Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.1017/S0961137118000207
J. Dyer
Abstract The Scientia artis musice, a music theory treatise completed in the year 1274 by Hélie Salomon, a cleric from the village of St-Astier (Périgord/Dordogne), covers all the usual topics treated in such sources: letter names, hexachord syllables, the claves (letter + syllable(s)), the musical hand, mutation, staff notation, clef placement and chant genres. It includes an incomplete tonary with representative chant genres together with a commentary on the seculorum (differentiae) appropriate to various chant incipits. A lengthy instruction on the performance of parallel four-voice organum is also included. The Scientia is the only medieval theory treatise whose eight illustrations (called ‘figurae’) include human figures. These images relate directly to matters covered in the treatise and serve to make its main points more easily committed to memory. Of especial interest is the image of an enthroned bishop that serves as the focal point for a novel exposition of the tonal system of chant as (1) a set of logical relations modelled after the Tree of Porphyry and (2) a variant of the tree of consanguinity. Since the sole surviving copy of the treatise is the original, all these details must reflect the author's intention.
1274年，来自St-Astier村的牧师hsamlie Salomon完成了音乐理论专著《Scientia artis musice》，涵盖了这些来源中所有常见的主题:字母名称，六和弦音节，claves(字母+音节)，音乐手，突变，五音符号，谱号位置和吟唱类型。它包括一个不完整的音调，具有代表性的吟唱流派，以及对世俗(差异)的评论，适合各种吟唱的开头。一个冗长的指令，对平行四声风琴的表现也包括在内。《科学》是唯一一部中世纪理论专著，它的八个插图(称为“图”)包括了人物。这些图像与论文所涉及的问题直接相关，有助于使其主要观点更容易被记住。特别令人感兴趣的是一个被加冕的主教的形象，他是对圣歌音调系统的新颖阐述的焦点，(1)一组以斑岩之树为模型的逻辑关系(2)血缘之树的变体。由于这篇论文唯一幸存的副本是原件，所有这些细节都必须反映作者的意图。
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Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.1017/S0961137118000141
Barbara Haggh-Huglo
line. When I discussed this, the one case that puzzled me was the post-communion of Du Fay’s Mass Sancti Iacobi, unique to Bologna Q15, which explicitly states that the missing voice is a fourth below the discantus but which again works musically far better if it is a third above the tenor, with a fifth at cadences. Planchart implicity accepts this: at least, he states (p. 573) that the post-communion, as he and Besseler reconstruct it, has far more jarring dissonances than anything else of Du Fay. But it was for me a relevation to read (pp. 571–2) that there is a plain textual problem with the Alleluia of that Mass, which demonstrably has the text all in the wrong places for that movement, also unique to Bologna Q15. That is to say that in some respects Bologna Q15 is rather less authoritative than we had once thought for the music of Du Fay; and I think we can perhaps trust our musical instincts rather more in suggesting that the written instructions for the post-communion may not be authentic. Briefly, there is plenty more to discuss about Du Fay and his music.
线当我讨论这一点时，令我困惑的一个案例是杜菲的《弥撒圣歌》（Mass Sancti Iacobi）的后期交流，这是博洛尼亚Q15独有的作品，它明确指出，缺失的声音比discantus低四分之一，但如果它比男高音高三分之一，在节奏上有五分之一，那么它的音乐效果会好得多。平面图的隐含性接受了这一点：至少，他说（第573页），正如他和贝塞勒重建的那样，后圣餐比杜法的任何其他东西都有更不和谐的不和谐。但对我来说，这是一种重新认识（第571-2页），即弥撒中的阿勒路亚有一个明显的文本问题，它显然把文本放在了错误的地方，这也是博洛尼亚Q15独有的。也就是说，在某些方面，博洛尼亚Q15的权威性不如我们曾经认为的杜菲的音乐；我认为我们也许可以更相信我们的音乐本能，认为圣餐后的书面指示可能不真实。简言之，关于杜菲和他的音乐还有很多值得讨论的地方。
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Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.1017/S0961137118000220
Jamie Reuland
Abstract In 1409 Ludovico Barbo arrived at the monastery of Santa Giustina in Padua, intent on its reformation. Since the late fourteenth century, the scriptorium at Santa Giustina had produced some of the most significant collections of polyphonic music to survive from the period, specialising in copying the avant-garde repertories of the Ars nova. Yet the reforms Barbo sought to introduce – reforms based on ideals he and a cohort of Venetians had been living out on the island of S. Giorgio in Alga – eschewed outward ostentation, and centred on prayerful engagement with the scene of Christ's Passion. Barbo's initiatives would seem at odds with the tradition of secular polyphony cultivated at the monastery in the years before his arrival. Official documents from the reform prohibit the practice of cantus figuratus and paint a picture of a uniformly spare music aesthetic. Manuscript and material evidence from Santa Giustina and dependent houses tells a different story, and suggests that communities found use for the monastery's musical past within the reformed practice of prayer and meditation. Vestiges of this past appear in the most unlikely of places: the Good Friday rituals that Barbo himself worked to strip of polyphonic accoutrement. The efforts of individual monks, musicians and scribes – here Rolando da Casale, whose musical expertise Barbo enlisted in the copying of new liturgical manuscripts, and Johannes Preottonus – emerge as telling examples of the ways in which institutional histories come under the pressure of their individual actors.
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Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.1017/S0961137118000219
Andrew Wathey
Abstract Who was Jean de Savoie, the clerk with whom the composers Jean Campion and Philippe de Vitry penned the jeu-parti Ulixea fulgens in 1350? This article uses Jean's hitherto unnoticed will and foundations at the church of Saint-Benoît-le-Bestourné, Paris, with other documentation, to bring together Jean's two identities in a unified biography (including a new date for his death, in 1354); to illustrate the close parallels between his own career and that of Philippe de Vitry, and to map the scope of opportunities for contact between them in and around the French royal court from the early 1320s onwards. Jean was also an artist and illustrator, and his career as one of the more prominent cartoonists of Philippe VI, king of France, throws light on potential contact with Vitry via the adoption by Louis I de Bourbon of the hitherto largely royal practice of charter illustration. In addition the properties acquired to support two chaplaincies endowed by Jean at Saint-Benoît demonstrate the extent to which he was professionally embedded in a network of royal councillors working in and around the Parlement in the 1330–50s, in which Vitry was also active. Also identified is a house acquired at Saint-Benoît by Gervès du Bus, author of the Roman de Fauvel.
1350年作曲家让·坎皮恩(Jean Campion)和菲利普·德·维特里(Philippe de Vitry)与他共同创作《乌里夏·富尔根斯》(jeu-parti Ulixea fulgens)的书员让·德·萨瓦(Jean de Savoie)是谁?这篇文章使用了Jean迄今为止未被注意到的遗嘱和巴黎saint - beno t-le- bestourn教堂的基金会，以及其他文件，将Jean的两个身份整合在一个统一的传记中(包括1354年他的新死亡日期);以说明他自己的职业生涯与菲利普·德·维特里的相似之处，并绘制出他们之间从1320年代初开始在法国王室内外接触的机会范围。让也是一名艺术家和插画家，他的职业生涯是法国国王菲利普六世最著名的漫画家之一，通过路易一世波旁王朝采用迄今为止主要是皇家特许插画的做法，他与维特里的潜在接触。此外，由Jean在saint - beno捐赠的两个牧师职位所获得的财产表明，他在1330 - 50年代在议会内外工作的皇家顾问网络中的专业程度，维特里也很活跃。此外，还发现了《罗马福维尔》的作者热弗·德·巴斯(gerv du Bus)在圣贝诺购得的一所房子。
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Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.1017/S0961137118000177
D. Fallows
We sometimes think that Alejandro Planchart’s association with Du Fay goes back to 1972, when he published his Musical Quarterly article repositioning the Mass cycles. That, at any rate, could be seen as the official start of his preoccupationwithDu Fay, witnessed by significant publications almost every year since (though at the same time he was no less prolific in his publications about Beneventan chant). He actually signed the contract for this book in 1976: so forty-two years to delivery, and forty-six years of publications leading up to it. But Planchart and Du Fay go back a lot further, not just fifty-two years to 1967, when he issued his first LP of Du Fay with Capella Cordina on Lyrichord, but fifty-four years to his edition of the three Caput Masses, one of which everybody at the time thought was by Du Fay. Anyway, now aged 83, he has eventually published the long-awaited book in two elegant volumes. And it was absolutely worth waiting for. The broad outlines of the story will be familiar to anybody who has been following his publications over the years. But there is now so much more detail, so much more texture. This is the result of years going through and through the archival material. In the late 1970s and early 1980s he sat every day in the Vatican archives between when teaching ended at Santa Barbara and when the Vatican closed for the summer in the middle of July. Presumably he then went on to Lille, where the Cambrai Cathedral documents received similar treatment. In any case, the first appendix here (nearly a hundred pages of archival details, almost all published for the first time) lists all the known petits vicaires at Cambrai Cathedral in the long fifteenth century; the next (pp. 784–91) lists the magistri puerorum there for the same years, a totally absorbing document since most of the people concerned had a substantial role in the history of fifteenth-century music, and Planchart has large quantities of new information about nearly all of them; then (pp. 792–7) he gives all the known grammar teachers in the cathedral. The kind of new detail offered here contributes a lot to the texture of the body of the book: he has innumerable footnotes and comments fleshing out the bald details of the life. Oh, and
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Pub Date : 2018-10-01DOI: 10.1017/S0961137118000074
Charles E. Brewer
ABSTRACT The twenty-four stanza abecedarium, beginning Audi tellus, audi magni maris limbus (Montpellier, Bibliothèque de la ville, 6), stands at the beginning of a long tradition of similar songs of judgement. A closer study of the sources provides for a deeper understanding of the transformation of the original song into a versicle to the Libera me and by the thirteenth century the first two lines of the song were transformed into the beginning of an unusual litany asking ‘Ubi sunt’, which was again most often described in the rubrics as a trope to the Libera me, particularly on All Souls Day. Here, however, an unusual and varying cast of characters enter the text of the song and the liturgy, including classical philosophers, such as Plato and Aristotle, historic figures, such as Paris and Helen, and even the biblical heroes Samson and King David. By the later Middle Ages, the trope had been further transformed into a devotional song and was especially prominent in sources associated with the cloisters of the Devotio moderna and later in polyphonic settings by Caspar Othmayr, Jacobus Gallus and Orlandus Lassus.
这首以Audi tellus, Audi magni maris limbus(蒙彼利埃，《城市图书馆》第6期)开头的24节abecedarium，是类似审判之歌悠久传统的开端。对资料的深入研究可以让我们更深入地了解原始歌曲是如何转变为Libera me的诗集的到13世纪，这首歌的前两行被转变为一段不寻常的祷告的开头，祈祷“Ubi sunt”，这在教章中也经常被描述为Libera me的比喻，特别是在万灵日。然而，在这里，一群不同寻常的人物进入了歌曲和礼拜仪式的文本，包括古典哲学家，如柏拉图和亚里士多德，历史人物，如帕里斯和海伦，甚至圣经英雄参孙和大卫王。到中世纪后期，这一比喻进一步转变为一首祈祷之歌，在与现代祈祷修道院有关的资料中尤为突出，后来在卡斯帕·奥斯迈尔、雅各布·加卢斯和奥兰多斯·拉苏斯的复调背景中也尤为突出。
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