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Self-cultivation according to Li Zhi and its Paradoxes 李贽的自我修养及其悖论
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-05-09 DOI: 10.1080/0147037x.2024.2342171
Paolo Santangelo
This essay delves into the significance of self-cultivation in the thought of Li Zhi (1527–1602), particularly the process of rediscovering one’s childlike innocence (tongxin 童心). This journey chal...
这篇文章深入探讨了李贽(1527-1602 年)思想中自我修养的意义,尤其是重新找回童心的过程。这个过程挑战...
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引用次数: 0
The Price of Collapse: The Little Ice Age and the Fall of Ming China 崩溃的代价小冰河时期与明朝的灭亡
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-03-14 DOI: 10.1080/0147037x.2024.2325799
Jun Fang
Published in Ming Studies (Ahead of Print, 2024)
发表于《明代研究》(2024 年,提前出版)
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引用次数: 0
Support-Seeking and Active Coping Mitigate the Association Between Posttrauma Symptom Severity and Attachment Insecurity in a Community Sample of Trauma Survivors. 在创伤幸存者社区样本中,寻求支持和积极应对可缓解创伤后症状严重程度与依恋不安全感之间的关联。
IF 2.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-12-01 Epub Date: 2022-08-04 DOI: 10.1037/trm0000407
Thomas J Shaw, Brett K Jakubiak, Jillian R Scheer

There is an established association between posttrauma symptom severity (PTSS) and attachment insecurity (anxiety and avoidance). However, few studies have examined this association among community samples of trauma-exposed individuals and identified factors that might moderate these associations. We sought to (a) replicate existing associations between PTSS and attachment insecurity in a community sample of trauma survivors and (b) determine the potential moderating role of support-seeking and coping behaviors. Our sample included 824 trauma-exposed individuals (MPCL-5 = 31.6, SD = 20.0; Mage = 37.4, SD = 13.2; 69.3% female; 79.1% White; 77.2% heterosexual). Participants completed an online survey via Amazon Mechanical Turk. Linear regression and moderation analyses tested the association between PTSS and attachment insecurity and whether support-seeking and coping behaviors moderated these associations. PTSS was positively associated with global attachment anxiety (β = .48, 95% confidence interval [.42, .54]) and global attachment avoidance (β = .06, [.15, .29]). The association between PTSS and attachment avoidance was weaker for people who reported greater instrumental and emotional support-seeking or greater active coping. This study provides evidence for the association between PTSS and attachment insecurity. Findings underscore the need to understand causal mechanisms underlying this association and critically evaluate how existing and future interventions can buffer attachment insecurity in trauma-exposed individuals.

创伤后症状严重程度(PTSS)与依恋不安全感(焦虑和回避)之间存在着既定的联系。然而,很少有研究对受创伤个体的社区样本中的这种关联进行研究,也很少有研究确定可能缓和这些关联的因素。我们试图(a)在创伤幸存者的社区样本中复制现有的 PTSS 与依恋不安全感之间的关联;(b)确定寻求支持和应对行为的潜在调节作用。我们的样本包括 824 名受到创伤的个体(MPCL-5 = 31.6,SD = 20.0;Mage = 37.4,SD = 13.2;69.3% 为女性;79.1% 为白人;77.2% 为异性恋)。参与者通过 Amazon Mechanical Turk 完成了在线调查。线性回归和调节分析检验了 PTSS 与依恋不安全感之间的关联,以及寻求支持和应对行为是否调节了这些关联。PTSS 与总体依恋焦虑(β = .48,95% 置信区间为[.42, .54])和总体依恋回避(β = .06,[.15, .29])呈正相关。对于那些报告更多寻求工具和情感支持或更多积极应对的人来说,PTSS 与依恋回避之间的关联较弱。本研究为 PTSS 与依恋不安全感之间的关联提供了证据。研究结果强调,有必要了解这种关联的因果机制,并认真评估现有和未来的干预措施如何能够缓冲受创伤个体的依恋不安全感。
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引用次数: 0
Ming News
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-30 DOI: 10.1080/0147037x.2023.2279851
Published in Ming Studies (Vol. 2023, No. 88, 2023)
发表于《明代研究》2023年第88期
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引用次数: 0
He Liangjun 何良俊 (1506–1573), On Painting : An Annotated Translation 何良君(1506-1573):《论绘画:注释翻译》
0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1080/0147037x.2023.2267354
Kathleen Ryor
AbstractIn The Collected Sayings from the Four Friends Studio, the sixteenth-century author He Liangjun’s two chapters on painting provides a detailed picture of how literati critics continued to construct artistic lineages and shape hierarchies of criteria for evaluating painting prior to Dong Qichang (1555­­–1636). Although this text has been widely quoted by art historians, its use has been highly selective, obscuring the larger textual context for He’s remarks. This annotated translation presents the sections on painting found in The Collected Sayings in its entirety. While He Liangjun’s discussion of painting can be repetitious, asynchronous, contradictory, and contains abrupt transitions between topics, clear themes and agendas emerge and are pivotal for the development of later painting theory and criticism.Keywords: He Liangjunpainting criticismSiyouzhai congshuo Notes1 Translator’s Note: The text used for this translation is found in He Liangjun, Si you zhai cong shuo 四友齋叢說, (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1997), pp. 255–269. In my translation of He Liangjun’s On Painting, I have tried to adhere as closely as possible to the author’s original language. Unfortunately He often uses different names (formal [ming 名], style names [zi 字], and various sobriquets [hao 號] for the same painter throughout his text), making it confusing even for readers familiar with pre-modern China. For the sake of consistency, in cases where an artist is mentioned more than once in the text, I have used that person’s formal name throughout, but include a footnote indicating the name found in the original. The first mention of an artist also has a footnote with the person’s dates and brief biographical information. Throughout the citations, I refer to Yu Jianhua, ed., Zhongguo meishujia renming cidian (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1985) as ZMRC. While I strove to make the translation as clear as possible in English, I also tried not to deviate too far from the original Chinese grammar; as a result, the overall style of the prose reflects this inevitable compromise. I would like to thank Ann Waltner, Rivi Handler-Spitz and all of the various members of the classical Chinese reading group based at the University of Minnesota and Jennifer Purtle of the University of Toronto for their patient reading of the text and my translation. While they critiqued my various draft translations and provided helpful advice and suggestions, any errors or omission remain my own.2 He Liangjun (1506–1573), was a native of Huating, Songjiang prefecture was born into a wealthy landlord family and inherited the estate of his uncle. Highly educated, he nonetheless failed to pass the provincial level examinations (juren) and devoted most of his career to scholarship. The Si you zhai cong shuo 四友齋叢說 is named for his studio, “The Four Friends Studio” which alluded to the philosopher Zhuangzi, Vimilakirti, the disciple of the Buddha, the Tang dynasty poet Bai Juyi, and himself. See L.
在《四友画室话集》中,16世纪作家何良君的两章绘画提供了一幅详细的画面,描述了在董其昌(1555—1636)之前,文人批评家如何继续构建艺术谱系,并形成评价绘画标准的等级。虽然这段文字被艺术史学家广泛引用,但它的使用是高度选择性的,模糊了他的言论的更大的文本背景。这个注释的翻译呈现了在《语录集》中发现的绘画部分。虽然何良军的绘画讨论可能是重复的、不同步的、矛盾的,并且包含话题之间的突然转变,但清晰的主题和议程出现了,对后来的绘画理论和批评的发展至关重要。关键词:何良军绘画批评《四有斋丛说》注1译者注:本译文见何良军,《四有斋丛说》,(北京:中华书社,1997),页255-269。在翻译何良君的《论绘画》时,我尽量遵循作者的原文。不幸的是,他经常使用不同的名字(在他的文本中,对同一位画家使用正式的[ming],风格的[zi]和各种各样的绰号[hao]),即使是熟悉前现代中国的读者也会感到困惑。为了保持一致性,如果在文本中多次提到艺术家,我将始终使用该艺术家的正式名称,但在脚注中注明其在原文中的名称。第一次提到艺术家也有一个脚注,上面有这个人的日期和简短的传记信息。在所有引用中,我将余建华主编的《中华人民共和国人民书》(上海:上海人民书chubanshe, 1985)称为ZMRC。在我努力使英文翻译尽可能清晰的同时,我也尽量不偏离中文原文的语法;因此,散文的整体风格反映了这种必然的妥协。我要感谢安·沃尔特纳(Ann Waltner)、里维·汉德勒-斯皮茨(Rivi Handler-Spitz)以及明尼苏达大学古文阅读小组的所有成员和多伦多大学的詹妮弗·珀特尔(Jennifer Purtle)耐心地阅读本文和我的翻译。虽然他们批评了我的各种翻译草稿,并提供了有益的意见和建议,但任何错误或遗漏都是我自己的何良君(1506-1573),松江县华亭人,家境富裕,继承叔父家产。尽管受过高等教育,但他未能通过省级考试,并将他的大部分职业生涯奉献给了奖学金。“四友斋从说”是以他的工作室命名的,“四友工作室”指的是哲学家庄子、佛陀的弟子维米罗提、唐朝诗人白居易和他自己。参见L. Carrington Goodrich和房超英编。董其昌(1555-1636),进士1590年,作为高级官员、书法家、画家、收藏家、鉴赏家和理论家,他的作品从他自己的时代到现在,对绘画艺术、批评和历史产生了巨大的影响,享有很高的声誉。二级学术对董氏生平、事业和艺术的研究是巨大的;有关他的绘画、书法和艺术理论的英文概览,请见何伟鉴和朱迪斯·g·史密斯主编。,《董建华世纪1555-1636》,2卷。(西雅图和伦敦:华盛顿大学出版社,1992年)何良军称黄为“尚古”。黄庭坚(1045-1105),进士1067年,是北宋时期最有影响的诗人和书法家之一。他被认为是宋朝书法四大大师之一,与苏轼(见下注9)、米芾(见下注)和蔡湘(1012-67)齐名。关于他的诗人生涯的讨论,见小威廉·h·尼恩豪泽主编,《印第安那中国传统文学指南》(布卢明顿:印第安那大学出版社,1986),第447-8页。也见ZMRC,第1150页。“”。(成都:四川大学chubanshe, 2001), p . 1562:“叔夜此詩豪壯清麗,無一點俗氣。凡學作詩者,不可不成誦在心。想見其人,雖沈於世故者,暫而攬其芳,便可撲去面上三斗俗塵矣,何况探其意味者乎?故書以 付榎, 可與諸郎皆誦取, 時時諷詠, 以洗心忘倦. 余嘗為諸子弟言: '士生 於世, 可以百為, 唯不可俗, 俗便不可醫也.’ 或問不俗之狀, 余曰: ‘難言也。視其平居無以異於俗人,臨大節而不可奪,此不俗人也。’ 士之處世,或出或處,或剛或柔,未易以一節盡其蘊,然率以是觀之。”何良军在这里用温氏的绰号衡山。文正明(1470-1559),原名毕吉,是一位很有影响力的苏州学者和画家。 作为后来被命名为吴派画派的主要人物之一,他在大苏州地区的艺术界有着巨大的影响,晚年他与何良军非常熟悉。5 .关于文正明和贺良军的著述,见克雷格·克伦纳斯:《优雅的债务:文正明的社会艺术》(檀香山:夏威夷大学出版社,2004)这里使用的“书法”一词的意思是书法,但更多的是“示范书法”的意思;在其他作品的书法大师的例子值得仿效或研究贺良君,字少诗,杨万里(1127-1206),进士1154,是南宋早期四大诗人之一,也是著名的书法家。同年,他和他的朋友范成达通过了进士考试(见下文注释10)。他也是诗人陆游的朋友(见下文注释9)。杨氏诗风以活泼生动著称。参见赫伯特·弗兰克主编,《宋传》,《德国文学研究》第16卷第1期(威斯巴登:弗朗茨·施泰纳出版社,1976年),第1239-45.8页。苏轼(1037-1101),进士1057年,被认为是宋代最伟大的诗人和宋朝四大书法家之一(见上文注释4)。作为一名官员,他在宫廷中与保守派结盟,由于派系斗争,他在他的职业生涯中多次被驱逐。除了在诗歌和书法方面的成就外,他还是11世纪文人画的主要理论家之一。何良军使用陆游众多绰号之一的“防翁”。陆游(1125-1209),进士1162年,出身宋朝官宦世家,是一位著名的诗人。他的诗歌以探索日常生活的方方面面而闻名,并以中国北方沦陷于金朝为主题。他还是一位多产的散文作家,并著有一本颇具影响力的游记《蜀记》。范成达(1126-1191),进士1154,被认为是南宋诗诗四大大师之一,与他的朋友杨万里和陆游(见上面的注释3和5),以及游某(1127-94)。范的诗歌以客观、细致地描写自然和乡村生活为特点。参见尼恩豪泽,《印第安纳伴侣》,第372-3页。在这里,他叫他的绰号“石虎”。11“苏祥”、“子养之”,是诗人苏建宗的儿子,“子伯古”是苏轼的好朋友。12赵孟甫(1254-1322),浙江吴兴人,宋朝皇室成员,曾被召为元朝皇帝忽必烈的朝廷侍奉。他最常用的绰号之一是“松雪”。赵曾担任过许多职务,包括在陆军部担任官员。他以复兴古代风格的画家和书法家而闻名,因此被认为是文人绘画传统的早期大师。见James Cahill,《江外之山:元代中国画》,(纽约:Weatherhill, 1976),第38-46页和ZMRC,第1281.13页。这句话暗指金朝书法家王羲之(303-61),据说他非常勤奋地练习书法,以至于他家里的清澈池塘因为多次蘸墨而变黑。在这里,它的意思是,由于年老体弱,何良军无法刻苦地练习这门艺术宗冰(375-443),子少文,湖北南阳官宦世家。然而,他拒绝担任公职,过着隐居的生活。宗是一名虔诚的居士佛教徒,据说晚年成为一名风景画家。他写了一篇著名的山水画文章,保存得最好的是张彦元的《历代画师记》第六章。关于这篇文章的讨论,见苏珊·布什:《宋平论画山水与‘庐山山水佛教’》,载于苏珊·布什和克里斯蒂安·默克主编。《中国艺术理论》(普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,1981年),页144-146。这里的引文来自《宋史》中宗宗的传记:“。凡所游履,皆圖之於室。”何良军用另一个绰号“吉贤”称呼赵孟甫。见上面说明12高克公(1248-1310),郝房山,是西域(非中国血统)的高级官员,赵孟甫的密友。他以米芾风格的山水画和王庭筠风格的墨竹画而闻名。见ZMRC, p. 998.17元四大师
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引用次数: 0
Julia Murray interviewed by Kathleen Ryor Julia Murray接受Kathleen Ryor采访
0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1080/0147037x.2023.2268443
Kathleen Ryor, Julia K. Murray
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 “Representations of Hāritī, the Mother of Demons, and the Theme of ‘Raising the Alms-bowl’ in Chinese Painting,” Artibus Asiae 43 (1981/82): 253–84. https://doi.org/10.2307/3249844.2 “Sung Kao-tsung, Ma Ho-chih, and the Mao Shih Scrolls” (1981), later expanded into a book, Ma Hezhi and the Illustration of the Book of Odes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).3 “The Ladies’ Classic of Filial Piety and Southern Sung Textual Illustration: Problems of Reconstruction and Artistic Context,” Ars Orientalis 18 (1988): 95–129 (open access, from https://archive.org/details/arsorient181919881989univ/page/n106/mode/1up to https://archive.org/details/arsorient181919881989univ/page/n140/mode/1up); also “Didactic Art for Women: The Ladies’ Classic of Filial Piety,” in Flowering in the Shadows: Women in the History of Chinese and Japanese Painting, edited by Marsha Weidner (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1990), pp. 27–53.4 See https://archive.org/details/arsorient181919881989univ/page/n110/mode/1up.5 “The Evolution of Buddhist Narrative Illustration in China after 850,” in Latter Days of the Law: Chinese Buddhist Pictorial Art, 850–1850, edited by Marsha Weidner (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1994), pp. 125–49.6 “Varied Views of the Sage: Illustrated Narratives of the Life of Confucius,” in On Sacred Grounds: Culture, Society, Politics, and the Formation of the Temple of Confucius, edited by Thomas A. Wilson (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2002), pp. 222–64. My initial study, with a detailed appendix listing all the examples I had found to date, was published as “Illustrations of the Life of Confucius: Their Evolution, Functions, and Significance in Late Ming China,” Artibus Asiae 57, no. 1–2 (1997): 73–134. https://doi.org/10.2307/3249952.7 “Didactic Illustrations in Printed Books,” in Printing and Book Culture in Late Imperial China, edited by Cynthia J. Brokaw and Kai-wing Chow (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), pp. 417–50. https://doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520231269.003.0011.8 The Aura of Confucius: Relics and Representations of the Sage at the Kongzhai Shrine in Shanghai (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021); Confucius: His Life and Legacy in Art, co-authored with Wensheng Lu (New York: China Institute in America, 2010); and Mirror of Morality: Chinese Narrative Illustration and Confucian Ideology (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2007); Chinese edition 道德镜鉴:中国叙述性图画与儒家意识形态。何前译。开放的艺术史丛书 (北京:三联书店有限公司, 2014).9 “Didactic Picturebooks for Late Ming Emperors and Princes” in Culture, Courtiers, and Competition: The Ming Court, 1368–1644, edited by David Robinson (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2008), pp. 231–68.10 A Decade of Discovery: Selected Acquisitions, 1970–1980 (Washington, DC: Freer Gallery of Art, 1979). Available online
点击放大图片点击缩小图片披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1“妖母Hāritī与“举钵”主题在中国画中的表现”,《亚洲美术》43(1981/82):253-84。2 . https://doi.org/10.2307/3249844.2《宋高宗、马浩志与毛氏卷轴》(1981),后扩充成书《马浩志与诗经图说》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,1993)《孝女经南宋文图:重建与艺术语境问题》,《东方艺术》1988年第18期,95-129页(开放获取,网址:https://archive.org/details/arsorient181919881989univ/page/n106/mode/1up - https://archive.org/details/arsorient181919881989univ/page/n140/mode/1up);参见https://archive.org/details/arsorient181919881989univ/page/n110/mode/1up.5《850年后中国佛教叙事插画的演变》,《法律的后期:850 - 1850年中国佛教绘画艺术》,玛莎·韦德纳编辑(檀香山:夏威夷大学出版社,1990年),玛莎·韦德纳编辑(檀香山:檀香山:夏威夷大学出版社,1994),第125-49.6页,“对圣人的不同看法:孔子生活的插图叙述”,在神圣的土地上:文化,社会,政治和孔庙的形成,托马斯·a·威尔逊编辑(剑桥,马萨诸塞州)。:哈佛大学出版社,2002年),第222-64页。我最初的研究,连同一个详细的附录,列出了我迄今为止发现的所有例子,发表在《孔子生平图解:它们在晚明中国的演变、功能和意义》,《亚洲艺术》第57期。1-2(1997): 73-134。https://doi.org/10.2307/3249952.7“印刷书籍中的说教插图”,载于《中华帝国晚期的印刷与图书文化》,辛西娅J.布罗考和周启荣主编(伯克利:加州大学出版社,2005),第417-50页。https://doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520231269.003.0011.8《孔子的光环:上海孔斋祠的圣贤遗存与表征》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2021);《孔子的生平与艺术遗产》,与卢文胜合著(纽约:美国中国研究院,2010);《道德之镜:中国叙事插图与儒家思想》(檀香山:夏威夷大学出版社,2007);中文版本:。何前译。开放的艺术史丛书 (北京:三联书店有限公司, 2014).9 《文化、朝臣与竞争:明朝朝廷,1368-1644》,大卫·罗宾逊编辑(剑桥,马萨诸塞州)。:哈佛大学亚洲中心,2008年),第231-68.10页。《发现的十年:1970-1980年藏品选集》(华盛顿特区:弗里尔美术馆,1979年)。kathleen Ryor,纽约大学美术学院博士,卡尔顿学院国际理解与艺术史田中纪念教授。她还是明尼苏达大学全球研究所的副研究员,并曾担任《明朝研究》杂志的编辑。她出版了关于艺术家和博学的徐渭(1521-93),明末文武文化的关系,世俗艺术家的佛教绘画,以及当代中国艺术。她目前的研究重点是1500-1650年的花卉和植物绘画流派及其与植物知识生产的联系。Julia K. Murray,普林斯顿大学博士(1981),威斯康星大学艺术史、东亚研究和宗教研究荣誉退休教授,哈佛大学费正清中国研究中心非常驻研究员。在进入学术界之前,她曾在大都会艺术博物馆、弗里尔艺术画廊(史密森学会)和哈佛艺术博物馆担任策展职位。她发表过关于中国艺术的广泛主题和时期的文章。她目前的研究重点是汉代至今的孔子崇拜的视觉和物质元素。
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引用次数: 0
Signaling Seduction: The Courtship Strategies of Ming Era Courtesans 信号诱惑:明代交际花的求爱策略
0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.1080/0147037x.2023.2249327
Shiyun Wang
This study applies an interdisciplinary approach to the study of Ming period courtesans (ji 妓) and their activities, combining the close reading of literature and Ming era visual presentations, with insights drawn from the fields of modern courtship and nonverbal behavioral studies to investigate their strategies of signaling seduction. In the Ming era, courtesans used a series of seduction strategies to achieve their goals in the process of interacting with male clients, dividing the entire courtship process into four phases: attention catching, interacting, and developing intimacy, lovemaking, and post-passion transition back to mundane interaction. This study pays close attention to the first two phases. The strategies of the first stage include posture readiness, prop handling, gestural movements, and vocal manipulation. The strategies of the second stage include conversations and touching. Developing high-level skills in signaling seduction was crucial to success in the career of a Ming courtesan. The specific strategies and the order in which they occurred did not appear to be fixed, but courtesans had to be sensitive and adaptable depending to the personalities and needs of their guests.
本研究采用跨学科的研究方法,结合文献细读和明代视觉呈现,结合现代求偶和非语言行为研究领域的见解,研究明代交际花(ji妓)及其活动的信号诱惑策略。明代的交际花在与男客交往的过程中,为了达到自己的目的,使用了一系列的引诱策略,将整个求偶过程分为四个阶段:吸引注意力、互动并发展亲密关系、做爱、激情后过渡到世俗交往。本研究主要关注前两个阶段。第一阶段的策略包括姿势准备、道具处理、手势动作和声音操纵。第二阶段的策略包括对话和触摸。培养高层次的引诱技巧是明朝交际花事业成功的关键。具体的策略和发生的顺序似乎并不是固定的,但交际花必须敏感和适应取决于客人的个性和需求。
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引用次数: 0
The Golden Age of Piracy in China, 1520–1810: A Short History with Documents. 中国海盗的黄金时代,1520-1810 年:附文献的简史。
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/0147037X.2023.2277089
Xing Hang
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引用次数: 0
Lineages Embedded in Temple Networks: Daoism and Local Society in Ming China 寺庙网络中的传承:明代中国的道教与地方社会
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/0147037X.2023.2282333
Paul R. Katz
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引用次数: 0
Contemporaneity in Seventeenth-Century Chinese Painting, Theory, and Criticism 十七世纪中国绘画、理论和批评中的当代性
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/0147037X.2023.2276599
Katharine Burnett
Chinese painting has often been considered timeless and unchanging, an art reliant on the copying of the ancients, and thereby forever reiterative. Closer inspection of the art, theory, and criticism, especially of the seventeenth century, however, challenges these notions. When time and again we see artists referring to the works of earlier acclaimed painters but yet transforming them — or even subverting them — we must ask what values are being promoted. In this essay, it is argued that a shift occurred in painting criticism and practice from the sixteenth century to the seventeenth, that seventeenth-century critical values emphasized the contemporary, new, and different, and that this resulted in an expanded canon of painting.
中国绘画常常被认为是永恒不变的,是一门依赖于临摹古人的艺术,因而永远是重复的。然而,仔细观察艺术、理论和评论,尤其是十七世纪的艺术、理论和评论,就会对这些观念提出质疑。当我们一次又一次地看到艺术家们借鉴早期著名画家的作品,却又对其进行改造,甚至是颠覆时,我们必须要问,他们所倡导的是什么价值观。本文认为,从十六世纪到十七世纪,绘画批评和实践发生了转变,十七世纪的批评价值观强调当代性、新颖性和差异性,这导致了绘画经典的扩展。
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引用次数: 0
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Ming Studies
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