Abstract:Inspired by China’s 1964 demonstration of its nuclear capability, Indonesian President Sukarno attempted to direct Indonesia’s nuclear program toward military use. Sukarno’s openly expressed nuclear ambition shocked foreign leaders and officials and created a longstanding mystery about whether China (PRC) exported its nuclear technologies at that time. Through unpacking three sets of contemporaneous Chinese archival materials, this article unveils the details of Indonesian research and military personnel visits to PRC nuclear sites and the nature of bilateral political and academic discussions on nuclear weapons. It argues that, while there was no movement of nuclear fuel or hardware between the two countries, Sino-Indonesian exchanges reveal the fluidity of individual political players’ ideologies (including those of left-leaning politicians, anticommunists, and neutralists), the complexity of bilateral relations, and the paradoxical quality of Third World solidarity in the atomic age. Many of the military and technical experts who approached Beijing for nuclear aid peacefully transitioned into the Suharto era and achieved personal success, quite unlike the experiences of “pro-China” Indonesian politicians who weren’t favorably associated with the nuclear program. Ideological fissures persisted between the two countries even when they shared substantial mutual interests in the short term. But those schisms sometimes appeared to be invisible to the United States and Soviet Union, which at the time were anxious to rein in potential nuclear proliferators in the Third World, and particularly in the Asia-Pacific region against the backdrop of the ongoing conflict in Vietnam.
{"title":"Sukarno’s Nuclear Ambitions and China: Documents from the Chinese Foreign Ministry Archives","authors":"Taomo Zhou","doi":"10.1353/ind.2019.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ind.2019.0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Inspired by China’s 1964 demonstration of its nuclear capability, Indonesian President Sukarno attempted to direct Indonesia’s nuclear program toward military use. Sukarno’s openly expressed nuclear ambition shocked foreign leaders and officials and created a longstanding mystery about whether China (PRC) exported its nuclear technologies at that time. Through unpacking three sets of contemporaneous Chinese archival materials, this article unveils the details of Indonesian research and military personnel visits to PRC nuclear sites and the nature of bilateral political and academic discussions on nuclear weapons. It argues that, while there was no movement of nuclear fuel or hardware between the two countries, Sino-Indonesian exchanges reveal the fluidity of individual political players’ ideologies (including those of left-leaning politicians, anticommunists, and neutralists), the complexity of bilateral relations, and the paradoxical quality of Third World solidarity in the atomic age. Many of the military and technical experts who approached Beijing for nuclear aid peacefully transitioned into the Suharto era and achieved personal success, quite unlike the experiences of “pro-China” Indonesian politicians who weren’t favorably associated with the nuclear program. Ideological fissures persisted between the two countries even when they shared substantial mutual interests in the short term. But those schisms sometimes appeared to be invisible to the United States and Soviet Union, which at the time were anxious to rein in potential nuclear proliferators in the Third World, and particularly in the Asia-Pacific region against the backdrop of the ongoing conflict in Vietnam.","PeriodicalId":41794,"journal":{"name":"Internetworking Indonesia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90249279","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This semi-autobiographical paper has two sources: the official written record of the author’s father, John S. Reid, the first United Nations Resident Representative in Indonesia (1952–53); and the author’s memory of his teenage expat life there, stimulated by the discovery of his sister’s Djakarta diary (written when she was sixteen years old and he was thirteen). The author’s archival research regarding John Reid’s diplomatic assignment revealed something of the idealistic but ad hoc beginnings of international aid programs for Indonesia, notably through the United Nations. The cabinets of prime ministers Wilopo (1952–53) and Ali Sastroamidjojo (1953–55) were awash with high hopes of building a modern state. Reid was impressed at the way postcolonial nation-building had thrust a talented but tiny Dutch-educated elite into high office, and also by their enthusiasm for “disinterested and effective” United Nations assistance—as compared to the large number of retained Dutch officials and overbearing American newcomers who seemed to serve only their own national interests. Reid saw vocational and technical education as the most urgent priority, although Indonesia’s leaders appeared to stress transmigration and agriculture, and Reid was careful not to criticize these. Despite the challenges and limited resources, Reid’s enthusiasm was unabated and shines through both his official report and his memoirs of much later. As recounted in this narrative, much of what Reid accomplished and attempted was unorthodox and surprising. At the same time, his young family’s circumstance was turned on its head for both good and bad, for hardship and enjoyment. Complementing Reid’s story are his children’s firsthand accounts of moving and settling in; learning, playing, and traveling; and navigating cultural differences.
摘要:这篇半自传体的论文有两个来源:作者的父亲约翰·s·里德(John S. Reid)的官方书面记录，他是第一任联合国驻印度尼西亚代表(1952-53);以及作者对自己十几岁时在雅加达的生活的回忆，这是由于他发现了妹妹的雅加达日记(写于她16岁，他13岁)而激发的。作者对约翰·里德外交任务的档案研究揭示了一些理想主义但临时开始的印尼国际援助项目，特别是通过联合国。Wilopo(1952-53)和Ali Sastroamidjojo(1953-55)的内阁充满了建立一个现代国家的厚望。令里德印象深刻的是，后殖民时期的国家建设将一群才华横溢但受过荷兰教育的少数精英推向了高层职位，他们对“无私而有效”的联合国援助的热情——相比之下，大量保留的荷兰官员和傲慢的美国新来者似乎只服务于他们自己的国家利益。里德认为职业和技术教育是最紧迫的优先事项，尽管印度尼西亚领导人似乎强调移民和农业，里德小心翼翼地不批评这些问题。尽管面临挑战，资源有限，里德的热情丝毫不减，在他的官方报告和后来的回忆录中都闪耀着光芒。正如书中所述，里德完成和尝试的许多事情都是非正统的，令人惊讶的。与此同时，他那年轻的家庭环境也发生了天翻地的变化，有好有坏，有苦有乐。与里德的故事相辅相成的是，他的孩子们对搬家和定居的第一手描述;学习、玩耍、旅行;驾驭文化差异。
{"title":"Djakarta in 1952–53: A Moment of Nation-Building Optimism","authors":"A. Reid","doi":"10.1353/ind.2019.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ind.2019.0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This semi-autobiographical paper has two sources: the official written record of the author’s father, John S. Reid, the first United Nations Resident Representative in Indonesia (1952–53); and the author’s memory of his teenage expat life there, stimulated by the discovery of his sister’s Djakarta diary (written when she was sixteen years old and he was thirteen). The author’s archival research regarding John Reid’s diplomatic assignment revealed something of the idealistic but ad hoc beginnings of international aid programs for Indonesia, notably through the United Nations. The cabinets of prime ministers Wilopo (1952–53) and Ali Sastroamidjojo (1953–55) were awash with high hopes of building a modern state. Reid was impressed at the way postcolonial nation-building had thrust a talented but tiny Dutch-educated elite into high office, and also by their enthusiasm for “disinterested and effective” United Nations assistance—as compared to the large number of retained Dutch officials and overbearing American newcomers who seemed to serve only their own national interests. Reid saw vocational and technical education as the most urgent priority, although Indonesia’s leaders appeared to stress transmigration and agriculture, and Reid was careful not to criticize these. Despite the challenges and limited resources, Reid’s enthusiasm was unabated and shines through both his official report and his memoirs of much later. As recounted in this narrative, much of what Reid accomplished and attempted was unorthodox and surprising. At the same time, his young family’s circumstance was turned on its head for both good and bad, for hardship and enjoyment. Complementing Reid’s story are his children’s firsthand accounts of moving and settling in; learning, playing, and traveling; and navigating cultural differences.","PeriodicalId":41794,"journal":{"name":"Internetworking Indonesia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83748648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Indonesia: Twenty Years of Democracy by Jamie S. Davidson (review)","authors":"Thomas B. Pepinsky","doi":"10.1353/ind.2019.0019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ind.2019.0019","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41794,"journal":{"name":"Internetworking Indonesia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74101851","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Mediating Islam: Cosmopolitan Journalisms in Muslim Southeast Asia by Janet Steele (review)","authors":"R. Tapsell","doi":"10.1353/ind.2019.0021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ind.2019.0021","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41794,"journal":{"name":"Internetworking Indonesia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78864719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper explicates the dynamics between low-ranking state officials and indigenous people to address a broader question of why state interventions are unable to curtail Indonesia’s intentionally set forest fires. This study was conducted in 2015 and 2016 at the former site of Indonesia’s Mega Rice Project in Central Kalimantan. The research deployed an ethnographic approach comprising participant observation of people’s actions in both farming and forest areas and interviews with more than seventy-five people, including farmers, fishers, loggers, hunters, and state officials at the subdistrict and village levels. The findings show that state interventions have been ineffective because the allegiance of low-ranking officials has shifted from serving the state to accommodating society. Such officials demonstrate defiance of the state by “allowing” people—in many cases, the officials’ neighbors, friends, and family—to set “unnoticed” fires in forest and farming areas. The author argues that the shift is driven in part by the conditions under which state officials must work locally to prevent fire events, including unfunded state policies, problematic enforcement, and disempowering bureaucracy on the one hand, and formidable socio-cultural pressure on the other. These dynamics contribute to a dissonance that influences officials’ positionality; the officials, in turn, use their (limited) power to stand with society (or at least stand out of the way), the result of which is an undermining of the state’s fire-prevention strategies.
{"title":"The Fingertips of Government: Forest Fires and the Shifting Allegiance of Indonesia’s State Officials","authors":"Sofyan Ansori","doi":"10.1353/ind.2019.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ind.2019.0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper explicates the dynamics between low-ranking state officials and indigenous people to address a broader question of why state interventions are unable to curtail Indonesia’s intentionally set forest fires. This study was conducted in 2015 and 2016 at the former site of Indonesia’s Mega Rice Project in Central Kalimantan. The research deployed an ethnographic approach comprising participant observation of people’s actions in both farming and forest areas and interviews with more than seventy-five people, including farmers, fishers, loggers, hunters, and state officials at the subdistrict and village levels. The findings show that state interventions have been ineffective because the allegiance of low-ranking officials has shifted from serving the state to accommodating society. Such officials demonstrate defiance of the state by “allowing” people—in many cases, the officials’ neighbors, friends, and family—to set “unnoticed” fires in forest and farming areas. The author argues that the shift is driven in part by the conditions under which state officials must work locally to prevent fire events, including unfunded state policies, problematic enforcement, and disempowering bureaucracy on the one hand, and formidable socio-cultural pressure on the other. These dynamics contribute to a dissonance that influences officials’ positionality; the officials, in turn, use their (limited) power to stand with society (or at least stand out of the way), the result of which is an undermining of the state’s fire-prevention strategies.","PeriodicalId":41794,"journal":{"name":"Internetworking Indonesia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83026008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Continuity and Change after Indonesia’s Reforms: Contributions to an Ongoing Assessment ed. by Max Lane (review)","authors":"J. Davidson","doi":"10.1353/ind.2019.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ind.2019.0016","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41794,"journal":{"name":"Internetworking Indonesia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88375068","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Living in the Stone Age: Reflections on the Origins of a Colonial Fantasy by Danilyn Rutherford (review)","authors":"Veronika Kusumaryati","doi":"10.1353/ind.2019.0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ind.2019.0018","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41794,"journal":{"name":"Internetworking Indonesia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80724108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Max Weber wrote of “pure” legitimated belief systems regarding the exercise of authority that facilitate its endurance in peaceful circumstances. If Weber could travel around the district of Lautém on the easternmost tip of Timor-Leste, he would find entrenched elements that he would recognize as pertaining to his “traditional authority” model. In Lautém, a clan leader, head of a family, patriarchal figure, or member of the dominant elite all are candidates to discharge unchallenged (or little-disputed) ruling functions over third parties. Weber would also not fail to recognize the transition to modern legal-rational forms of authority, in which a familiar local authority is replaced by an impersonal officeholder. Weber might even find “charismatic” leaders, persons endowed with special characteristics that reveal an extraordinary nature that is widely acknowledged and valued by the leader’s social group. Yet, there is also a dynamic that challenges Weber’s views that traditional power opposes legal-rational authority, and that clashes between them are likely. Timorese enjoy high degrees of civil liberties, and for that reason what are conceptually antagonistic perceptions of legitimacy can be expressed, and a complex set of ideas need not be dismissed as incompatible or reduced to hybrid forms of engagement: they can, to a very large extent, cohabitate with a modicum of peace. Embracing civil liberties allows for the coexistence of a plurality of views (and leaders), namely, on what is legitimate and how (and by whom) power may be exercised. By adopting principles of democracy that respect differences within communities, and which are based on the widest possible franchise of all members, a contemporary, legal-rational approach to institutionalizing local power is possible and even embraced.
{"title":"A Journey with Max Weber in Timor-Leste’s Countryside: Constructing Local Governance after Independence","authors":"R. Feijó","doi":"10.1353/IND.2019.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/IND.2019.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Max Weber wrote of “pure” legitimated belief systems regarding the exercise of authority that facilitate its endurance in peaceful circumstances. If Weber could travel around the district of Lautém on the easternmost tip of Timor-Leste, he would find entrenched elements that he would recognize as pertaining to his “traditional authority” model. In Lautém, a clan leader, head of a family, patriarchal figure, or member of the dominant elite all are candidates to discharge unchallenged (or little-disputed) ruling functions over third parties. Weber would also not fail to recognize the transition to modern legal-rational forms of authority, in which a familiar local authority is replaced by an impersonal officeholder. Weber might even find “charismatic” leaders, persons endowed with special characteristics that reveal an extraordinary nature that is widely acknowledged and valued by the leader’s social group. Yet, there is also a dynamic that challenges Weber’s views that traditional power opposes legal-rational authority, and that clashes between them are likely. Timorese enjoy high degrees of civil liberties, and for that reason what are conceptually antagonistic perceptions of legitimacy can be expressed, and a complex set of ideas need not be dismissed as incompatible or reduced to hybrid forms of engagement: they can, to a very large extent, cohabitate with a modicum of peace. Embracing civil liberties allows for the coexistence of a plurality of views (and leaders), namely, on what is legitimate and how (and by whom) power may be exercised. By adopting principles of democracy that respect differences within communities, and which are based on the widest possible franchise of all members, a contemporary, legal-rational approach to institutionalizing local power is possible and even embraced.","PeriodicalId":41794,"journal":{"name":"Internetworking Indonesia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76013073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Matthew Cohen is certainly prolific. He seems to come out with at least four or five substantial articles every year, and has published three major books on the performing arts and Indonesia: Komedie Stamboel; Performing Otherness; and the book reviewed here, Inventing the Performing Arts.1 Cohen knows how to make the most of his material, writing on the specific (e.g., wayang, individual theatrical performers, and performances) and the broad (e.g., particularly about crossings and mixings, and the trans-local, transnational, trans-genre, and trans-“ethnic”). He loves the hybrid, the itinerant, and the popular, and he writes about it well.
{"title":"Inventing the Performing Arts: Modernity and Tradition in Colonial Indonesia by Matthew Isaac Cohen (review)","authors":"J. Lindsay","doi":"10.1353/IND.2019.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/IND.2019.0009","url":null,"abstract":"Matthew Cohen is certainly prolific. He seems to come out with at least four or five substantial articles every year, and has published three major books on the performing arts and Indonesia: Komedie Stamboel; Performing Otherness; and the book reviewed here, Inventing the Performing Arts.1 Cohen knows how to make the most of his material, writing on the specific (e.g., wayang, individual theatrical performers, and performances) and the broad (e.g., particularly about crossings and mixings, and the trans-local, transnational, trans-genre, and trans-“ethnic”). He loves the hybrid, the itinerant, and the popular, and he writes about it well.","PeriodicalId":41794,"journal":{"name":"Internetworking Indonesia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86699490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
D. Webster, Juliana Brito Santana Leal, Fernando Jorge Saraiva Ferreira
Abstract:Indonesia’s military invaded East Timor in 1975, but failed to subdue the people there. The role of international solidarity movements in Timor-Leste’s subsequent fight for independence was particularly evident a decade later, when groups in diverse locations mobilized to raise awareness about East Timor’s ongoing plight. Using Timorese (or Maubere) culture as a mobilizing focus, activists engaged the public to take action. Thus, an issue fading from global consciousness and receding from the agendas of governments and intergovernmental organizations was put back on the table in 1985 by transnational advocacy movements. The research presented here looks at some actions in Portugal, Britain, and Canada, with briefer references to similar actions in Spain and Sweden. The study puts solidarity groups located in unexpected places at the center of the analysis. For instance, TAPOL in Britain and CDPM in Portugal emerge as nodes in a transnational advocacy network, serving to transmit the Timorese resistance’s appeal to the outside world.
{"title":"Putting Timor on the Global Agenda in 1985: Solidarity Activism Ten Years after Indonesia’s Invasion of East Timor","authors":"D. Webster, Juliana Brito Santana Leal, Fernando Jorge Saraiva Ferreira","doi":"10.1353/IND.2019.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/IND.2019.0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Indonesia’s military invaded East Timor in 1975, but failed to subdue the people there. The role of international solidarity movements in Timor-Leste’s subsequent fight for independence was particularly evident a decade later, when groups in diverse locations mobilized to raise awareness about East Timor’s ongoing plight. Using Timorese (or Maubere) culture as a mobilizing focus, activists engaged the public to take action. Thus, an issue fading from global consciousness and receding from the agendas of governments and intergovernmental organizations was put back on the table in 1985 by transnational advocacy movements. The research presented here looks at some actions in Portugal, Britain, and Canada, with briefer references to similar actions in Spain and Sweden. The study puts solidarity groups located in unexpected places at the center of the analysis. For instance, TAPOL in Britain and CDPM in Portugal emerge as nodes in a transnational advocacy network, serving to transmit the Timorese resistance’s appeal to the outside world.","PeriodicalId":41794,"journal":{"name":"Internetworking Indonesia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91128400","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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