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A Decade of Persianate Studies 十年的私人研究
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2015-11-26 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341287
S. Arjomand
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引用次数: 6
In the Name of Hosayn’s Blood: The Memory of Karbala as Ideological Stimulus to the Safavid Revolution 以荷赛恩之血之名:卡尔巴拉的记忆作为萨法维革命的意识形态刺激
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2015-11-26 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341289
Rıza Yıldırım
Over the past century, one of the most heavily debated topics within Safavid historiography has been the ideological sources of the Qezelbash zeal that carried the Safavid dynasty to the throne of Persia. By now, a near-consensus has been formed about Shah Esmaʿil’s personality as an incarnation of the Godhead armed with a messianic mission of salvation. This article partly challenges this long-entrenched conceptualization by calling attention to a heretofore overlooked mission that the shaykhs of the revolutionary period set for themselves. This was their desire to avenge the spilling of Hosayn’s blood, a mission which was nothing but a reincarnation of the topos of sāheb al-khorūj or the “master of the uprising,” a heroic typology cultivated via a particular corpus of Karbala-oriented epic literature. Based on the idea that the religiosity of the Turkish-speaking milieu that constituted the Safavid movement’s grassroots was primarily shaped by this Karbala-oriented epic literature, this essay argues that Shaykh Jonayd, Shaykh Haydar, and especially Shah Esmāʿil successfully reformulated the Safavid Sufi program to address the codes of popular piety, which already existed, nurtured by Sufism and some Shiʿite elements, a particular mode of Islamic piety that I call “Shiʿite-inflected popular Sufism.”
在过去的一个世纪里,萨法维王朝史学中争论最激烈的话题之一是萨法维王朝继承波斯王位的基泽尔巴什热情的意识形态来源。到目前为止,关于沙阿·埃斯玛·伊勒的人格已经形成了一个近乎一致的共识,即他是神的化身,肩负着救赎救世主的使命。这篇文章通过唤起人们对革命时期谢赫们为自己设定的一个迄今为止被忽视的使命的关注,在一定程度上挑战了这种根深蒂固的观念。这是他们为胡赛恩的鲜血复仇的愿望,这一使命只不过是sāheb al-khorūj或“起义的主人”的主题的转世,这是一种通过卡尔巴拉导向的史诗文学的特定语料库培养出来的英雄类型。基于这样一种观点,即构成萨法维运动基层的土耳其语环境的宗教信仰主要是由这种以卡尔巴拉为导向的史诗文学塑造的,本文认为谢赫·约奈德、谢赫·海达尔,尤其是沙阿·埃斯玛伊尔成功地重新制定了萨法维苏非计划,以解决已经存在的、由苏非主义和一些什叶派元素培育的大众虔诚准则。一种特殊的伊斯兰虔诚模式,我称之为“什叶派影响的大众苏菲主义”。
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引用次数: 8
The Biography of Vahshi Bāfqi (d. 991/1583) and the Tazkera Tradition 瓦希传Bāfqi(991/1583年)和塔兹克拉传统
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2015-11-26 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341284
Theodore S. Beers
This paper focuses on Vahshi Bāfqi (d. 991/1583), especially on the sources for the study of his biography and works. The various editions of his collected poems are assessed. Next, all of the known early sources on Vahshi’s biography are presented, including a very important one that has not been published or cited before. Laying out all of these sources allows us to construct a more authoritative biography of the poet than has appeared to date. On a broader level, we learn that the careers and works of poets of Vahshi’s era are best understood in connection to one another. The tremendous growth of the tazkera genre in the Safavid-Mughal period makes possible this kind of research, focused on interconnectivity and cosmopolitanism in literary culture. In fact, the sources not only permit such an approach; they demand it. The paper ends with a series of recommendations for future research on Vahshi, his contemporaries, and the tazkera s themselves.
本文以瓦西Bāfqi(991/1583年)为研究对象,重点介绍了他的生平和著作的研究资料。对他的诗集的不同版本进行了评析。接下来,介绍了所有已知的关于瓦希传记的早期资料,包括一个非常重要的以前没有发表或引用过的资料。把所有这些资料都罗列出来,我们就可以构建出一本比迄今为止更权威的诗人传记。在更广泛的层面上,我们了解到瓦希时代诗人的事业和作品最好是通过相互联系来理解的。在萨法维-莫卧儿时期,tazkera体裁的巨大增长使得这种研究成为可能,重点是文学文化中的互联性和世界主义。事实上,资料来源不仅允许这种做法;这是他们的要求。论文最后提出了一系列建议,以供今后对瓦希、他的同时代人以及札克拉人本身进行研究。
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引用次数: 4
Messianic Oeuvres in Interaction: Misattributed Poems by Shah Esmāʿil and Nesimi 相互作用中的弥赛亚作品:沙阿·伊斯玛伊尔和尼西米的错误归属诗歌
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2015-11-26 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341288
Ferenc Csirkés
This paper discusses the philological, literary and cultural-historical background of 23 poems that can be found in manuscript copies of the respective divān of both Nesimi (d. 1407), the most prominent poet of the Horufi tradition, and Shah Esmāʿil, the founder of the Safavid state (r. 1501-24) who was also known for his popular Turkic poetry with a heavily messianic veneer. One possible reason for this textually detectable confluence and intermixture might be the partially oral, ritual, homiletic context with fluid notions of authorship in which these poems were performed, but there was also a broader socio-religious context of interaction between various popular messianic traditions of the day, the Horufis, the Bektashis, the Safavids and others.
本文讨论了23首诗的语言学、文学和文化历史背景,这些诗可以在各自的divān手稿副本中找到,分别来自Horufi传统中最杰出的诗人Nesimi(约1407年)和萨法维国家的创始人Shah esmha ā il(约1501-24年),他也因其流行的突厥诗歌而闻名,带有浓厚的弥赛亚色彩。这种文本上可检测到的融合和混合的一个可能原因可能是部分口头,仪式,说教的背景,以及这些诗歌的作者身份的流动概念,但也有一个更广泛的社会宗教背景,在当时各种流行的弥赛亚传统之间相互作用,Horufis, Bektashis, Safavids和其他人。
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引用次数: 3
On a Pachyderm’s Voyage from Tabriz to Aleppo: A Light Moment in Persianate “Elephant Diplomacy” 从大不里士到阿勒颇的厚皮动物之旅:波斯“大象外交”的轻松时刻
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2015-11-26 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341290
W. Posch
Modern scholars tend to view Ottoman-Safavid relations from a sectarian angle as well as through a military lens. Such a narrow focus often comes at the expense of broader strategic and political considerations. The subject of this paper, the capture of an Indian elephant by Ottoman troops, its handover to the French embassy, and the ensuing diplomatic developments, may not be central to the campaign that the Ottomans launched against Iran in 1548-49, yet it offers unique insight into the relations between these powers. What is more, it sheds light on Safavid-Mughal and Ottoman-Mughal relations as well as on wider rivalries between European powers that were tangentially involved in this struggle, the Habsburgs, France, and Venice.
现代学者倾向于从宗派和军事的角度来看待奥斯曼-萨法维关系。这种狭隘的关注往往是以牺牲更广泛的战略和政治考虑为代价的。本文的主题是奥斯曼军队捕获一只印度象,将其移交给法国大使馆,以及随后的外交发展,这可能不是奥斯曼帝国在1548- 1549年对伊朗发动的战役的核心,但它为这些大国之间的关系提供了独特的见解。更重要的是,它揭示了萨法维-莫卧儿和奥斯曼-莫卧儿的关系,以及与这场斗争密切相关的欧洲大国之间更广泛的竞争,哈布斯堡王朝,法国和威尼斯。
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引用次数: 2
The Decline of Safavid Iran in Comparative Perspective 比较视角下的萨法维王朝的衰落
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2015-11-26 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341286
R. Matthee
This essay analyzes the incontrovertible weakening of the Safavid state in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century by putting it in a larger context. It does so by comparing various manifestations of Iran’s “decline” at the time to conditions and developments in the adjacent Ottoman and Mughal states, where similar processes were playing out in the same period. In order to arrive at a measured and balanced view of similarities and differences between these three early modern Islamic empires, it singles out and focuses on four areas: geographical/environmental and economic conditions, political developments, the state of the army, and ideological characteristics.
本文将萨法维王朝置于一个更大的背景下,分析了17世纪末和18世纪初萨法维王朝无可争议的衰落。它通过将当时伊朗“衰落”的各种表现与邻近的奥斯曼帝国和莫卧儿帝国的条件和发展进行比较来实现这一目标,在同一时期,这些国家也经历了类似的进程。为了对这三个早期现代伊斯兰帝国之间的异同得出一个有分有据的平衡观点,本书将重点放在四个方面:地理/环境和经济条件、政治发展、军队状况和意识形态特征。
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引用次数: 6
“Square Like a Bubble”: Architecture, Power, and Poetics in Two Inscriptions by Kalim Kāshāni “像泡沫一样的方形”:两个铭文中的建筑、权力和诗学,作者:Kalim Kāshāni
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2015-08-24 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341278
Paul E. Losensky
The career of the poet Kalim Kāshāni (d. 1061/1651) exemplifies two significant developments in the social and cultural life of the Persianate world of the seventeenth century. First is the oft-noted mobility of poets, scholars, and administrators between Safavid Iran and Mughal India. Second is the revival of the verbal description of architecture (ekphrasis) as a major mode of panegyric poetry. As the ruling elite invested heavily in constructing palaces and cities as a projection of their imperial power, poets increasingly integrated these projects into their celebrations of their patrons. Taking advantage of both of these trends, Kalim rose from being a minor regional poet to the highest rank in the cultural establishment of the court of Shāh Jahān. Close readings of two of Kalim’s architectural inscriptions, from the beginning and end of his career, reveal two different approaches to the verbal representation of architecture and to the expression of political power.
诗人卡里姆Kāshāni(公元1061/1651年)的职业生涯体现了17世纪波斯社会和文化生活的两个重大发展。首先是诗人、学者和行政人员经常在萨法维王朝的伊朗和莫卧儿王朝的印度之间流动。其次是建筑的语言描述(ekphrasis)作为颂诗的主要模式的复兴。随着统治精英投入巨资建造宫殿和城市,作为他们皇权的投射,诗人越来越多地将这些项目融入他们对赞助人的庆祝活动中。利用这两种趋势,卡里姆从一个次要的地方诗人上升到Shāh Jahān宫廷文化机构的最高级别。仔细阅读Kalim的两个建筑铭文,从他职业生涯的开始和结束,揭示了两种不同的方式来表达建筑的口头表达和政治权力的表达。
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引用次数: 4
Religious Democracy: Three Contending Interpretations among Iranian Political Thinkers 宗教民主:伊朗政治思想家的三种不同解释
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2015-08-24 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341279
F. Ghoreishi
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引用次数: 0
Perspectives from the Peripheries 外围地区的视角
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2015-08-24 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341276
Mimi Hanaoka
Authors of local histories composed in Persia during the 10th-15th centuries deftly wove their lands and their communities into Islamic narratives rooted in the Islamic heartlands of Iraq, Syria, and Arabia. They positioned their communities to better fit into the scope of Islamic history and claimed privileged connections to Mohammad and divine or prophetic authority in various ways. City and regional histories from Persia challenge and reconfigure notions of what constitutes “central” or “peripheral” in the medieval Islamic world and articulate identities that are simultaneously deeply local yet enmeshed within the broader Muslim omma. Authors and compilers used several literary strategies that, amongst other things, “centered” their cities and regions by including narratives about the sayyedsand sharifsassociated with the region; incorporating narratives of legitimating dreams and visions; associating sahābawith the land; highlighting sites of pious visitation ( ziārat) and other sources of blessing or sacred power ( baraka); and incorporating sacralizing etymologies.
10 -15世纪波斯地方历史的作者巧妙地将他们的土地和社区编织进植根于伊拉克、叙利亚和阿拉伯等伊斯兰中心地带的伊斯兰叙事中。他们将自己的社区定位为更好地适应伊斯兰历史的范围,并以各种方式声称与穆罕默德和神圣或先知权威的特权联系。来自波斯的城市和地区历史挑战并重新配置了中世纪伊斯兰世界的“中心”或“外围”概念,并阐明了同时深深扎根于当地但又融入更广泛的穆斯林世界的身份。作者和编纂者使用了几种文学策略,除其他外,通过包括与该地区有关的传说和习俗的叙述来“集中”他们的城市和地区;结合合法化的梦和愿景的叙述;联想sahābawith土地;突出显示虔诚的访问场所(ziārat)和其他祝福或神圣力量的来源(baraka);并结合了神圣化的词源。
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引用次数: 1
Introducing Mahmoud Dawlatabadi 介绍Mahmoud Dawlatabadi
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2015-08-24 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341280
Ahmad Karimi‐Hakkak
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Persianate Studies
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