscaled, anthropomorphic decoration works to produce an embodied response in viewers. The modeling effects of light on the sculptural facade are then compared, in short order, with the work of the divisionist painter Angelo Morbelli. The artist was best known for his light-filled meditations on the end of life, set in hospitals and retirement centers—much like the one in which Rossi was convalescing (fig. 3). Rossi writes:
133意大利建筑师阿尔多·罗西的第二本书《科学自传》(1981年)并不容易阅读。它没有明确的阐述或组织,而是曲折地阅读战后的欧洲景观,将其他艺术家和学者的作品与他自己的童年记忆联系起来。在一篇简短的序言中,该项目被描述为一项不可能追踪小经历对建筑师工艺发展的影响的努力,这是对“事物无序”的赞美。1这是一种可以打开任意页数的书,并且有着同样愉快但令人迷失方向的阅读体验的书,更像是一首Oulipo风格的诗,而不是一份建筑宣言。然而,当他流畅而不确定的文章瞬间将建筑、生活和记忆融为一体时,它对意义的联想追求可能是崇高的。一些最有力的段落围绕着建筑师从一场危及生命的车祸中恢复过来。罗西被限制在病床上,记下了笔记,这些笔记将塑造他最著名的建筑项目,荒凉而洞穴般的圣卡塔尔多Ceme tery(图1)。以下内容似乎旨在深入了解该项目的形成过程。他考虑了自己状况的建筑表现,包括对俯卧身体的抽象,比如加利西亚圣地亚哥德孔波斯特拉的圣克拉拉修道院的正面(图2)。他写道,这座建筑扩展了基督沉积的图像传统;其夸张的、拟人化的装饰作品在观众中产生了具体的反应。然后,将光线对雕塑立面的建模效果与分裂主义画家安吉洛·莫贝利的作品进行了简短的比较。这位艺术家最为人所知的是他在医院和退休中心对生命终结进行的充满光线的冥想——很像罗西康复时的冥想(图3)。罗西写道:
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引用次数: 0
The New Arts Society: Failed Radicals 新艺术协会:失败的激进分子
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/702749
E. Buhe
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引用次数: 0
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Getty Research Journal
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