Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/0147037X.2021.1896866
Yuanfei Wang
This paper discusses the figuration of the purple jade hairpin as inalienable possession in the Tang author Jiang Fang’s (792–835) marriage romance “Huo Xiaoyu’s story” and the Ming playwright Tang Xianzu’s (1550–1616) dramatic adaptation of the story, The Purple Hairpins (1595). Examining how the hairpin’s materiality and symbolism intersects with the tradition of classical poetry and marriage laws, the paper shows opposing poetics — the critical and the lyrical — of the two marriage romances. Whereas the selling of the hairpin in the Tang romance indicates the loss of Huo Xiaoyu’s identity and the culture of romance — a true social order of exogamy based upon language exchange — the circulation of her hairpins in The Purple Hairpins authenticates her identity and the culture of romance.
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Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/0147037X.2021.1950407
Yi Jo-lan, Lin Li-yueh
Lin Li-yueh: The reason I chose Ming history as my research field is closely related to influences from my educational background. In 1972, I entered the Graduate School of History at National Taiwan Normal University as a master’s degree student. Most of my classmates at the time were researching modern and contemporary Chinese history, especially the history of the late Qing dynasty. While I was in the master’s program, I took many courses in modern history. But I think to understand the changes taking place in modern China, we should not focus all our attention on the 19th century, but also deeply investigate history prior to the mid-19th century. At that time, in courses teaching Chinese history by period at Taiwanese universities, the Qing dynasty up to the mid-19th century was classified as “Qing history,” while the Qing dynasty from the mid-19th century onwards belonged to “modern Chinese history.” The content being taught was largely unrelated to the late Ming or early Qing dynasties or even earlier Ming history. In one regard, I held a certain amount of interest and curiosity in research concerned with the internal changes in Chinese politics, society, and thought prior to the impact of Western influence during the 19th century; and in another, I also thought at the time that there should be more young scholars working on questions regarding premodern China, and so I paid particular attention to Chinese society before the 17th and 18th century. My choice to settle on Ming history from the 14th to the 17th century for my master’s thesis can thus be said to be a result of these academic concerns.
{"title":"My Journey in Ming Studies: An Interview with Professor Lin Li-yueh 林麗月","authors":"Yi Jo-lan, Lin Li-yueh","doi":"10.1080/0147037X.2021.1950407","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0147037X.2021.1950407","url":null,"abstract":"Lin Li-yueh: The reason I chose Ming history as my research field is closely related to influences from my educational background. In 1972, I entered the Graduate School of History at National Taiwan Normal University as a master’s degree student. Most of my classmates at the time were researching modern and contemporary Chinese history, especially the history of the late Qing dynasty. While I was in the master’s program, I took many courses in modern history. But I think to understand the changes taking place in modern China, we should not focus all our attention on the 19th century, but also deeply investigate history prior to the mid-19th century. At that time, in courses teaching Chinese history by period at Taiwanese universities, the Qing dynasty up to the mid-19th century was classified as “Qing history,” while the Qing dynasty from the mid-19th century onwards belonged to “modern Chinese history.” The content being taught was largely unrelated to the late Ming or early Qing dynasties or even earlier Ming history. In one regard, I held a certain amount of interest and curiosity in research concerned with the internal changes in Chinese politics, society, and thought prior to the impact of Western influence during the 19th century; and in another, I also thought at the time that there should be more young scholars working on questions regarding premodern China, and so I paid particular attention to Chinese society before the 17th and 18th century. My choice to settle on Ming history from the 14th to the 17th century for my master’s thesis can thus be said to be a result of these academic concerns.","PeriodicalId":41737,"journal":{"name":"Ming Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47991608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/0147037X.2021.1967648
Ming News, Cecile Carrington, B. Noordam, Qing Dynasties
• Julia Lovell, University of London, “Translating and AbridgingXiyou ji for 2021: Challenges, Choices and Omissions” • Hongmei Sun, George Mason University, “Transgressive Gameplay in Xiyou ji” • Xiaoqiao Ling, Arizona State University, “Seeing is (Non)Believing and More: Experiencing Further Adventures on The Journey to the West in SeventeenthCentury China” • Stephen H. West, Arizona State University, “Locks up the Great Sage Equal to Heaven” • I-Hsien Wu, City College of New York, “Deadly Beauty and the Beast: Women and Animals in the Xiyou ji Tradition” • Chiung-yun Liu, Academia Sinica, “Monkey King, Red Boy, and the Little Children’s Kingdom: Remaking the ‘Baby’ Narratives in the Hundred Chapter Journey to the West”
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Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0147037X.2021.1859838
Xueying Wang
Due to the separated governing system of the Ming, the taxation system in garrisons differed by county. However, there is also evidence that shows that garrison land became county land in the seventeenth century, which indicates the garrison system was combined with the county system. This combination can be considered as a part of the single-whip method of garrison taxation. This paper focuses on the differences between the two taxation systems in garrison and county, as well as the single-whip reforming process of garrison taxation of Yunnan garrisons. Due to the constant conflict with barbarians and frontier empires, the Yunnan garrisons were constructed intermittently during the Ming dynasty. This led to a comparatively slow but clear process in the Yunnan garrison tax combination. In Yunnan, with the establishment of a taxation system in the fifteenth century, the military grain was taxed on individual soldiers as military duty. But this system was challenged by desertion and mess registration of military and county lands in the sixteenth century. The provincial officers and garrison officers tended to combine garrison taxation to garrison land. However, it was in use until the seventeenth century, when the land measurement and new tax standard was finally carried out by a Ming government who faced this challenge. And the garrison taxation was actually a changed garrison tax base from individual to land, transforming the garrison taxation into a land tax. When the Qing took over the governance of Yunnan, they changed garrison taxation into an non-military land tax system. Original garrison farmers were changed into government farmers, and had to pay not only a land tax, but also an additional individual tax. Finally the military duty was combined with a garrison land tax, and the difference between garrison land and county land was narrowed. The single-whip trend made the combination of garrison and county possible.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0147037X.2021.1908758
Sixiang Wang
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Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0147037X.2021.1908755
Phillip E. Bloom
{"title":"The Dumbarton Oaks Anthology of Chinese Garden Literature","authors":"Phillip E. Bloom","doi":"10.1080/0147037X.2021.1908755","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0147037X.2021.1908755","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41737,"journal":{"name":"Ming Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/0147037X.2021.1908755","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46959948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0147037X.2021.1886462
Aaron Throness
The contested historiography of the Jingtai Emperor remains a largely untouched subject in contemporary Ming scholarship. In an attempt to contribute to this field of study, this essay surveys and analyses the works of his detractors and supporters both in the immediate aftermath of his reign and beyond, while simultaneously tracing the process whereby the Jingtai reign was first disparaged and then gradually rehabilitated. It contends that the patterns discernible in how Ming writers thought about the Jingtai reign reveal a schism between ritual-oriented detractors and function-oriented supporters, both of whom were locked in a historiographical deadlock concerning standards of imperial rulership during an unprecedented crisis. It further argues that a confluence of trends including the vibrant intellectual activity of post-Tumu Ming China, the compilation of private histories incongruent with official ones, and dissatisfaction with official historiography contributed to the salvaging of Zhu Qiyu’s unconventional reign.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0147037X.2021.1883265
C. Clunas, E. Kindall
This is obviously something I’ve often been asked, so I wish I had a better answer. My education at school was focused on languages — including ancient ones — and history, and at some point in my teens these interests coalesced around China; I can recall entering a school art essay prize with a piece on the Song Huizong “Five-Coloured Parakeet” painting in the MFA Boston, which of course I had only seen in reproduction (I didn’t win). I was, perhaps somewhat weirdly, keen on “antiques” as a teenager and Chinese porcelain gripped me from early on, though this was a fairly indiscriminate interest and not particularly Ming-focused. I can however pinpoint the first book I read on the Ming in my teens, it was Vincent Cronin’s hagiography of Matteo Ricci, The Wise Man from the West, published in 1955. Studying Chinese at Cambridge as an undergraduate from 1972, neither the Ming nor art history were particularly present in my course. There was a minimal presence of art history near the beginning of my student years, in the form of lectures from the archaeologist Cheng Te-k’un 鄭德坤 (1908–2001), which I’m sorry to say I failed to find very engaging. Huang Zongxi 黃宗羲, Ming yi dai fang lu 明夷待訪錄 was one of our “set texts,” and I wrote my dissertation (a sort of “senior thesis”) based on a classic piece of 1960s Chinese scholarship; this was Wang Yuquan 王毓铨, Mingdai de juntun 明代的军屯, but this did not reflect a particular interest in the Ming. The topic was handed to me by Denis Twitchett (1925– 2006), the great historian of the Tang who was professor at Cambridge then; I think he just wanted a précis of a book he thought might be interesting to him, which is more or less all I did. The opportunity to study in Beijing in 1974–5 give me exposure to some Ming sites, particularly the Ming tombs, but at that time all sites like temples were closed to visitors, even if the first postCultural Revolution stirrings of intellectual life were just visible, and I bought then the copy of the Zhonghua shuju Ming shi which I still have. If anything, it was probably the Qing that really engaged me as a student, and my doctoral work was on a novel by the 19th century Mongol novelist Inǰannasi (1837– 1892). I had at that point ambitions to be a scholar of Chinese literature, of premodern fiction primarily. I was delighted (and very lucky) to join the curatorial staff of the Victoria and Albert Museum in 1979, but I seized on this more as a way of being paid to be interested in China, and if other opportunities had come good then my life would have been rather different. Ming Studies, 83, 67–80, May 2021
这显然是我经常被问到的问题，所以我希望我有一个更好的答案。我在学校所受的教育主要是语言——包括古代语言——和历史，在我十几岁的时候，这些兴趣在中国融合在一起;我记得我曾在波士顿美术学院(MFA Boston)以一幅关于宋徽宗《五色鹦鹉》的作品参加学校艺术论文奖，当然我只看过它的复制品(我没有获奖)。也许有点奇怪的是，我十几岁的时候就热衷于“古董”，中国瓷器从很早开始就吸引了我，尽管这是一个相当不加区分的兴趣，并不是特别关注明朝。然而，我能准确地说出我十几岁时读到的第一本关于明朝的书是文森特·克罗宁(Vincent Cronin) 1955年出版的利玛窦(Matteo Ricci)圣徒传《西方智者》(the Wise Man from the West)。1972年，我在剑桥大学读本科，学习中文，当时的课程中既没有明朝，也没有艺术史。在我刚开始读大学的时候，我很少接触到艺术史，那是考古学家郑德坤(1908-2001)的讲座，很遗憾，我觉得不太吸引人。《黄宗羲》是我们的“固定文本”之一，我的论文(一种“毕业论文”)是基于20世纪60年代中国学术的一篇经典作品;这是王玉泉毓铨，明代君吞，但这并没有反映出他对明朝的特别兴趣。这个题目是丹尼斯·特威切特(Denis Twitchett, 1925 - 2006)交给我的，他是伟大的唐朝历史学家，当时是剑桥大学的教授;我想他只是想要一本他觉得可能会感兴趣的书，我也差不多就是这么做的。1974年至1975年在北京学习的机会让我接触到了一些明朝遗址，尤其是明十三陵，但当时所有像寺庙这样的遗址都对游客关闭，即使文化大革命后知识分子生活的第一次骚动只是可见的，我当时买了《中华书居明史》的副本，我仍然拥有。如果说有什么不同的话，那可能是清朝真正吸引了我的学生时代，我的博士工作是研究19世纪蒙古小说家Inǰannasi(1837 - 1892)的一部小说。那时，我的理想是成为一名中国文学学者，主要是研究前现代小说。1979年，我很高兴(也很幸运)加入了维多利亚和阿尔伯特博物馆(Victoria and Albert Museum)的策展人员，但我更多地把它当作对中国感兴趣的一种赚钱方式，如果其他机会来的好，那么我的生活将会大不相同。明代研究，83,67-80,2021年5月
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Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0147037X.2021.1827816
Chün‐fang Yü, Shyling Glaze
It is easy to answerwhy I decided to studyBuddhismof theMingperiod.Mydissertation was on the Ming Buddhist monk, Yunqi Zhuhong 雲棲祩宏 (1535–1615). This topic was suggested by my dissertation advisor, Wm. Theodore de Bary. During the decade when I was a graduate student at Columbia (1961–71), most of my cohorts wrote dissertations on Ming Neo-Confucians. Although I took several courses with de Bary and Wing-tsit Chan, I was primarily interested in Buddhism. But Buddhism after Tang was an unexplored field in those days. It was rarely mentioned in the courses I took on Chinese Buddhism or the books I read. I did not know anything about Ming Buddhism and would not have chosen it as the topic of my dissertation. For this reason, I have always been grateful to Professor de Bary for pointing me in this direction. My interest in Buddhism and religion in general did not begin at Columbia. Rather, it began long before I came to America as a graduate student. Both my family background and my undergraduate education played important roles. My maternal grandmother was a pious Buddhist and a devotee of Guanyin. She lived with us until her death while I was in college. She was the one who first introduced me to vegetarianism, beliefs of karma and rebirth, daily chanting of theGreat Compassion Dharani, and the legend of Princess Miaoshan. I was among the first graduating class (1959) of Tunghai University in Taiwan. Although I majored in English literature, I took all the courses offered by Xu Fuguan徐復觀 (1903–82) and Mou Zongsan 牟宗三 (1909–95), two leading scholars of Chinese philosophy and intellectual history. I was particularly impressed by the thought of Laozi, Zhuangzi, and the thinkers of the Dark Learning. In my senior year at Tunghai, I applied to Smith College and Mount Holyoke College for admission to further study English literature. I was fortunate to be admitted to both colleges with full scholarships. I chose Smith because Miss Anne Cochran, the Chair of the English Department and my teacher at Tunghai, graduated from Smith. My ability to read critically and write research papers in English improved while at Smith. A course on “American Transcendentalism” about Emerson, Thoreau, and other thinkers made me recall the classes I took on Laozi. I applied to the PhD program in Comparative Literature at Yale and UC Berkeley after I received the MA. I was admitted to both. However, before I could make the decision, a chance to work as a TA for a summer session course of intensive Ming Studies, 83, 60–66, May 2021
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