Pub Date : 2020-10-04DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1815505
Peter Uledi, Godfrey Hove
ABSTRACT This paper explores the roots of rural poverty in Zimbabwe within the context of the role of the state and its economic and political interests over time and specific space. It traces the socio-economic and political factors that led to the impoverishment of rural areas in Zimbabwe, demonstrating that rural poverty is a colonial legacy whose roots lie in the racial ideology of the state. African Reserves were basically created as reservoirs of cheap labour for white-owned mines and farms and emerging urban areas. They were also created to separate Africans from whites in terms of service provision at every level. However, the article further examines the role of the post-colonial government in addressing these colonial imbalances that left urban centres as islands of developments in a sea of rural underdevelopment. Using Musana District as a case study, it interrogates post-colonial state policy towards rural development and its impact in addressing the vestigial inequalities that existed between rural and urban areas. The study makes the point that despite the consistent political support it receives from rural dwellers rural development and the government's claims that have been the cornerstone of its policies since independence, the Zimbabwean government has done little to sustainably and effectively provide basic amenities to rural areas since independence. Moreover, the paper argues that the ruling party has not only failed to contribute towards rural development but has been a direct beneficiary of the status quo as it has enabled it to maintain political stranglehold in rural areas.
{"title":"Developmental inequality and living on the margins in post-colonial Zimbabwe: the case of Musana District","authors":"Peter Uledi, Godfrey Hove","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1815505","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1815505","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper explores the roots of rural poverty in Zimbabwe within the context of the role of the state and its economic and political interests over time and specific space. It traces the socio-economic and political factors that led to the impoverishment of rural areas in Zimbabwe, demonstrating that rural poverty is a colonial legacy whose roots lie in the racial ideology of the state. African Reserves were basically created as reservoirs of cheap labour for white-owned mines and farms and emerging urban areas. They were also created to separate Africans from whites in terms of service provision at every level. However, the article further examines the role of the post-colonial government in addressing these colonial imbalances that left urban centres as islands of developments in a sea of rural underdevelopment. Using Musana District as a case study, it interrogates post-colonial state policy towards rural development and its impact in addressing the vestigial inequalities that existed between rural and urban areas. The study makes the point that despite the consistent political support it receives from rural dwellers rural development and the government's claims that have been the cornerstone of its policies since independence, the Zimbabwean government has done little to sustainably and effectively provide basic amenities to rural areas since independence. Moreover, the paper argues that the ruling party has not only failed to contribute towards rural development but has been a direct beneficiary of the status quo as it has enabled it to maintain political stranglehold in rural areas.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79098467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-17DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1815506
Henry Chiwaura, S. Naidoo
ABSTRACT This article is an explanation of the use of heritage representations and narratives within the ever-changing political matrix in Zimbabwe. The analysis is done within the context of heritage being regarded as a cultural process rather than as a product. Focus is on how heritage has been appropriated by both the colonial and post-colonial state in building national identities. From 1890 the settlers appropriated some of the existing heritage that belonged to indigenous groups on the land between Limpopo and Zambezi Rivers. The article fully acknowledges that identity is a fluid and controversial concept that is influenced by cultural frameworks, historical period and those in power at any particular time. Therefore, heritage herein is viewed as an identity influencer and, in the case of emerging nations; heritage is responsible for the construction of national identity.
{"title":"Identity and heritage: changing politics and appropriation of heritage in Zimbabwe","authors":"Henry Chiwaura, S. Naidoo","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1815506","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1815506","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article is an explanation of the use of heritage representations and narratives within the ever-changing political matrix in Zimbabwe. The analysis is done within the context of heritage being regarded as a cultural process rather than as a product. Focus is on how heritage has been appropriated by both the colonial and post-colonial state in building national identities. From 1890 the settlers appropriated some of the existing heritage that belonged to indigenous groups on the land between Limpopo and Zambezi Rivers. The article fully acknowledges that identity is a fluid and controversial concept that is influenced by cultural frameworks, historical period and those in power at any particular time. Therefore, heritage herein is viewed as an identity influencer and, in the case of emerging nations; heritage is responsible for the construction of national identity.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84011146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1812040
Edwin Etieyibo, O. Omiegbe
ABSTRACT With the emergence of numerous human rights groups as well as legal instruments in the international arena, the rights and protection of people with disabilities are increasingly being guaranteed. However, in Nigeria, people with disabilities still live at the margins due to some cultural practices that continue to discriminate against them and undermine their rights and general wellbeing. The paper is an empirical study combined with some historical investigation of some of the extant literature to make a case that (a) there is connection between culture and the discrimination, neglect and abuse of person with disabilities; and, (b) that cultural practices undermine the rights and general wellbeing of persons living with disabilities in Nigeria.
{"title":"People with disabilities in the margins in Nigeria","authors":"Edwin Etieyibo, O. Omiegbe","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1812040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1812040","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT With the emergence of numerous human rights groups as well as legal instruments in the international arena, the rights and protection of people with disabilities are increasingly being guaranteed. However, in Nigeria, people with disabilities still live at the margins due to some cultural practices that continue to discriminate against them and undermine their rights and general wellbeing. The paper is an empirical study combined with some historical investigation of some of the extant literature to make a case that (a) there is connection between culture and the discrimination, neglect and abuse of person with disabilities; and, (b) that cultural practices undermine the rights and general wellbeing of persons living with disabilities in Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78399501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-31DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1812041
P. Sule
ABSTRACT This article critically examines the politics of socio-political exclusions, with particular reference to the recurrent surges of herdsmen/farmers’ skirmishes that are currently ravaging many states in Nigeria. Owing to their occupation and prejudiced history, the Fulani herdsmen have not enjoyed full assimilation into mainstream cohesion, and the enactment of laws proscribing ‘open grazing’ by some states, in a bid to protect farmers and farmlands, appears to have further entrenched this supposed exclusion. Consequently, the group, through its Miyetti Allah Cattle Associations, has urged state governments to refrain from enforcing these laws. The implementation of the laws by Benue and Taraba States has caused herdsmen to react angrily by killing hundreds of people in the states. To what extent are these states justified in prohibiting open grazing? Can a group justifiably warn a sovereign, federating, state against implementing a law duly passed by its State Assembly? Using critical analysis, the paper proffers answers to these questions by drawing insights from philosophical arguments of social justice, particularly Nozickian justice as entitlement. Given that what is at stake is the economic livelihoods of both farmers and cattle herders, the paper also provides an objective analysis of the conflict by pointing out the central claims of both parties in the dispute. It concludes that solution to these skirmishes inheres in an approach that emphasizes social justice and inclusion.
{"title":"Open grazing prohibitions and the politics of exclusivist identity in Nigeria","authors":"P. Sule","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1812041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1812041","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article critically examines the politics of socio-political exclusions, with particular reference to the recurrent surges of herdsmen/farmers’ skirmishes that are currently ravaging many states in Nigeria. Owing to their occupation and prejudiced history, the Fulani herdsmen have not enjoyed full assimilation into mainstream cohesion, and the enactment of laws proscribing ‘open grazing’ by some states, in a bid to protect farmers and farmlands, appears to have further entrenched this supposed exclusion. Consequently, the group, through its Miyetti Allah Cattle Associations, has urged state governments to refrain from enforcing these laws. The implementation of the laws by Benue and Taraba States has caused herdsmen to react angrily by killing hundreds of people in the states. To what extent are these states justified in prohibiting open grazing? Can a group justifiably warn a sovereign, federating, state against implementing a law duly passed by its State Assembly? Using critical analysis, the paper proffers answers to these questions by drawing insights from philosophical arguments of social justice, particularly Nozickian justice as entitlement. Given that what is at stake is the economic livelihoods of both farmers and cattle herders, the paper also provides an objective analysis of the conflict by pointing out the central claims of both parties in the dispute. It concludes that solution to these skirmishes inheres in an approach that emphasizes social justice and inclusion.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84328793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-29DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1812042
Nelson Muparamoto
ABSTRACT Queer identities and non-heteronormative sexualities are increasingly becoming visible globally and Zimbabwe has witnessed an emergent queer mobilization and sexual identities politics. There have been significant attempts to expunge non-heterosexuals from Zimbabwean citizenry by drawing borders on the basis of sexual orientation. Over the years, western and local media have mediated a narrative of a thoroughly homophobic Zimbabwe, not the least emanating from the former president, Robert Mugabe's homophobic utterances which recurrently generated global news stories. A dominant discourse framed homosexual identities as on or beyond the border of what is socially acceptable, whilst the individuals with queer identities have been denied legal protection and status. Predominantly, homophobic sentiments are expressed, often reflecting the view that homosexual identities should not be given space in Zimbabwe, nor should anything associated with it be tolerated. The populist arguments are based on among other things, depicting heterosexuality as ‘natural’, homosexuality as ‘uncultural’ and ‘unChristian’, and stereotyping gay people as licentious. Drawing on ethnographic research, this paper explores how LGBT people in Harare perceive, make sense of and cope with the infamous hate speech, ‘worse than dogs and pigs’, by the former president and the implications of this on their self-perception as they defiantly express a narrative of self-affirmation challenging the marginal status in popularized discourse.
{"title":"LGBT individuals and the struggle against Robert Mugabe's extirpation in Zimbabwe","authors":"Nelson Muparamoto","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1812042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1812042","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Queer identities and non-heteronormative sexualities are increasingly becoming visible globally and Zimbabwe has witnessed an emergent queer mobilization and sexual identities politics. There have been significant attempts to expunge non-heterosexuals from Zimbabwean citizenry by drawing borders on the basis of sexual orientation. Over the years, western and local media have mediated a narrative of a thoroughly homophobic Zimbabwe, not the least emanating from the former president, Robert Mugabe's homophobic utterances which recurrently generated global news stories. A dominant discourse framed homosexual identities as on or beyond the border of what is socially acceptable, whilst the individuals with queer identities have been denied legal protection and status. Predominantly, homophobic sentiments are expressed, often reflecting the view that homosexual identities should not be given space in Zimbabwe, nor should anything associated with it be tolerated. The populist arguments are based on among other things, depicting heterosexuality as ‘natural’, homosexuality as ‘uncultural’ and ‘unChristian’, and stereotyping gay people as licentious. Drawing on ethnographic research, this paper explores how LGBT people in Harare perceive, make sense of and cope with the infamous hate speech, ‘worse than dogs and pigs’, by the former president and the implications of this on their self-perception as they defiantly express a narrative of self-affirmation challenging the marginal status in popularized discourse.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-08-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80128973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-13DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1787076
Elvis Nshom, Elizaveta A. Arzamastseva
ABSTRACT Chinese immigration to Cameroon has significantly increased within the last two decades. Members of the Cameroonian society have received Chinese presence with mixed feelings. Recent reports indicate that negative attitudes towards Chinese immigrants are on the rise. In a sample of 501 young people, ranging from 17 to 33 years old, this study specifically uses the integrated threat theory of prejudice to analyse the extent to which attitudes towards Chinese immigrants in Cameroon are predicted by the perception of threat. According to the most recent conceptualization of the integrated threat theory, there are two main types of threat that predict negative attitudes towards outgroups. These include realistic threat and symbolic threat. This study found that, a threat was a significant predictor of negative attitudes towards Chinese immigrants. However, individually, a realistic threat was the only threat that significantly predicted negative attitudes towards Chinese immigrants. Implications and future directions are discussed.
{"title":"Are Chinese immigrants in Cameroon perceived as a threat?","authors":"Elvis Nshom, Elizaveta A. Arzamastseva","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1787076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1787076","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Chinese immigration to Cameroon has significantly increased within the last two decades. Members of the Cameroonian society have received Chinese presence with mixed feelings. Recent reports indicate that negative attitudes towards Chinese immigrants are on the rise. In a sample of 501 young people, ranging from 17 to 33 years old, this study specifically uses the integrated threat theory of prejudice to analyse the extent to which attitudes towards Chinese immigrants in Cameroon are predicted by the perception of threat. According to the most recent conceptualization of the integrated threat theory, there are two main types of threat that predict negative attitudes towards outgroups. These include realistic threat and symbolic threat. This study found that, a threat was a significant predictor of negative attitudes towards Chinese immigrants. However, individually, a realistic threat was the only threat that significantly predicted negative attitudes towards Chinese immigrants. Implications and future directions are discussed.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90224475","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-04DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1787075
Norman Sempijja, Resego Reamogetse Letlhogile
ABSTRACT The rhetoric espoused by the opponents of the #FeesMustFall protests and universities’ management in South Africa framed the discourse around the need to securitize campuses against the protestors who were a danger to students and the wider university community. The protestors framed their arguments within the security-development context, arguing that without free education they were bound to be excluded from education and later from jobs and a good livelihood, hence endangering their security. The stalemate quickly resulted in the securitization of university spaces a development that was backed up with the brutal force of police and private security companies pushing the students to engage in extreme measures like burning buildings to be heard. Through the use of securitization theory, this paper explores the rationale for the securitization of university spaces. The Security-Development nexus perspective sheds more light on the motives behind the #Feesmustfall movement. The paper further explores whether the combination of the securitization of university spaces and the funding offered by President Zuma were enough to quell the protest. The paper further delves into the new reality of private security companies expanding their role in the securitization of South Africa and the waning role of the police in the protection of public spaces. Key findings of the study are that both the students and universities had different interests during the fees must fall and without a mediator, the use of force ensued. Although the South African government has invested more money into universities, the relationship between the university management and the students remains fractured. Plus the lack of trained police unit to deal with student protests leaves the police unable to maintain law and order without resorting to extreme violence.
{"title":"Security-development nexus and the securitization of university spaces in the #FeesMustFall protests in South Africa 2016–2018","authors":"Norman Sempijja, Resego Reamogetse Letlhogile","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1787075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1787075","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The rhetoric espoused by the opponents of the #FeesMustFall protests and universities’ management in South Africa framed the discourse around the need to securitize campuses against the protestors who were a danger to students and the wider university community. The protestors framed their arguments within the security-development context, arguing that without free education they were bound to be excluded from education and later from jobs and a good livelihood, hence endangering their security. The stalemate quickly resulted in the securitization of university spaces a development that was backed up with the brutal force of police and private security companies pushing the students to engage in extreme measures like burning buildings to be heard. Through the use of securitization theory, this paper explores the rationale for the securitization of university spaces. The Security-Development nexus perspective sheds more light on the motives behind the #Feesmustfall movement. The paper further explores whether the combination of the securitization of university spaces and the funding offered by President Zuma were enough to quell the protest. The paper further delves into the new reality of private security companies expanding their role in the securitization of South Africa and the waning role of the police in the protection of public spaces. Key findings of the study are that both the students and universities had different interests during the fees must fall and without a mediator, the use of force ensued. Although the South African government has invested more money into universities, the relationship between the university management and the students remains fractured. Plus the lack of trained police unit to deal with student protests leaves the police unable to maintain law and order without resorting to extreme violence.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09744053.2020.1787075","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72501545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-04DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1787077
J. P. Bohoslavsky
ABSTRACT Based on a United Nations mission the author conducted to Tunisia in 2017, this article studies the links between economy and human – in particular economic and social- rights in this country. It addresses the following two questions: how do the economic and financial difficulties and related policies implemented affect human rights in Tunisia? To what extent are corruption, illicit financial flows and human rights interlinked in the country? The text presents the most relevant international human rights standards and commitments of Tunisia as well as its national human rights framework concerning human rights and economic policies. It also presents the financial, economic and political challenges that the country faces and the government responses through economic reform programme. It also discusses the efforts made to address corruption and illicit financial flows, including asset recovery at home and abroad, the institutional capacity to fight illicit financial flows and corruption, establishing accountability and curbing impunity, the Truth and Dignity Commission, the organic law on reconciliation in the administrative field and accountability in the banking sector. The article concludes that, while acknowledging that the democratic government is still making efforts to cope with the economic legacy left by the Ben Ali’s regime, the economic reforms (such as austerity and adjustment) being implemented need to adopt a holistic human rights approach in order to ensure those reforms promote these rights more effectively. It also concludes that corruption continues to be a destabilizing force in Tunisia, infecting its economy and undermining the enjoyment of human rights in the country. Towards the end policy recommendations for discussion are presented.
{"title":"Assessing economic policies impact on human rights in Tunisia – lessons from a United Nations mission","authors":"J. P. Bohoslavsky","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1787077","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1787077","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Based on a United Nations mission the author conducted to Tunisia in 2017, this article studies the links between economy and human – in particular economic and social- rights in this country. It addresses the following two questions: how do the economic and financial difficulties and related policies implemented affect human rights in Tunisia? To what extent are corruption, illicit financial flows and human rights interlinked in the country? The text presents the most relevant international human rights standards and commitments of Tunisia as well as its national human rights framework concerning human rights and economic policies. It also presents the financial, economic and political challenges that the country faces and the government responses through economic reform programme. It also discusses the efforts made to address corruption and illicit financial flows, including asset recovery at home and abroad, the institutional capacity to fight illicit financial flows and corruption, establishing accountability and curbing impunity, the Truth and Dignity Commission, the organic law on reconciliation in the administrative field and accountability in the banking sector. The article concludes that, while acknowledging that the democratic government is still making efforts to cope with the economic legacy left by the Ben Ali’s regime, the economic reforms (such as austerity and adjustment) being implemented need to adopt a holistic human rights approach in order to ensure those reforms promote these rights more effectively. It also concludes that corruption continues to be a destabilizing force in Tunisia, infecting its economy and undermining the enjoyment of human rights in the country. Towards the end policy recommendations for discussion are presented.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85361773","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-13DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1754677
Siphamandla Zondi
ABSTRACT The status of the Chagos Island remains a subject of struggle in international relations pitting the United Kingdom and, by extension, the U.S. against the indigenous people of the Chagos who were forcibly displaced and exiled in order to accommodate a U.S. military base involved in evil conflicts in the lands of the Orient. Mauritius joined this struggle on the basis that the islands were separated from Mauritius by the British on the eve of independence in 1968. The Chagosians have for decades insisted on their right to self-determination and their right to return to the land of their ancestors, taking their battles to the streets of London and international courts. In spite of the growing support for their cause around the world and although they have scored some victories in courts and at the United Nations, their dreams remain deferred as the U.K. and the U.S. refuse to act justly and fairly. This is a classic case of neocolonial continuities that haunt post-colonial Africa, rendering independence meaningless for injustice anywhere in Africa is injustice against the whole of Africa. This paper suggests that the use of a decolonial lens of analysis infused with African anti-colonial perspectives enables us to understand the fundamental problems facing the Chagosians and to think of more permanent solutions to this quagmire.
{"title":"The post-colonial is neocolonial in the Indian Ocean region: the case of Chagos seen through the African-centred decolonial theoretical lens","authors":"Siphamandla Zondi","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1754677","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1754677","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The status of the Chagos Island remains a subject of struggle in international relations pitting the United Kingdom and, by extension, the U.S. against the indigenous people of the Chagos who were forcibly displaced and exiled in order to accommodate a U.S. military base involved in evil conflicts in the lands of the Orient. Mauritius joined this struggle on the basis that the islands were separated from Mauritius by the British on the eve of independence in 1968. The Chagosians have for decades insisted on their right to self-determination and their right to return to the land of their ancestors, taking their battles to the streets of London and international courts. In spite of the growing support for their cause around the world and although they have scored some victories in courts and at the United Nations, their dreams remain deferred as the U.K. and the U.S. refuse to act justly and fairly. This is a classic case of neocolonial continuities that haunt post-colonial Africa, rendering independence meaningless for injustice anywhere in Africa is injustice against the whole of Africa. This paper suggests that the use of a decolonial lens of analysis infused with African anti-colonial perspectives enables us to understand the fundamental problems facing the Chagosians and to think of more permanent solutions to this quagmire.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80072664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-05DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1757939
P. Haokip
{"title":"Africa and the Indian Ocean Region","authors":"P. Haokip","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1757939","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1757939","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84475803","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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