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The revolution that ate its own children: The colourful revolution from consensus to discord 吃掉自己孩子的革命:从共识到分歧的色彩革命
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/fid2201162m
Nenad Markovikj, Ivan Damjanovski
The main goal of this essay is to provide an in-depth analysis of the trajectory of the Colourful Revolution (CR) in North Macedonia as a social movement. From a more general perspective, the paper engages with the growing interest in the literature that explores the correlation between social movements and democratisation processes, especially in societies that fall into the category of hybrid regimes. The Colourful Revolution is a good example of a protest movement that has created effective regime change. It presented a complex social movement encompassing many fragmented social and political groups gathered around the idea of a common adversary. Additionally, the Colourful Revolution has one particularity: it is a social movement that has undergone a full developmental circle - formation through utilization of political opportunity frameworks, a period of activity and success and dissolution. Drawing on literature of the political process, opportunity frameworks and cycles of social movements, the paper argues that social movements such as the Colourful Revolution are not just temporary and unstable structures but are also highly dependent on the existence of a common target of the social activism in question. The removal from power of political actors that have been the reason for mobilisation of a complex and diverse network of social and political activism resulted in an absence of an adhesive factor holding together all the parts of this complex system. The absence initiated gradual discord and dissolution of different factions within the social movement (CR in this case) and reveals its true nature - temporary, ideologically diverse, conflictual, and even undemocratic in some respects.
本文的主要目的是对北马其顿作为一场社会运动的“色彩革命”(CR)的轨迹进行深入分析。从更广泛的角度来看,本文涉及对探索社会运动与民主化进程之间关系的文献日益增长的兴趣,特别是在属于混合政权类别的社会中。“色彩革命”是抗议运动的一个很好的例子,它创造了有效的政权更迭。它呈现了一个复杂的社会运动,包含了许多分散的社会和政治团体,他们围绕着一个共同对手的想法聚集在一起。此外,“颜色革命”有一个特殊性:它是一场社会运动,经历了一个完整的发展循环——通过利用政治机会框架形成,一个活动、成功和解体的时期。借鉴政治进程、机会框架和社会运动周期的文献,本文认为,像“色彩革命”这样的社会运动不仅是暂时的、不稳定的结构,而且高度依赖于存在一个共同目标的社会行动主义。政治行为者的权力被剥夺是动员一个复杂和多样化的社会和政治行动主义网络的原因,导致缺乏将这个复杂系统的所有部分结合在一起的粘合因素。这种缺席引发了社会运动中不同派系(在这里是CR)的逐渐不和和解散,并揭示了其真实本质——暂时的、意识形态的多样性、冲突性,甚至在某些方面是不民主的。
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引用次数: 1
Antisemitism online: History’s oldest hatred and new media challenges 在线反犹太主义:历史上最古老的仇恨和新媒体挑战
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/fid2203567m
A. Milanović
In this text I examine the online presence of antisemitism and the ways it is spreading on a global level. I focus on different forms of antisemitism, distributed through numerous social network platforms. I also dwell on the possible causes of this phenomenon, with all its consequences. Antisemitism has always been present in public discourse, and thus its presence in online space is not new or unusual, but what surprises is certainly a significant failure of responsible institutions to prevent this phenomenon and punish perpetrators. In the last ten years, the level of online antisemitism has significantly risen. Covert and overt types of antisemitism on social networks represent a serious social problem, and a threat directed not only towards the Jewish community, but also towards every society that fosters the values of human rights, equality, peaceful communication and non-violence in all its forms.
在这篇文章中,我研究了反犹太主义在网上的存在以及它在全球范围内传播的方式。我关注的是不同形式的反犹太主义,它们通过众多的社交网络平台传播。我还详述了这一现象的可能原因及其所有后果。反犹太主义一直存在于公共话语中,因此它在网络空间的存在并不新鲜或不寻常,但令人惊讶的是,负责任的机构在防止这种现象和惩罚肇事者方面的重大失败。在过去的十年里,网上反犹太主义的水平显著上升。社交网络上隐蔽和公开的反犹主义是一个严重的社会问题,不仅是对犹太社区的威胁,也是对每一个提倡人权、平等、和平交流和一切形式的非暴力价值观的社会的威胁。
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引用次数: 0
“Unjust enemy” or “Monster dilemma” revisited. On the conditions and the paradox of a theological fiction1 “非正义的敌人”或“怪物困境”再次出现。论神学小说的条件与悖论
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/fid2204949b
P. Bojanić
The text once more reconstructs the perennially fashionable ?figure? within public and international law, as well as a theologized construction: an evil-doer who must be destroyed in the conflict or war. The ?unjust enemy?, always mutually recognized and often indicated as the other side in every conflict (and particularly ambiguously and obscurely in the current war between Russia and Ukraine), should satisfy certain conditions for them to be linked to ?evil? and ?the alliance of all against evil?, in the production of world peace and infinite restraint from war. By classifying various forms of hostile protocols, my intention is to show the substantive incompleteness and weakness of the term ?enemy?, and thus the impossibility and myth of a symmetric use of force.
文本再一次重构了这个常年流行的形象。在公法和国际法中,以及神学化的结构中:必须在冲突或战争中被摧毁的恶人。不公正的敌人?在每一场冲突中(尤其是在当前俄罗斯和乌克兰之间的战争中,这种情况尤其含糊不清),俄罗斯总是相互承认,而且经常被视为另一方,它们应该满足某些条件,才能与“邪恶”联系起来。还有对抗邪恶的联盟?,在生产世界和平和无限克制战争。通过对各种形式的敌对协议进行分类,我的目的是展示“敌人”一词的实质性不完整性和弱点。以及对称使用武力的不可能性和神话。
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引用次数: 0
Promises and challenges of deliberative and participatory innovations in hybride regimes: The case of two citizens’ assemblies in Serbia 混合政体中协商和参与式创新的承诺与挑战:塞尔维亚两个公民大会的案例
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/fid2201003f
I. Fiket, Biljana Djordjevic
A worrying trend of autocratization that has been spreading globally in recent years, has thrust forward a new wave of appeals for deliberative and participatory democracy as a remedy for the crisis. With a few exceptions, the majority of participatory and deliberative institutions were implemented in stable democracies. The efforts to institutionalize participatory and deliberative models are almost completely absent in Serbia and other Western Balkan countries. Yet, there has been a trend of citizen mobilization in the form of social movements and local civic initiatives, which are both a symptom of unresponsive and quite openly authoritarian institutions, as well as a potential pathway to democratization. The pace and scope of these developments in the undemocratic societies of the Western Balkan region, in terms of both bottom up and top-down democratic experimentation, call for a better understanding of their internal dynamics, and their social and political impact. Responding to this need, the articles in the special issue focus on social movement mobilizations and deliberative experimentation. To begin with, our introductory article focuses particularly on understanding the possible role deliberative institutions could have in hybrid regimes. It looks at the first two cases of deliberative mini publics (DMPs) ever organized in Serbia, analyzing their rationale, specific design, implementation, as well as considering the possible role deliberative institutions could play in the hybrid regime of Serbia.
近年来,一种令人担忧的独裁趋势在全球蔓延,这引发了新一轮呼吁,要求协商和参与性民主作为解决危机的办法。除了少数例外,大多数参与性和审议性机构都是在稳定的民主国家实施的。塞尔维亚和其他西巴尔干国家几乎完全没有将参与和审议模式制度化的努力。然而,有一种以社会运动和地方公民倡议的形式进行公民动员的趋势,这既是反应迟钝和相当公开的专制机构的症状,也是通往民主化的潜在途径。就自下而上和自上而下的民主试验而言,西巴尔干地区非民主社会中这些事态发展的速度和范围要求我们更好地了解其内部动态及其社会和政治影响。针对这一需要,本期特刊的文章着重于社会运动动员和审议性实验。首先,我们的介绍性文章特别侧重于理解审议机构在混合制度中可能发挥的作用。本报告着眼于塞尔维亚组织的前两个协商迷你公众(dmp)案例,分析其基本原理、具体设计和实施,并考虑协商机构在塞尔维亚混合体制中可能发挥的作用。
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引用次数: 1
Conscience in gaslight 煤气灯下的良心
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/fid2204826c
Georgy Chernavin
The article treats the problem of ethical gaslighting - the situation when a significant other disqualifies something that you consider to be your true consciousness. How is ethical self-consciousness possible when you cannot be certain: is that your conscience talking or an unauthentic semblance of conscience? The article proposes a hyper-cartesian strategy in ethics (thematization of the role of genius malignus).
这篇文章讨论了道德煤气照明问题——当一个重要的人使你认为是你真正意识的事情失去资格的情况。当你不能确定的时候,道德的自我意识怎么可能:是你的良心在说话,还是一种不真实的良心表象?本文提出了一种超笛卡儿的伦理学策略(将天才的恶性角色主题化)。
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引用次数: 0
"Building for the age" according to the principles of holism, individuality, and development: Historicism and architecture 根据整体、个性、发展原则的“为时代而建”:历史主义和建筑
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/fid2204004m
Milica Madjanovic
Originating from the fields of philosophy and history, the term historicism is often used by architectural historians. Aiming to contribute to the theoretical framework for the analysis of architectural historicism, the paper first explores the meaning of the concept in its native field of philosophy of history. The paper is aligned with the recent scholarship which interprets historicism as a worldview and deduces three historicist principles - principles of holism, individuality, and development. This paper argues that an historicist outlook marked wider creative achievements of an epoch, and that architecture of the period approximately ranging from the 1750s to the 1950s did not evade its influence. Finally, the paper illustrates the three principles in the idea of building for the age which haunted architects of the Western civilisation for almost two centuries.
历史主义一词起源于哲学和历史领域,经常被建筑史学家使用。为了为建筑历史主义的分析提供理论框架,本文首先探讨了建筑历史主义概念在其原生历史哲学领域的意义。该论文与最近的学术一致,将历史决定论解释为一种世界观,并推导出三个历史决定论原则-整体原则,个性原则和发展原则。本文认为,历史决定论的观点标志着一个时代更广泛的创造性成就,而这一时期的建筑大约从18世纪50年代到50年代并没有逃避它的影响。最后,本文阐述了困扰西方文明建筑师近两个世纪的时代建筑理念中的三个原则。
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引用次数: 0
Ethics and literature: Levinas and literary criticism 伦理与文学:列维纳斯与文学批评
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/fid2203632m
Nemanja Mitrović
The question posed by this text is: can we use Levinasian ethics in the field of literary studies? In order to provide the answer, Levinas?s attitude toward art will need to be analyzed. His work contains numerous scattered remarks about literature and other arts, but the most explicit statement on the relationship between art and ethics can be found in his essay ?Reality and Its Shadow?. Since Levinas?s view on art in this essay is predominantly negative, it poses a significant problem for the application of his theory in the field of literary studies. In order to overcome this difficulty, I use Blanchot?s reworking of Levinasian ethics, and open the possibility of a different relation between literature and ethics than the one originally suggested by Levinas.
本文提出的问题是:我们能否在文学研究领域运用列维纳斯伦理学?为了提供答案,列维纳斯?我们需要分析一下美国对艺术的态度。他的作品中有许多零散的关于文学和其他艺术的评论,但对艺术与伦理关系的最明确的陈述可以在他的文章《现实及其阴影》中找到。自列维纳斯?这篇文章的艺术观主要是消极的,这给他的理论在文学研究领域的应用带来了重大问题。为了克服这个困难,我使用了布朗肖?并开启了一种不同于列维纳斯最初提出的文学与伦理关系的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
How technology impacts communication and identity-creation 技术如何影响沟通和身份创造
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/fid2202297z
Simona Žikić
The basic thesis of this paper is that communication is a fundamental activity of all human practices and that identity is constructed with the help of communication. Defining identity cannot be explained and understood exclusively from the standpoint of philosophy, sociology, political science or psychology. Given that the Latin root of the word communication, communio, refers to community, we can say that communication as a science best covers the relationships that people establish within the community such as schools, families, work environment, social networks and forums. The activity of communication is the establishment of a community, i.e., sociability. To communicate means to unite something - to bring one?s actions into harmony with the community and with social life. In that sense, communication is in its essence a transition from the individual to the collective. In addition, any specific form of communication depends on the wider cultural and socio-political environment in which modern people operate. This paper aims to explore the impact of technology on individual identity, to answer questions about whether robots can have the same characteristics as personalities, and whether, and in what way, machines have an impact on people. The reason for asking such questions is the decision of the Committee on Legal Affairs of the European Parliament to pass a law that will grant autonomous robots the status of ?electronic personalities?.
本文的基本论点是:沟通是人类一切实践的基本活动,身份的建构有赖于沟通。身份的定义不能完全从哲学、社会学、政治学或心理学的角度来解释和理解。鉴于“communication”一词的拉丁词根“communo”指的是社区,我们可以说,作为一门科学,沟通最好地涵盖了人们在社区(如学校、家庭、工作环境、社交网络和论坛)中建立的关系。交际活动就是建立一个共同体,也就是社会性。沟通意味着把一些东西联合起来——带来一个?与社区和社会生活和谐相处。从这个意义上说,沟通在本质上是从个人到集体的过渡。此外,任何特定形式的交流都取决于现代人所处的更广泛的文化和社会政治环境。本文旨在探讨技术对个人身份的影响,回答关于机器人是否可以具有与人格相同的特征,以及机器是否以及以何种方式对人产生影响的问题。之所以提出这样的问题,是因为欧洲议会法律事务委员会决定通过一项法律,赋予自主机器人“电子人格”的地位。
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引用次数: 0
On the problems of the philosophy of value. Heinrich Rickert against the background of roman Ingarden 论价值哲学的若干问题。以罗曼·因加登为背景的海因里希·里克特
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/fid2202370k
T. Kubalica
The article looks at the concept of value in Heinrich Rickert?s philosophy of value and attempts a systematic study of this concept in the context of the fundamental problems in Roman Ingarden?s ontology of value. The result is a systematised presentation of Rickert?s notion of value and a series of conclusions concerning fundamental aspects of his philosophy of culture. The essential discrepancy that the comparison reveals concerns the formal character of Rickert?s philosophy of values, which implies a great deal of openness and freedom in the understanding and implementation of values. Another fundamental difference exposed by Ingarden concerns the ontological status of values.
本文着眼于海因里希·里克特?在罗马·英加登(Roman inggarden)的基本问题的背景下,对这一概念进行了系统的研究。价值本体论。结果是一个系统化的里克特?他的价值观念和一系列关于其文化哲学基本方面的结论。这一对比所揭示的本质差异与瑞克特的形式性格有关。美国的价值观,这意味着在价值观的理解和实施中有很大的开放性和自由性。英加登揭示的另一个根本差异涉及价值的本体论地位。
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引用次数: 0
The trauma of the others!? Yugoslav holocaust films of the 1960s 其他人的创伤!?20世纪60年代南斯拉夫大屠杀电影
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/fid2203519d
Nevena Daković
The aim of this paper is to map the reconfiguration and displacement of the emerging trauma of the Holocaust in the cinematic narratives of SFR Yugoslavia. The analysis of three nearly forgotten Yugoslav films of the 1960s - Killer on Leave (M?rder auf Urlaub/Ubica na odsustvu/Ubica je dosao iz proslosti, 1965, Bosko Boskovic), Witness Out of Hell (Bittere Kr?uter/Gorke trave, 1966, Zika Mitrovic) and Smoke (Dim, 1967, Slobodan Kosovalic) - follows Kansteiner?s thesis about the changes of Holocaust memorial narratives in the films shown on German television in the 1970s. Accordingly, I claim that the analyzed films position the trauma of the Holocaust as a crime committed by others, over there, and then in the past. Further, they broaden the trauma to accommodate the diversified roles of victims, perpetrators, witnesses and bystanders, and help the Germans (and other Europeans as well) come to terms with the Nazi criminal legacy and their own role. The co-productional terms allow the films to balance the memory of the Holocaust as both anti-fascist (East Germany) and cosmopolitan, multidirectional (West Germany) within the real Yugoslav/German symbolic narrative space and its intrinsic poetics (e.g., memorialization and sacralization).
本文的目的是映射的重新配置和位移的新出现的创伤大屠杀在南斯拉夫前南斯拉夫的电影叙事。对三部几乎被遗忘的20世纪60年代南斯拉夫电影的分析——休假的杀手(M?《地狱的见证》,1965年,博斯科·博斯科维奇,《地狱的见证》(bitterere Kr?乌特/戈尔克旅行,1966年,兹卡·米特罗维奇)和烟雾(Dim, 1967年,斯洛博丹·科索沃)-继坎斯坦纳?他的论文是关于20世纪70年代德国电视上播放的电影中大屠杀纪念叙事的变化。因此,我主张,经过分析的电影将大屠杀的创伤定位为其他人犯下的罪行,在那里,然后在过去。此外,他们扩大了创伤,以适应受害者、肇事者、目击者和旁观者的多样化角色,并帮助德国人(以及其他欧洲人)接受纳粹的犯罪遗产和他们自己的角色。合作制作的条款允许电影在真实的南斯拉夫/德国象征性叙事空间及其内在的诗学(例如,纪念性和神圣化)中平衡大屠杀的记忆,既是反法西斯的(东德),也是世界主义的,多向的(西德)。
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引用次数: 0
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Philosophy and Society-Filozofija i Drustvo
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