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A choreographed Sinophobia? An analysis of China's identity from the perspective of Zambia's Patriotic Front 精心设计的恐华症?从赞比亚爱国阵线看中国的身份认同
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1685322
Emmanuel Matambo
ABSTRACT China's identity in Zambia has been constructed in polarizing terms depending on the political and social standing of Zambians from political parties, civil society to ordinary citizens. The current paper looks at how the Patriotic Front (PF), from its time as an opposition to its time as a governing party, has constructed China's identity. The ill-will towards China that the PF constructed in its opposition days is described here as Sinophobia, a fear of China, the likely consequences of its investment and the presence of Chinese nationals. The paper traces how the PF (as an opposition party) moved from being a critic of China to being a staunch defender of China and Zambia-China relations (as ruling party). The conclusions drawn are that while Sinophobia was constructed, the fears expressed by the PF during its opposition days were justifiable and have become even more significant with the deepening of Zambia-China economic relations. Furthermore, the paper argues that current hostile positions towards China by opposition parties in Zambia reinforce the argument that China is an opportune pretext for those who hope to win the support of ordinary Zambians, who endure the perceived threat that comes with Chinese investment and Chinese employers and entrepreneurs. The paper relied mainly on Zambian media, government reports and legislation documents, the author's empirical study on China's identity and interest in Zambia and scholarly secondary literature as sources of data.
中国在赞比亚的身份认同一直以两极分化的方式构建,这取决于赞比亚人从政党、公民社会到普通公民的政治和社会地位。本文着眼于爱国阵线(PF)如何从反对党到执政党,构建中国的身份认同。民阵在执政期间对中国的敌意被描述为“恐华症”,即对中国的恐惧,对中国投资和中国公民存在的可能后果的恐惧。本文追溯了爱国阵线(作为反对党)如何从批评中国转变为坚定捍卫中国和赞比亚-中国关系(作为执政党)。得出的结论是,尽管“恐华症”是被制造出来的,但爱国阵线在执政期间表达的担忧是合理的,随着赞比亚与中国经济关系的深化,这种担忧变得更加严重。此外,本文认为,目前赞比亚反对党对中国的敌对立场强化了这样一种观点,即对于那些希望赢得普通赞比亚人支持的人来说,中国是一个合适的借口,普通赞比亚人忍受着来自中国投资、中国雇主和企业家的威胁。本文主要依靠赞比亚媒体、政府报告和立法文件、作者对中国在赞比亚的身份和兴趣的实证研究以及学术二手文献作为数据来源。
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引用次数: 3
An overview of the obstacles to the African economic integration process in view of the African continental free trade area 从非洲大陆自由贸易区的角度概述非洲经济一体化进程的障碍
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1685336
Michael Takudzwa Pasara
ABSTRACT African governments signed the largest trade agreement, the Continental Free Trade Agreement in 2018 in order to boost intra-trade thereby improving economic welfare of African citizens. This paper provides an overview of the obstacles to the African economic integration process experienced in the past and the possible solutions. The paper discussed the theoretical postulations and empirically reviewed some African experiences. Some theoretical aspects included not only the traditional international trade theories but also other non-orthodox theories such as organizational theories which include intergovernmentalism, neofunctionalism and neorealism. Empirically, Africa’s economic integration challenges range from economic such as polarization of benefits towards larger economies at the expense of smaller economies, an unclear model of distributing welfare gains (or losses), traditional trade models which do not stimulate intra-African trade, several non-tariff and institutional barriers among other factors. Other challenges include lack of political will to implement signed trade contracts and political instability in some economic regions which results in small and fragmented markets. The paper also discussed the legal challenges such as lack of standardization on products and procedures which result in subjectivity in interpretation of trade instruments. The paper made recommendations to each identified challenge in order to make the CFTA more effective.
非洲各国政府于2018年签署了最大的贸易协定——大陆自由贸易协定,以促进内部贸易,从而改善非洲公民的经济福利。本文概述了过去非洲经济一体化进程中遇到的障碍以及可能的解决办法。本文讨论了理论假设,并对非洲的一些经验进行了实证回顾。一些理论方面既包括传统的国际贸易理论,也包括一些非正统的理论,如政府间主义、新功能主义和新现实主义等组织理论。从经验上看,非洲的经济一体化挑战包括经济上的,例如以牺牲较小经济体为代价向较大经济体提供的利益两极分化,分配福利收益(或损失)的不明确模式,不能刺激非洲内部贸易的传统贸易模式,以及其他因素中的一些非关税和制度障碍。其他挑战包括缺乏执行已签署的贸易合同的政治意愿和一些经济区域的政治不稳定,导致市场小而分散。本文还讨论了诸如产品和程序缺乏标准化等法律挑战,从而导致对贸易文书的解释存在主观性。该文件针对每个确定的挑战提出了建议,以使CFTA更加有效。
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引用次数: 15
U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement: implications for climate finance in Africa 美国退出《巴黎协定》:对非洲气候融资的影响
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1685334
O. Olutola
ABSTRACT Relying on complex interdependence as a theoretical approach, this paper investigates the hypothetical damage that the U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement could represent for Africa in terms of climate finance. In June 2017, President Donald Trump publicly declared the U.S. intention to withdraw from further participating in the multilateral Paris Agreement. To keen followers and analysts of the U.S. climate policy beyond its borders, such unilateral action was never a surprise. Rather, it is nostalgic of the experience of the Kyoto Protocol, particularly how more or less similar move unduly prolonged the global climate negotiations up till late 2015 when the Paris Agreement came about. Although the Paris Agreement is remarkable as it represents the first states-wide climate deal, it however left a number of issues unresolved. Notable among which is climate finance which has remained the most contentious and of critical concern to developing countries, particularly in Africa. Pitted against the fact that Africa contributes less to climate change and, ironically, the hardest-hit by the phenomenon, the U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement aggravates concerns around climate finance and, indeed, portends additional burdens for a continent that is still struggling to cope with the untoward fallout of climate change.
本文以复杂的相互依赖为理论方法,研究了美国退出《巴黎协定》可能对非洲气候融资造成的假设损害。2017年6月,唐纳德·特朗普总统公开宣布美国打算退出进一步参与多边的《巴黎协定》。对于美国气候政策的海外热心追随者和分析人士来说,这种单边行动从来都不奇怪。相反,这是对《京都议定书》经历的怀念,特别是类似的举动是如何过度延长了全球气候谈判,直到2015年底《巴黎协定》出台。尽管《巴黎协定》是第一个全国性的气候协议,值得注意,但它也留下了一些未解决的问题。其中值得注意的是气候融资,这一问题一直是发展中国家,特别是非洲发展中国家最具争议和最关键的问题。非洲对气候变化的影响较小,而且具有讽刺意味的是,非洲是受气候变化影响最严重的地区,与此相反,美国退出《巴黎协定》加剧了人们对气候融资的担忧,实际上,这预示着非洲大陆仍在努力应对气候变化的不利影响。
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引用次数: 3
Mitigating gender gap in access to primary education in rural areas of Morocco 缓解摩洛哥农村地区初等教育机会中的性别差距
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1685335
Young joo Lee, Fouad Mouktaoui, YoungHwan Kim
ABSTRACT Under the influence of the common goals of Education For All (EFA), Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in the international development realm, many countries around the world have reached a great level of development through continuous improvement in education since 2000. Meanwhile, Morocco could be one of the developing countries that struggle to resolve many problems resulting from having a weak educational system, which has been considered as one of the main obstacles to the country's economic growth. The purpose of this article is to analyse the gender gap in access to primary education in rural areas of Morocco, focusing on primary school girls. Based on the investigation on the major obstacles, we carried out descriptive statistics with selected variables such as the adjusted net enrolment rate, the cumulative drop-out rate to the last grade, the gross intake ration (graduation ratio) to the last grade, and Gender Parity Index (GPI). In addition, we conducted a few private interviews via Skype with local stakeholders to underpin our research and to reflect personal ideas on the Moroccan educational system from their own perspective. Lastly, we suggested applicable solutions against those barriers from the perspective of education ODA.
在国际发展领域全民教育(Education For All, EFA)、千年发展目标(Millennium Development goals, MDGs)和可持续发展目标(Sustainable Development goals, SDGs)共同目标的影响下,2000年以来,世界上许多国家通过教育的不断改善,取得了很大的发展水平。与此同时,摩洛哥可能是努力解决由于教育制度薄弱而造成的许多问题的发展中国家之一,这被认为是该国经济增长的主要障碍之一。本文的目的是分析摩洛哥农村地区获得初等教育的性别差距,重点关注小学女生。在对主要障碍进行调查的基础上,选取调整后净入学率、至末级累计退学率、至末级毛入学率(毕业率)、性别均等指数(GPI)等变量进行描述性统计。此外,我们通过Skype与当地利益相关者进行了一些私人访谈,以支持我们的研究,并从他们自己的角度反映他们对摩洛哥教育系统的个人看法。最后,我们从教育官方发展援助的角度提出了解决这些障碍的可行方法。
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引用次数: 0
The subversive rug or how art reconciles with suffering in the postcolonial Maghreb: a reading of Laila Lalami’s ‘The Storyteller’ 颠覆性的地毯或艺术如何与后殖民时期马格里布的苦难和解:阅读莱拉·拉拉米的《讲故事的人》
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1637190
F. Mami
ABSTRACT Research on illegal immigration rarely checks the postmodernist propulsions that hinge on postcolonial subjects and their choices. In the following essay on Laila Lalami’s last piece, titled: ‘The Storyteller’ in Hope and Other Dangerous Pursuits (2005), an argument is specified through the Moroccan-American author carefully tracing Murad’s rise from the dregs of angst. This rise reflects the lives of disenchanted Maghrebi youths seeking illegal immigration or harr’ga as part of impinging postmodernism on postcolonial experience. Embracing the future in Murad’s circumstances could be possible via affective, not cognitive, means, by investing in cultural memory. Following his deportation from Spain, Murad, the failed harr’ag, becomes emotionally damaged, a force of destruction propelling his own annihilation. Only when abiding by the story he learned from his deceased father does he notice his chances of reconciling with suffering. Through the medieval story of Ghomari, the rug weaver, whose art brought down a despot, Murad shakes off the two American tourists’ emotional oversight of what it means to be postcolonial. Eventually, Murad decides to become a writer: an artist and dreamer. By combining phenomenological, existential, and mythical insights, the essay highlights how Lalami’s story leads readers to discover an empowering narrative for the Maghrebi youth; affective empowerment rooted in shouldering responsibility and emulating the mythic hero.
对非法移民的研究很少考察后现代主义的推动力,这种推动力依赖于后殖民主体及其选择。下面这篇文章是关于Laila Lalami的最后一篇作品,题目是《希望与其他危险的追求》(2005)中的“讲故事的人”,这位摩洛哥裔美国作家仔细地追溯了穆拉德从焦虑的渣滓中崛起的过程,并提出了一个论点。这种上升反映了马格里布年轻人的生活,他们寻求非法移民或harr 'ga,作为后现代主义对后殖民经验的冲击的一部分。在穆拉德的情况下,拥抱未来是可能的,通过情感的方式,而不是认知的方式,通过投资文化记忆。在被西班牙驱逐出境后,失败的哈拉格人穆拉德在情感上受到了伤害,一股毁灭的力量推动着他自己的毁灭。只有当他遵守从他已故的父亲那里得知的故事时,他才注意到他与苦难和解的机会。通过古马里(Ghomari)的中世纪故事,穆拉德摆脱了两位美国游客对后殖民意味着什么的情感上的疏忽。古马里是一个编织地毯的人,他的艺术推翻了一个暴君。最终,穆拉德决定成为一名作家:艺术家和梦想家。通过结合现象学、存在主义和神话的见解,这篇文章强调了拉拉米的故事如何引导读者发现马格里布青年的赋权叙事;情感赋权根植于承担责任和模仿神话英雄。
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引用次数: 2
Illegal street vending and national security in Harare, Zimbabwe 津巴布韦首都哈拉雷的非法街头贩卖与国家安全
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1685323
Mediel Hove, Enock Ndawana, Wonder S. Ndemera
ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to examine the link between political and socio-economic dynamics of illegal street vending and national security in Zimbabwe using the case of Harare. Scholarship has increasingly focused on the interface between the urban informal economy and politics in Zimbabwe. However, the nexus between illegal street vending and national security emerges as a major gulf which this article attempts to fill. Using the human security concept as its framework for analysis and relying on data collected through focus group discussions, observations and interviews with street vendors and different officials as well as content analysis, the article argues that the illegal street vending’s negative effects on human security threaten national security. On the whole, the negative effects of illegal street vending that have the potential to prompt national insecurity include lawlessness, environmental pollution and public health hazards as well as, though arguable, providing a ready recruiting ground for violent mass protests which attract the attendant police violence thus generating social unrest. The article concludes that the deterioration of human security conditions due to illegal street vending endangers national security.
本文旨在以哈拉雷为例,探讨津巴布韦非法街头贩卖与国家安全的政治和社会经济动态之间的联系。学术界越来越关注津巴布韦城市非正规经济与政治之间的关系。然而,非法街头贩卖与国家安全之间的关系成为本文试图填补的一个主要鸿沟。本文以人的安全概念为分析框架,通过焦点小组讨论、对摊贩和不同官员的观察和访谈以及内容分析等收集的数据,认为非法摊贩对人的安全的负面影响威胁着国家安全。总的来说,非法街头贩卖有可能造成国家不安全的负面影响,包括无法无天、环境污染和公共健康危害,以及(尽管有争议)为大规模暴力抗议活动提供了现成的温床,这些抗议活动吸引随之而来的警察暴力,从而造成社会动荡。文章的结论是,由于非法街头贩卖导致的人类安全状况恶化危及国家安全。
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引用次数: 9
Africapitalism rethinking role of business in Africa 非洲资本主义反思商业在非洲的角色
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1689345
S. Hameed
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引用次数: 0
Building a Resilient and Sustainable Agriculture in Sub-Saharan Africa 在撒哈拉以南非洲建设有抵御力和可持续的农业
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-11-11 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1688933
I. Ahmad
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引用次数: 3
Ocean governance, integrated maritime security and its impact in the Gulf of Guinea: a lesson for Nigeria’s maritime sector and economy 海洋治理、综合海上安全及其对几内亚湾的影响:给尼日利亚海事部门和经济的一个教训
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1631640
Chinyere Anozie, T. O. Umahi, G. Onuoha, N. Nwafor, Onyedikachi Josiah Alozie
ABSTRACT This article examines ocean governance in relation to issues of maritime security and transportation in Nigeria and highlights the contributions of the Gulf of Guinea Commission in addressing maritime security challenges plaguing the region. The efforts to tackle various crimes at sea show the extent to which an integrated response strategy on the part of States can help to overcome the scourge. The article recommends solutions the government in collaboration with neighbouring States and regulatory agencies at regional and national levels can employ in order to achieve effective ocean governance and economic development through an integrated maritime strategy and policy.
本文探讨了与尼日利亚海上安全和运输问题有关的海洋治理,并强调了几内亚湾委员会在解决困扰该地区的海上安全挑战方面的贡献。打击各种海上犯罪的努力表明,各国的综合反应战略可以在多大程度上帮助克服这一祸害。文章建议政府与邻国以及区域和国家一级的监管机构合作采用解决办法,以便通过综合海洋战略和政策实现有效的海洋治理和经济发展。
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引用次数: 5
Sustaining Ghana’s cocoa sector through environmentally smart agricultural practices: an assessment of the environmental impacts of cocoa production in Ghana 通过环境智慧型农业实践维持加纳可可部门:加纳可可生产对环境影响的评估
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1635416
Stephen Appiah Takyi, O. Amponsah, D. Inkoom, Gideon Abagna Azunre
ABSTRACT The sustainability of the cocoa industry in the developing world depends heavily on the preservation of the natural environment. There is, therefore, an urgent need for more research, policies and strategies that will help address and minimize the environmental impacts of cocoa production. This study was conducted using both secondary and primary data sources. The secondary data were collected from documentary sources such as reports from the Ministry of Food and Agriculture and the Cocoa Pests and Diseases Control Programme (CODAPEC). On the other hand, the primary data involved an interview of 15 field officers of the Ghana Cocoa Board. These field officers were purposively selected to help ascertain some of the effects of cocoa production on the environment. The study showed that the environmental impact of cocoa production manifest in the clearance of virgin forests for the expansion of cocoa farms (clearance of 117,240 hectares of forest resources between 2010 and 2015), the clearance of forest for the construction of feeder roads (3000 kilometres of new feeder roads constructed to link cocoa farms to the various marketing outlets) and pollution from the use of pesticides and insecticides. In order to address this problem, there is the need for effective and efficient environmental impact assessment system for large scale agricultural production and the construction of feeder roads to farms. Adequate measures should be put in place by the relevant regulatory agencies such as the Environmental Protection Agency to ensure that the mitigation measures proposed in the environmental assessment process are implemented to minimize the environmental footprint of cocoa production.
发展中国家可可产业的可持续性在很大程度上取决于对自然环境的保护。因此,迫切需要更多的研究、政策和战略来帮助解决和减少可可生产对环境的影响。本研究采用二级和一级数据来源进行。二级数据是从文件来源收集的,例如粮食和农业部和可可病虫害控制计划(CODAPEC)的报告。另一方面,主要数据涉及对加纳可可委员会的15名外地干事的采访。这些实地工作人员是有意挑选的,以帮助确定可可生产对环境的一些影响。研究表明,可可生产对环境的影响体现在为可可农场扩张而砍伐原始森林(2010年至2015年期间砍伐了117,240公顷森林资源),为建设支线公路而砍伐森林(建造了3000公里的新支线公路,将可可农场与各种销售网点连接起来),以及使用杀虫剂和杀虫剂造成的污染。为了解决这一问题,需要建立有效、高效的大规模农业生产环境影响评价体系和建设通往农场的支线公路。环境保护署等相关监管机构应采取适当措施,确保执行环境评估过程中提出的缓解措施,以尽量减少可可生产对环境的影响。
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引用次数: 8
期刊
Africa Review
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