Pub Date : 2020-08-18DOI: 10.1163/18747167-bja10005
S. Arjomand
This paper examines the emergence of Sufism and its differentiation from other religious trends in early Islamic Khorasan and Transoxania and traces the influence of Buddhism and Manichæism on the development of Sufism. The corresponding professionalization of the Sufi sheikhs in this formative process went hand in hand with the elaboration of Sufi mystical theory. The theoretical elaboration of Sufism consisted in the development of a theory of divine love culminating in the masterpieces of Farid al-Din ʿAttār on the eve of the Mongol invasion. The paper highlights the strong connection between Sufism and fotovvat (urban brotherhoods) during the emergence of Sufism in Khorasan and its gradual weakening that resulted from the increasing professionalization of Sufism and the formation of a distinct Persianate Sufi identity. The appropriation and transformation of royal symbolism in the Sufi texts is then analyzed in the last section.
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Pub Date : 2020-08-18DOI: 10.1163/18747167-bja10001
R. Matthee
This essay identifies an historically-enduring Iranian insistence on self-sufficiency—which can be summed up, in a superordinate manner, as the idea that the world needs Iran more than Iran needs the world. Economically, this insistence is reflected in a (rhetorical) quest for self-reliance in production; politically, it tends to be articulated in an instinctive anti-(neo)colonial, often defiant stance vis-à-vis the world; and culturally, it is often expressed as a claim to civilizational grandeur, indeed uniqueness. The origins of this conceit have to be sought in antecedents combining economic perceptions with cultural assumptions that long precede Western imperialism and modern nationalism. These, in turn, are grounded in patterns of thought that reflect specific pre-modern physical and geopolitical conditions which go back to pre-Islamic notions of paradisiacal abundance as much as to economic realities encapsulated by Aristotle’s idea(l) of the self-sufficient household. I also argue that the notion evolved over time even as it retained its moral core. What was an instinctive dismissal of the outside world as dispensable, after 1800 became a self-conscious stance against foreign encroachment, real or imagined. In the course of the twentieth century, a quest for material autarky coupled with an insistence on cultural exceptionalism became an integral part of modern Iranian nationalism.
{"title":"“Neither Eastern nor Western, Iranian”: How the Quest for Self-Sufficiency Helped Shape Iran’s Modern Nationalism","authors":"R. Matthee","doi":"10.1163/18747167-bja10001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-bja10001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This essay identifies an historically-enduring Iranian insistence on self-sufficiency—which can be summed up, in a superordinate manner, as the idea that the world needs Iran more than Iran needs the world. Economically, this insistence is reflected in a (rhetorical) quest for self-reliance in production; politically, it tends to be articulated in an instinctive anti-(neo)colonial, often defiant stance vis-à-vis the world; and culturally, it is often expressed as a claim to civilizational grandeur, indeed uniqueness. The origins of this conceit have to be sought in antecedents combining economic perceptions with cultural assumptions that long precede Western imperialism and modern nationalism. These, in turn, are grounded in patterns of thought that reflect specific pre-modern physical and geopolitical conditions which go back to pre-Islamic notions of paradisiacal abundance as much as to economic realities encapsulated by Aristotle’s idea(l) of the self-sufficient household. I also argue that the notion evolved over time even as it retained its moral core. What was an instinctive dismissal of the outside world as dispensable, after 1800 became a self-conscious stance against foreign encroachment, real or imagined. In the course of the twentieth century, a quest for material autarky coupled with an insistence on cultural exceptionalism became an integral part of modern Iranian nationalism.","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18747167-bja10001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49401511","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-18DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341328
M. Rahmati
The sparse historical data suggest that Yaʿqub b. Layth was the first Iranian ruler following the Arab-Islamic conquests to make significant efforts to revive Persian kingship. This article seeks to clarify, as far as possible, Yaʿqub’s actions and goals, as well as the context for his efforts. This interpretation of the sources argues that the Saffarid ruler’s government faced a crisis of social legitimacy owing to the tense relations that developed between Yaʿqub and the caliph on the one hand, and the nobles of Khorasan on the other. In this context, only in the last four years of his rule was Yaʿqub, in an effort to legitimate his power, forced to turn away from dependence on caliphal investiture and to appeal instead to a revival of Persian kingship (without the official use of the title “king”).
{"title":"The Saffarid Yaʿqub b. Layth and the Revival of Persian Kingship","authors":"M. Rahmati","doi":"10.1163/18747167-12341328","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341328","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The sparse historical data suggest that Yaʿqub b. Layth was the first Iranian ruler following the Arab-Islamic conquests to make significant efforts to revive Persian kingship. This article seeks to clarify, as far as possible, Yaʿqub’s actions and goals, as well as the context for his efforts. This interpretation of the sources argues that the Saffarid ruler’s government faced a crisis of social legitimacy owing to the tense relations that developed between Yaʿqub and the caliph on the one hand, and the nobles of Khorasan on the other. In this context, only in the last four years of his rule was Yaʿqub, in an effort to legitimate his power, forced to turn away from dependence on caliphal investiture and to appeal instead to a revival of Persian kingship (without the official use of the title “king”).","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18747167-12341328","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46636140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341338
S. Ogura
This essay explores the forms of political legitimacy claimed by Muslim sultans and received by their Muslim and non-Muslim subjects in sultanate and early Mughal Kashmir. The establishment of the Shahmirid sultanate in 1339 marked the beginning of a new multilingual situation where Sanskrit and Persian were both used as official languages. In such a situation, presentation of the Shahmirids’ political legitimacy took different forms depending on the language in which it was made. Shahmirid sultans declared their Indic legitimacy in Sanskrit and Islamic legitimacy in Persian. A polyglot chose the Indic legitimacy to praise the contemporary sultan in his Sanskrit writing with full knowledge of the Islamic legitimacy claimed by the same sultan. In such a situation, a ruler’s action that was deeply linked with his claim of legitimacy, e.g., Akbar’s sun-veneration could be interpreted differently by the observers depending on the language used to express their interpretations.
{"title":"In This Corner of the Entangled Cosmopolises: Political Legitimacies in the Multilingual Society of Sultanate and Early Mughal Kashmir","authors":"S. Ogura","doi":"10.1163/18747167-12341338","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341338","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This essay explores the forms of political legitimacy claimed by Muslim sultans and received by their Muslim and non-Muslim subjects in sultanate and early Mughal Kashmir. The establishment of the Shahmirid sultanate in 1339 marked the beginning of a new multilingual situation where Sanskrit and Persian were both used as official languages. In such a situation, presentation of the Shahmirids’ political legitimacy took different forms depending on the language in which it was made. Shahmirid sultans declared their Indic legitimacy in Sanskrit and Islamic legitimacy in Persian. A polyglot chose the Indic legitimacy to praise the contemporary sultan in his Sanskrit writing with full knowledge of the Islamic legitimacy claimed by the same sultan. In such a situation, a ruler’s action that was deeply linked with his claim of legitimacy, e.g., Akbar’s sun-veneration could be interpreted differently by the observers depending on the language used to express their interpretations.","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18747167-12341338","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46381612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341339
Kazuo Morimoto
The development of kingship and political legitimacy in the Persianate world is marked by its synthesis and entangling of many different religious, philosophical, and intellectual discourses of varying ethnic and geographical origins.* This is all the truer with respect to the periods after 1258, where the authority of the caliphs in Baghdad was no longer existent and Mongol dominance brought about new types of authority and legitimacy. The ways in which Timur’s authority was characterized during his own time and during the time of his immediate descendants demonstrate amply the complexity involved in the processes of political legitimation in the “post-Baghdad” (or “post-1258”) period: these included, among others, Chengizid (albeit indirectly), astrologically-ordained, and even ʿAlid legitimacies (Mano; Woods; Chann; Moin, ch. 2; Morimoto). In the meantime, vigorous research in recent years has elucidated the evolution of the processes of legitimation in the early-modern Persianate world, where, among others, new modes of interaction between politics and religion were manifested in widespread claims to sacral kingship.1 Attempts are already being made to look at the several centuries of the post-Baghdad period as a
{"title":"Introduction: Kingship and Political Legitimacy in the Persianate World","authors":"Kazuo Morimoto","doi":"10.1163/18747167-12341339","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341339","url":null,"abstract":"The development of kingship and political legitimacy in the Persianate world is marked by its synthesis and entangling of many different religious, philosophical, and intellectual discourses of varying ethnic and geographical origins.* This is all the truer with respect to the periods after 1258, where the authority of the caliphs in Baghdad was no longer existent and Mongol dominance brought about new types of authority and legitimacy. The ways in which Timur’s authority was characterized during his own time and during the time of his immediate descendants demonstrate amply the complexity involved in the processes of political legitimation in the “post-Baghdad” (or “post-1258”) period: these included, among others, Chengizid (albeit indirectly), astrologically-ordained, and even ʿAlid legitimacies (Mano; Woods; Chann; Moin, ch. 2; Morimoto). In the meantime, vigorous research in recent years has elucidated the evolution of the processes of legitimation in the early-modern Persianate world, where, among others, new modes of interaction between politics and religion were manifested in widespread claims to sacral kingship.1 Attempts are already being made to look at the several centuries of the post-Baghdad period as a","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18747167-12341339","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42518892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341336
N. Kondo
This paper focuses on how early Qajars established their rule and legitimacy. At first, Āqā Mohammad Khān, the first shah, imitated other rulers since Nāder Shāh, such as Mohammad-Hasan Khān Qājār, Āzād Khān Afghān, and Karim Khān Zand, in his coins and documents. Like his predecessors, he also tried to install a Safavid prince at Tehran as a puppet ruler. However, following his official coronation and his conquest of Iran, he changed the format of his royal edicts and issued extraordinarily heavy gold coins. Nevertheless, neither Āqā Mohammad Khān nor his successors created an official genealogy to legitimize their rule, instead modifying a genealogical tree of Ottoman origin to juxtapose their names alongside those of other royal families without connecting themselves directly to Biblical or Qurʾanic ancestors. The early Qajar case reveals new methods of establishing dynastic legitimacy which differed from the approach of earlier dynasties in the Persianate world.
{"title":"How to Found a New Dynasty: The Early Qajars’ Quest for Legitimacy","authors":"N. Kondo","doi":"10.1163/18747167-12341336","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341336","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper focuses on how early Qajars established their rule and legitimacy. At first, Āqā Mohammad Khān, the first shah, imitated other rulers since Nāder Shāh, such as Mohammad-Hasan Khān Qājār, Āzād Khān Afghān, and Karim Khān Zand, in his coins and documents. Like his predecessors, he also tried to install a Safavid prince at Tehran as a puppet ruler. However, following his official coronation and his conquest of Iran, he changed the format of his royal edicts and issued extraordinarily heavy gold coins. Nevertheless, neither Āqā Mohammad Khān nor his successors created an official genealogy to legitimize their rule, instead modifying a genealogical tree of Ottoman origin to juxtapose their names alongside those of other royal families without connecting themselves directly to Biblical or Qurʾanic ancestors. The early Qajar case reveals new methods of establishing dynastic legitimacy which differed from the approach of earlier dynasties in the Persianate world.","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18747167-12341336","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46214967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341334
Osamu Otsuka
This article discusses the flowering of Persian literature under the patronage of the Hazaraspid Nosrat al-Din, the local ruler of Lorestan in the late Il-khanid period. It is generally accepted that Persian literature evolved dramatically under the patronage of Mongol Il-khanid rulers. However, little research deals with the contribution of local rulers to this evolution. Persian literary works offered to Nosrat al-Din present him as a descendant of the legendary Kayanid kings and celebrate him as an ideal ruler who combined the characteristics of a Persian and an Islamic ruler. While accepting the suzerainty of the Il-khanids, Nosrat al-Din justified his power by emphasizing his identity as a Persian ruler by patronizing such cultural activities. This study presents a case where the growing awareness of a local ruler as a legitimate Persian ruler under Mongol domination contributed to the evolution of Persian literature at the time.
{"title":"The Hazaraspid Dynasty’s Legendary Kayanid Ancestry: the Flowering of Persian Literature under the Patronage of Local Rulers in the Late Il-khanid Period","authors":"Osamu Otsuka","doi":"10.1163/18747167-12341334","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341334","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article discusses the flowering of Persian literature under the patronage of the Hazaraspid Nosrat al-Din, the local ruler of Lorestan in the late Il-khanid period. It is generally accepted that Persian literature evolved dramatically under the patronage of Mongol Il-khanid rulers. However, little research deals with the contribution of local rulers to this evolution. Persian literary works offered to Nosrat al-Din present him as a descendant of the legendary Kayanid kings and celebrate him as an ideal ruler who combined the characteristics of a Persian and an Islamic ruler. While accepting the suzerainty of the Il-khanids, Nosrat al-Din justified his power by emphasizing his identity as a Persian ruler by patronizing such cultural activities. This study presents a case where the growing awareness of a local ruler as a legitimate Persian ruler under Mongol domination contributed to the evolution of Persian literature at the time.","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18747167-12341334","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45715294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341340
Evrim Binbaş
This article provides an account of the transfer of power from the Jalayirids to the Qara Qoyunlu in ʿErāq al-ʿArab (Iraq) and the religio-political history of the Qara Qoyunlu dynasty with a particular focus on the reign of Shāh Mohammad b. Qara Yusof, the Qara Qoyunlu ruler in Baghdad between 1411/814 and 1433/836. Contemporary historians accused Shāh Mohammad of unbelief and apostasy. The article argues that the reports on his conversion to Christianity might be an indication for the existence of a form of Islamic piety that involved the veneration of Jesus. Unlike the veneration of ʿAli b. Abi Tāleb and his descendants, the veneration of Jesus among the Turkmens of the fifteenth century is an understudied topic. This article is a contribution to the debate on the issue of the so-called “Turkmen religiosity,” which is often considered the wellspring of non-mainstream religious movements in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
这篇文章提供了一个关于权力从Jalayirids转移到al- al- Arab(伊拉克)的Qara Qoyunlu王朝的宗教-政治历史的叙述，并特别关注Shāh Mohammad b. Qara Yusof的统治，他是Qara Qoyunlu在1411/814和1433/836之间在巴格达的统治者。当代历史学家指责Shāh穆罕默德不信教和叛教。这篇文章认为，关于他改信基督教的报道可能表明存在一种形式的伊斯兰虔诚，其中包括对耶稣的崇拜。与对al - Ali b. Abi Tāleb及其后裔的崇拜不同，15世纪土库曼人对耶稣的崇拜是一个未被充分研究的话题。这篇文章是对所谓的“土库曼宗教虔诚”问题的辩论的贡献，这通常被认为是16世纪和17世纪非主流宗教运动的源泉。
{"title":"The Jalayirid Hidden King and the Unbelief of Shāh Mohammad Qara Qoyunlu","authors":"Evrim Binbaş","doi":"10.1163/18747167-12341340","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341340","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article provides an account of the transfer of power from the Jalayirids to the Qara Qoyunlu in ʿErāq al-ʿArab (Iraq) and the religio-political history of the Qara Qoyunlu dynasty with a particular focus on the reign of Shāh Mohammad b. Qara Yusof, the Qara Qoyunlu ruler in Baghdad between 1411/814 and 1433/836. Contemporary historians accused Shāh Mohammad of unbelief and apostasy. The article argues that the reports on his conversion to Christianity might be an indication for the existence of a form of Islamic piety that involved the veneration of Jesus. Unlike the veneration of ʿAli b. Abi Tāleb and his descendants, the veneration of Jesus among the Turkmens of the fifteenth century is an understudied topic. This article is a contribution to the debate on the issue of the so-called “Turkmen religiosity,” which is often considered the wellspring of non-mainstream religious movements in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18747167-12341340","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44325911","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-05DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341329
Ghazzal Dabiri
This paper addresses Farid al-Din ʿAttār’s views on social and kingly ethics as espoused in the Elāhi-nāma. It offers a holistic reading of its stories, which are suffused with the tenets of Sufism, to illustrate the myriad ways that the Elāhi-nāma adopts and adapts the characteristics and tropes of practical ethics and Sufi hagiographies to advance its views. Indeed, the Elāhi-nāma promotes the ideal Sufi king and society by encouraging its members—saints, kings, and common folk—to be responsible, as individuals, for nurturing their souls, each other, and a love for the divine. It accomplishes this through a number of tale types, such as the saint or ruler who stumbles his or her way into self-awareness, the Sufi master or ruler who falters and is in need of guidance, or the hagiographical portraits of kings-as-Sufi lovers. In order to provide the appropriate context for the arguments herein, the paper explores several prominent themes and tropes from practical ethics and hagiographies and discusses Ebn ʿArabi’s al-Tadbirāt al-elāhiyya fi eslāh al-mamlaka al-ensāniyya for current notions on the responsibility of individuals and kings.
本文论述了法里德·丁·阿卜杜拉Attār在Elāhi-nāma中所支持的社会和国王伦理的观点。它提供了对其故事的整体阅读，这些故事充满了苏菲主义的信条，以说明Elāhi-nāma采用和适应实践伦理学和苏菲圣徒传记的特征和修辞的无数方式来推进其观点。的确，Elāhi-nāma通过鼓励其成员——圣人、国王和普通民众——作为个人负责，培养他们的灵魂，彼此，以及对神的爱，来促进理想的苏菲国王和社会。它通过许多类型的故事来实现这一点，比如圣人或统治者跌跌撞撞地进入自我意识，苏非大师或统治者步履蹒跚，需要指导，或者是国王作为苏非爱好者的圣徒肖像。为了为本文的论点提供适当的背景，本文探讨了实用伦理学和圣徒传中的几个突出主题和比喻，并讨论了埃本·阿拉比的al-Tadbirāt al-elāhiyya fi eslāh al-mamlaka al-ensāniyya对个人和国王责任的当前观念。
{"title":"“When a Lion is Chided by an Ant”: Everyday Saints and the Making of Sufi Kings in ʿAttār’s Elāhi-nāma","authors":"Ghazzal Dabiri","doi":"10.1163/18747167-12341329","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341329","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses Farid al-Din ʿAttār’s views on social and kingly ethics as espoused in the Elāhi-nāma. It offers a holistic reading of its stories, which are suffused with the tenets of Sufism, to illustrate the myriad ways that the Elāhi-nāma adopts and adapts the characteristics and tropes of practical ethics and Sufi hagiographies to advance its views. Indeed, the Elāhi-nāma promotes the ideal Sufi king and society by encouraging its members—saints, kings, and common folk—to be responsible, as individuals, for nurturing their souls, each other, and a love for the divine. It accomplishes this through a number of tale types, such as the saint or ruler who stumbles his or her way into self-awareness, the Sufi master or ruler who falters and is in need of guidance, or the hagiographical portraits of kings-as-Sufi lovers. In order to provide the appropriate context for the arguments herein, the paper explores several prominent themes and tropes from practical ethics and hagiographies and discusses Ebn ʿArabi’s al-Tadbirāt al-elāhiyya fi eslāh al-mamlaka al-ensāniyya for current notions on the responsibility of individuals and kings.","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18747167-12341329","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48236267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-05DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341335
Domenico Ingenito
This article approaches Saʿdi’s little-studied panegyric production. The contribution focuses on an encomiastic modality that is almost completely neglected when it comes to the study of the Persian qasida as a performative text that enacts the political, ethical, and aesthetic values of the court. This modality is primarily amatory, and combines the standard erotic discourse of the Ghaznavids and late Saljuq poems of praise with Saʿdi’s original theo-erotic lyricism, which is mostly known through his ghazals. This critical approach will unfold by unearthing its underlying functions in a broad variety of qasidas that relate to the courtly conversations between Saʿdi and two young rulers who patronized the majority of Saʿdi’s literary activities: the Salghurid prince Saʿd b. Abi Bakr (d. 1260), and the minister of finances (sāheb divān) of the Il-khanid empire, Shams al-Din Jovayni (d. 1284).
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