Pub Date : 2019-11-12DOI: 10.33115/udg_bib/cp.v8i16.22351
Charia Zakaria
Volver a Tetuán emprende un "viaje" de Vuelta a sus orígenes y valores
回到特图安开始一段“旅程”，回到它的起源和价值观
{"title":"Volver a Tetuan","authors":"Charia Zakaria","doi":"10.33115/udg_bib/cp.v8i16.22351","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33115/udg_bib/cp.v8i16.22351","url":null,"abstract":"<span>Volver a Tetuán emprende un \"viaje\" de Vuelta a sus orígenes y valores</span>","PeriodicalId":41893,"journal":{"name":"Westminster Papers in Communication & Culture","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2019-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74580314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-12DOI: 10.33115/udg_bib/cp.v8i16.22355
Tourmader Chakour
Estudio del poder social de la lengua a traves del analisis de las estrategias y recusos linguisticos utilizados en los medios de comunicacion espanoles a la hora de (rep)resentar el fenomeno migratorio en Espana. El objetivo es demostrar que la lengua desempena un papel fundamental en la alimentacion de prejuicios y estereotipos en la sociedad, condicionando los comportamientos y actitudes de los receptores. La metodologia de analisis que seguiremos es la propia del Analisis Critico del Discurso
{"title":"El poder social de la lengua. Acercamiento desde el análisis crítico del discurso","authors":"Tourmader Chakour","doi":"10.33115/udg_bib/cp.v8i16.22355","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33115/udg_bib/cp.v8i16.22355","url":null,"abstract":"Estudio del poder social de la lengua a traves del analisis de las estrategias y recusos linguisticos utilizados en los medios de comunicacion espanoles a la hora de (rep)resentar el fenomeno migratorio en Espana. El objetivo es demostrar que la lengua desempena un papel fundamental en la alimentacion de prejuicios y estereotipos en la sociedad, condicionando los comportamientos y actitudes de los receptores. La metodologia de analisis que seguiremos es la propia del Analisis Critico del Discurso","PeriodicalId":41893,"journal":{"name":"Westminster Papers in Communication & Culture","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2019-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82020261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-12DOI: 10.33115/udg_bib/cp.v8i16.22354
F. Adel
No solo los enemigos del pasado llegaron a un consenso para facilitar la transición democrática española y convertirla en modélica; sino también los medios de comunicación de la época desempeñaron un papel relevante en aquella circunstancia histórica.Los debates de un elevado nivel cultural y político sobre todo en revistas como cuadrarnos para el dialogoy Triunfo, pudieron moldear la opinión pública española de aquel entonces a favor del consenso y el olvido de las rencillas del pasado. Durante dicha transición, hay que poner de relieve la fecha de 1976 que marcó un antes y un después en los diarios españoles. Nos referimos al nacimiento del emblemático periódico El paísque viene ejerciendo, hasta hoy en día, un gran impacto en la vida política en la opinión publica de España. Durante las cuatro larguísimas décadas del franquismo, España era un desierto cultural, y los medios de comunicación por supuesto. Solo existían los periódicos que hacían apología al dictador, como ya pueblo, etcétera. En este artículo, nos proponemos analizar el papel relevante de los medios de comunicación en la facilitación de una modélica transición democrática en España. Asimismo, estableceremos algunos paralelismos entre dichos medios de comunicación libre y democrática y la prensa libre en Chile durante la transición democrática en este país, del dictador Augusto Pinochet a la democracia.Palabras clave: Transición democrática, la opinión pública, un papel relevante, hacer apología.
{"title":"El decisivo papel de los medios de comunicación españoles en el éxito de la transición democrática española","authors":"F. Adel","doi":"10.33115/udg_bib/cp.v8i16.22354","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33115/udg_bib/cp.v8i16.22354","url":null,"abstract":"No solo los enemigos del pasado llegaron a un consenso para facilitar la transición democrática española y convertirla en modélica; sino también los medios de comunicación de la época desempeñaron un papel relevante en aquella circunstancia histórica.Los debates de un elevado nivel cultural y político sobre todo en revistas como cuadrarnos para el dialogoy Triunfo, pudieron moldear la opinión pública española de aquel entonces a favor del consenso y el olvido de las rencillas del pasado. Durante dicha transición, hay que poner de relieve la fecha de 1976 que marcó un antes y un después en los diarios españoles. Nos referimos al nacimiento del emblemático periódico El paísque viene ejerciendo, hasta hoy en día, un gran impacto en la vida política en la opinión publica de España. Durante las cuatro larguísimas décadas del franquismo, España era un desierto cultural, y los medios de comunicación por supuesto. Solo existían los periódicos que hacían apología al dictador, como ya pueblo, etcétera. En este artículo, nos proponemos analizar el papel relevante de los medios de comunicación en la facilitación de una modélica transición democrática en España. Asimismo, estableceremos algunos paralelismos entre dichos medios de comunicación libre y democrática y la prensa libre en Chile durante la transición democrática en este país, del dictador Augusto Pinochet a la democracia.Palabras clave: Transición democrática, la opinión pública, un papel relevante, hacer apología.","PeriodicalId":41893,"journal":{"name":"Westminster Papers in Communication & Culture","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2019-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81588912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This editorial considers how this special issue on media and activism reflects or extends current debates in the field and how it explores the possibilities for progressive activists around the world to use the media to resist the current rise of the extreme right alongside the disturbing and growing evidence of the techniques of fascism: populism, propaganda and fake news, hate speech and hate crimes. It follows Graham Meikle (2018) in defining ‘activism’ as ‘the widest range of attempts to effect [progressive] social or cultural change’ whilst its understanding of ‘the media’ includes a broad range of communication platforms, from traditional journalism to digital networks.The issue itself looks at macro- and meso-levels of activism with this editorial explaining how contributions reflect different critical and research approaches focusing variously on media as enabling activists to organise; the mediation of activism; and media as a tool through which activists can professionally deliver their strategic objectives.It calls for measures to make digital space a safer place for activists; to help activists own their narrative without constant risks of hijacking and abuse; and to celebrate the thriving strategies and tactics that bring together activists and the public who care.
{"title":"From High Visibility to High Vulnerability: Feminist, Postcolonial and Anti-Gentrification Activism at Risk","authors":"Anastasia Denisova, M. O'Brien","doi":"10.16997/wpcc.323","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16997/wpcc.323","url":null,"abstract":"This editorial considers how this special issue on media and activism reflects or extends current debates in the field and how it explores the possibilities for progressive activists around the world to use the media to resist the current rise of the extreme right alongside the disturbing and growing evidence of the techniques of fascism: populism, propaganda and fake news, hate speech and hate crimes. It follows Graham Meikle (2018) in defining ‘activism’ as ‘the widest range of attempts to effect [progressive] social or cultural change’ whilst its understanding of ‘the media’ includes a broad range of communication platforms, from traditional journalism to digital networks.The issue itself looks at macro- and meso-levels of activism with this editorial explaining how contributions reflect different critical and research approaches focusing variously on media as enabling activists to organise; the mediation of activism; and media as a tool through which activists can professionally deliver their strategic objectives.It calls for measures to make digital space a safer place for activists; to help activists own their narrative without constant risks of hijacking and abuse; and to celebrate the thriving strategies and tactics that bring together activists and the public who care.","PeriodicalId":41893,"journal":{"name":"Westminster Papers in Communication & Culture","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42420951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the early 2000s a group of free radio activists in Sao Paulo, Brazil, commissioned the construction of an FM radio transmitter with multiple frequencies to offer radio workshops to communities interested in learning about radio language and practice. The transmitter was used by groups across Brazil and several South American countries. This article aims to describe and analyse over ten years of radio activism, taking as the object of reflection the agencies provided by a transmitter built in a computer case and adjustable in four frequencies in each locality in which it was activated. Considering the parameters of the Brazilian law on low-power radio that permits, under federal concession, 30 meters of antennae with 1km of radius and 25w of power, the objective was to present an experience of direct appropriation of radio spectrum for freedom of speech. Here we intend to discuss the construction of social media through which people meet to maintain shared infrastructures and to create radio language, transforming aesthetic mobilisation into an effective alternative to the control of the mainstream media over the use of the radio spectrum. Beyond subjective criticism about its ephemeral and often innocuous role when compared to constituted media powers, this paper aims to demonstrate that handling radio-frequency equipment can be a useful pedagogical tool to support the collective maintenance and repair of household autonomous communication equipment and infrastructure, in order to criticise and propose alternatives to media consumerist behaviours in different technological environments and situations.
{"title":"Nomadic Transmitter: Public Sphere and Aesthetics in Brazilian Media Activism","authors":"Thiago O. S. Novaes, F. Caminati","doi":"10.16997/wpcc.312","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16997/wpcc.312","url":null,"abstract":"During the early 2000s a group of free radio activists in Sao Paulo, Brazil, commissioned the construction of an FM radio transmitter with multiple frequencies to offer radio workshops to communities interested in learning about radio language and practice. The transmitter was used by groups across Brazil and several South American countries. This article aims to describe and analyse over ten years of radio activism, taking as the object of reflection the agencies provided by a transmitter built in a computer case and adjustable in four frequencies in each locality in which it was activated. Considering the parameters of the Brazilian law on low-power radio that permits, under federal concession, 30 meters of antennae with 1km of radius and 25w of power, the objective was to present an experience of direct appropriation of radio spectrum for freedom of speech. Here we intend to discuss the construction of social media through which people meet to maintain shared infrastructures and to create radio language, transforming aesthetic mobilisation into an effective alternative to the control of the mainstream media over the use of the radio spectrum. Beyond subjective criticism about its ephemeral and often innocuous role when compared to constituted media powers, this paper aims to demonstrate that handling radio-frequency equipment can be a useful pedagogical tool to support the collective maintenance and repair of household autonomous communication equipment and infrastructure, in order to criticise and propose alternatives to media consumerist behaviours in different technological environments and situations.","PeriodicalId":41893,"journal":{"name":"Westminster Papers in Communication & Culture","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49074839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The efficacy of digital media on politics, and society at large, has long been a subject of intense scholarly debate. This paper examines the democratisation potential of social media within Zimbabwe’s historically repressive political environment. Since the early 2000s, technological determinists in Zimbabwe saw citizen journalism and social media as a ‘game-changer’ in propping up a democratic project against the ruling regime. Two decades later, and as the country grapples with governance challenges, the prospects for meaningful political participation enabled by social media have remained elusive. The current study uses a contextual analytic lens informed by critical political economy of media and broader media effects theoretical concepts to probe the political impact of social media activism. Social media are technological tools whose role in society is contingent on human agency. While Zimbabwe has had significant protests employing social and digital media, their political impact, this paper argues, should not be overstated. Deterministic views have tended to create solutionist approaches to social media, undermining a nuanced understanding of their transformative potential.
{"title":"The Deferred ‘Democracy Dividend’ of Citizen Journalism and Social Media: Perils, Promises and Prospects from the Zimbabwean Experience","authors":"Tenford Chitanana, B. Mutsvairo","doi":"10.16997/WPCC.305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16997/WPCC.305","url":null,"abstract":"The efficacy of digital media on politics, and society at large, has long been a subject of intense scholarly debate. This paper examines the democratisation potential of social media within Zimbabwe’s historically repressive political environment. Since the early 2000s, technological determinists in Zimbabwe saw citizen journalism and social media as a ‘game-changer’ in propping up a democratic project against the ruling regime. Two decades later, and as the country grapples with governance challenges, the prospects for meaningful political participation enabled by social media have remained elusive. The current study uses a contextual analytic lens informed by critical political economy of media and broader media effects theoretical concepts to probe the political impact of social media activism. Social media are technological tools whose role in society is contingent on human agency. While Zimbabwe has had significant protests employing social and digital media, their political impact, this paper argues, should not be overstated. Deterministic views have tended to create solutionist approaches to social media, undermining a nuanced understanding of their transformative potential.","PeriodicalId":41893,"journal":{"name":"Westminster Papers in Communication & Culture","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2019-08-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49341219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ideological differences relating to the normative expectations of media performance in Zimbabwe have, historically, been at the heart of debates and struggles around press freedom and media activism. On one hand, political leaders, who lean towards nationalist politics, have accused the media and media activists who are mostly part of the Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), of undertaking colonial work. In some cases, the private media have been characterised as running dogs of imperialism. On the other hand, media activists and journalists, have accused the government of limiting the space for meaningful engagement in media work through harsh laws and the arrests of journalists. These activists and journalists, ideologically located mostly in the terrain of a free market liberal understanding of media and politics, have also accused the government of using soft strategies such as starving private newspapers of government advertising and the huge revenue that comes with it. Former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has given as good as he has got in this ideological war. He has accused the private media of colluding with the Western media to tarnish the image of the country. In turn, he has been described as a media hangman. Using a combination of archival research and in-depth interviews with journalists, media activists and politicians, this paper gives a historicised account of this ideological struggle and seeks to engage with questions concerning the meaning of press freedom and media activism in Zimbabwe.
{"title":"In the Service of Press Freedom or the Imperial Agenda? Negotiating Repression and Coloniality in Zimbabwean Journalism","authors":"Khanyile Mlotshwa","doi":"10.16997/WPCC.306","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16997/WPCC.306","url":null,"abstract":"Ideological differences relating to the normative expectations of media performance in Zimbabwe have, historically, been at the heart of debates and struggles around press freedom and media activism. On one hand, political leaders, who lean towards nationalist politics, have accused the media and media activists who are mostly part of the Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), of undertaking colonial work. In some cases, the private media have been characterised as running dogs of imperialism. On the other hand, media activists and journalists, have accused the government of limiting the space for meaningful engagement in media work through harsh laws and the arrests of journalists. These activists and journalists, ideologically located mostly in the terrain of a free market liberal understanding of media and politics, have also accused the government of using soft strategies such as starving private newspapers of government advertising and the huge revenue that comes with it. Former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has given as good as he has got in this ideological war. He has accused the private media of colluding with the Western media to tarnish the image of the country. In turn, he has been described as a media hangman. Using a combination of archival research and in-depth interviews with journalists, media activists and politicians, this paper gives a historicised account of this ideological struggle and seeks to engage with questions concerning the meaning of press freedom and media activism in Zimbabwe.","PeriodicalId":41893,"journal":{"name":"Westminster Papers in Communication & Culture","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2019-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48274340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Drawing on a case study of Mexico City-based feminist media producers Las Morras, this article addresses both the potentialities of digital media activism for raising awareness about gender-based harassment and its limits for facilitating social/political transformations. Las Morras drew international attention in 2016 when they released a series of YouTube videos of group members with hidden GoPro cameras repeatedly confronting male cat-callers and casual harassers. Incorporating a qualitative content analysis of the responses to YouTube videos and comments taken from Las Morras’ Twitter and Facebook accounts (before deletion) with in-depth interviews with founding members, we argue that Las Morras offers a powerful illustration of the paradoxical role of networked digital media as activist tool. On the one hand, it rapidly circulated a powerful critique of misogyny. On the other hand, the negative attention it received (including doxing, trolling of the site, and personal threats directed at members) led to the eventual demise of the group.
{"title":"From the Streets to the Screen to Nowhere: Las Morras and the Fragility of Networked Digital Activism","authors":"Stuart Davis, M. Santillana","doi":"10.16997/WPCC.308","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16997/WPCC.308","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing on a case study of Mexico City-based feminist media producers Las Morras, this article addresses both the potentialities of digital media activism for raising awareness about gender-based harassment and its limits for facilitating social/political transformations. Las Morras drew international attention in 2016 when they released a series of YouTube videos of group members with hidden GoPro cameras repeatedly confronting male cat-callers and casual harassers. Incorporating a qualitative content analysis of the responses to YouTube videos and comments taken from Las Morras’ Twitter and Facebook accounts (before deletion) with in-depth interviews with founding members, we argue that Las Morras offers a powerful illustration of the paradoxical role of networked digital media as activist tool. On the one hand, it rapidly circulated a powerful critique of misogyny. On the other hand, the negative attention it received (including doxing, trolling of the site, and personal threats directed at members) led to the eventual demise of the group.","PeriodicalId":41893,"journal":{"name":"Westminster Papers in Communication & Culture","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2019-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48991501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The speed and scale at which Liverpool is redeveloping is indicative of global advances in market-driven geo-economic restructuring, while the creative economy model has been one of the central tenets of urban regeneration over the past forty years. This paper focuses on the construction of a new creative quarter on Liverpool’s North Shore Dock, and the modes of creative resistance that are being enacted by some residents in the area. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork that has been carried out over the past two years, this research foregrounds the tensions that exist between two different forms of creativity, and the ways in which these are negotiated, in particular through the use of community-oriented film screenings as part of an activist repertoire that was developed by one artistic collective in the campaign to save their building from demolition. Overall, the paper offers some insight regarding different (often opposing) forms and ideologies of urban redevelopment, pointing towards an alternative politics of place that distances itself from the ever-expanding sphere of the market and the so-called creative economy.
{"title":"Resisting the Creative Economy on Liverpool’s North Shore: Art-Based Political Communication in Practice","authors":"A. Killick","doi":"10.16997/WPCC.307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16997/WPCC.307","url":null,"abstract":"The speed and scale at which Liverpool is redeveloping is indicative of global advances in market-driven geo-economic restructuring, while the creative economy model has been one of the central tenets of urban regeneration over the past forty years. This paper focuses on the construction of a new creative quarter on Liverpool’s North Shore Dock, and the modes of creative resistance that are being enacted by some residents in the area. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork that has been carried out over the past two years, this research foregrounds the tensions that exist between two different forms of creativity, and the ways in which these are negotiated, in particular through the use of community-oriented film screenings as part of an activist repertoire that was developed by one artistic collective in the campaign to save their building from demolition. Overall, the paper offers some insight regarding different (often opposing) forms and ideologies of urban redevelopment, pointing towards an alternative politics of place that distances itself from the ever-expanding sphere of the market and the so-called creative economy.","PeriodicalId":41893,"journal":{"name":"Westminster Papers in Communication & Culture","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2019-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41248990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-19DOI: 10.33115/udg_bib/cp.v8i16.22360
Celia Gómez Villan, Beatriz González de Garay Domínguez, María Marcos Ramos
El analisis de la evolucion de la representacion de genero en la ficcion televisiva resulta fundamental para entender los antecedentes historicos de la sociedad patriarcal. El objetivo de este articulo es estudiar el papel de los personajes femeninos en la serie de television Entre visillos (TVE1, 1974), adaptacion de la novela de 1957 de Carmen Martin Gaite. Para lo cual, se realizo un analisis textual de los 15 capitulos que conforman la ficcion en el que se trataba de dibujar el perfil de los protagonistas, averiguar si conseguian sus metas narrativas y analizar sus temas de conversacion. Ademas, se aplica la clasificacion de Jurado Morales (2003) sobre los tipos de realizacion a la que aspiran los personajes de las novelas de Gaite a los personajes de la adaptacion televisiva. Se concluye que la mayoria de los protagonistas son mujeres de clase social alta que, a pesar de dedicar mucho tiempo a conversar sobre las relaciones sentimentales, no cambian de estado civil a lo largo de la narracion ni consiguen sus objetivos, lo que redunda en una sensacion de estancamiento y frustracion vital que funciona como critica a la represiva sociedad franquista en las postrimerias del regimen dictatorial. The analysis of the evolution of gender representation in television fiction is essential to understand the historical background of patriarchal society. The objective of this article is to study the role of female characters in the television series Entre Visillos (TVE1, 1974), adapted from the 1957 novel by Carmen Martin Gaite. A textual analysis was carried out on the 15 episodes of the TV show. The main aims were to draw the profile of the protagonists, to find out if they achieved their narrative goals, and to analyze their conversation topics. In addition, the classification of Jurado Morales (2003) about the types of realization of the characters in Gaite’s novels was applied to the television adaptation. It is concluded that most of the protagonists are women of high social class who, despite spending a lot of time talking about sentimental relationships, do not change their marital status throughout the narrative or achieve their plot objective, which results in a feeling of stagnation and vital frustration that works as a critic of the repressive Francoist society in the last years of the dictatorial regime. Keywords: Carmen Martin Gaite, Entre Visillos , Women, Characters, TV.
在这一过程中，父权社会的历史背景与电视小说中性别表现的演变密切相关。本文的目的是研究女性角色在电视系列Entre visillos (TVE1, 1974)中的角色，该系列改编自Carmen Martin Gaite 1957年的小说。因此，本文对构成小说的15个章节进行了文本分析，试图勾勒出主人公的轮廓，找出他们是否达到了叙事目标，并分析他们的对话主题。本研究的目的是分析Gaite小说中的人物在电视改编中所追求的成就类型，以及他们在电视改编中所追求的成就类型。行动者总结说,大多数是妇女社会地位高,尽管投入大量时间在讨论关系太感性,婚姻状况没有改变沿线narracion没有目标,符合一项至关重要的感觉并失望之意,而佛朗哥镇压批评社会可在postrimerias的独裁政权。The analysis of The evolution of gender representation in一种独特的电视小说《去理解历史背景(patriarchal society。本文的目的是研究女性角色在电视剧《Entre Visillos》(TVE1, 1974)中的角色，该电视剧改编自卡门·马丁·盖特1957年的小说。= =地理= =根据美国人口普查，这个县的面积为。主要区域是to的profile of The protagonists, to find out if they一narrative and to analyze他们的计划目标,。此外，《尤拉多·莫拉斯关于盖特小说中人物实现类型的分类》(2003)也适用于电视改编。It is concluded that most of the protagonists are women of high class who,尽管社会开支a lot of time, about情感关系,do not change their marital status解聘的the narrative or their plot目标,其结果in a感觉生命停滞和frustration that works as a critic of the repressive Francoist society in the过去六十年的独裁制度。关键词:卡门·马丁·盖特，女性，角色，电视。
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