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Replik: Milit�raktivismen genbes�gt 回复:军事激进主义受到谴责
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.23865/INTPOL.V79.3145
Jakob Kisbye Dreyer, Minda Holm
in English Reply: Military Activism Revisited In response to Karsten Friis’ critique of the special issue When War Becomes Daily Life, this reply outlines a brief conceptual, empirical and normative clarification of the special issue’s use of the concept, military activism. Conceptually, the reply points out that military activism is already a frequently used concept in the academic literature on Scandinavian countries increased engagement in international military operations after the Cold War. Empirically, it is correct that this development has not been linear, and arguably, Denmark and Norway’s military activism was (even more) pronounced, when the war in Afghanistan was at its zenith. However, both countries continue to be engaged particularly in NATO, and significantly, direct battles on the ground are increasingly outsourced to local actors to less privileged local and international combatants. The reply points out, that Friis’s claim that military activism is a concealed critique of Denmark and Norway’s military engagement, is based on a misunderstanding. On the contrary, activism as a concept derives from the Danish foreign policy debate, where the term is used to connote a series of positive attributes associated with being active (Pedersen & Ringsmose, 2017). Considering the depoliticisation of Denmark and Norway’s military activism we welcome further academic and policy discussions about this important issue.
作为对卡斯滕·弗里斯(Karsten Friis)对特刊《当战争成为日常生活》(When War become everyday Life)的批评的回应,本回复概述了特刊对军事行动主义概念的使用在概念上、经验上和规范上的简要澄清。从概念上讲,该答复指出,军事行动主义已经是一个经常使用的概念,在学术文献中,斯堪的纳维亚国家在冷战后增加了对国际军事行动的参与。从经验上看,这种发展不是线性的,这是正确的,而且可以说,当阿富汗战争达到顶峰时,丹麦和挪威的军事激进主义(甚至更加)明显。然而,这两个国家继续参与特别是北约,值得注意的是,地面上的直接战斗越来越多地外包给当地行动者,而不是特权较少的当地和国际战斗人员。回复指出,弗里斯声称军事行动主义是对丹麦和挪威军事介入的隐蔽批评,这是基于一种误解。相反,行动主义作为一个概念源于丹麦的外交政策辩论,该术语用于指代与积极相关的一系列积极属性(Pedersen & Ringsmose, 2017)。考虑到丹麦和挪威的军事行动主义的非政治化,我们欢迎就这一重要问题进行进一步的学术和政策讨论。
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引用次数: 0
Byrdedelingsdebatter i NATO og dansk forsvarspolitik 北约和丹麦国防政策中的负担分担辩论
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.23865/INTPOL.V79.2513
Jakob Linnet Schmidt
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引用次数: 0
Introduksjonsessay til fokusnummer: Hva nå, USA? 现在呢,美国?
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.23865/INTPOL.V79.2759
Hilde Eliassen Restad
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引用次数: 0
Milit�raktivisme: Uklare definisjoner og politisk slagside Milt raktivism:定义不清与政治战场
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.23865/INTPOL.V79.3088
Karsten Friis
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引用次数: 1
Sikkerhetspolitikk, kultur eller �konomi? Konkurrerende forklaringer p� omstillingen av Forsvaret etter den kalde krigen 安全政策、文化还是家庭?冷战后国防形势的竞争性解释
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.23865/intpol.v79.3102
H�kon Lunde Saxi
I 2001 besluttet Stortinget en vesentlig endring i forsvarskonsept og en betydelig reduksjon i forsvarsstrukturen. Forsvarets hovedoppgave skulle ikke lenger vaere a utgjore et mobiliseringsbasert invasjonsforsvar. Beslutningen var et brudd med forsvarskonseptet som hadde dominert norsk forsvarsplanlegging under den kalde krigen og i tiaret som fulgte. Hvorfor ble invasjonsforsvaret forlatt, og hva ble Forsvarets nye hovedoppgave? Artikkelen argumenterer for at det finnes tre dominerende og delvis konkurrerende forklaringer pa omleggingen av Forsvaret: en sikkerhetspolitisk, en kulturell og en okonomisk. Den forste tilnaermingen ser beslutningen som drevet av et onske om a bidra mer i utenlandsoperasjoner for a bli oppfattet som en «god alliert» i NATO og USA. Den andre forklarer overgangen med en kulturell endring der en ny og mer «internasjonalisert» forsvarspolitisks diskurs vant frem blant norske beslutningstakere. Den tredje ser endringen som et uunngaelig resultat av invasjonsforsvarets manglende okonomiske baerekraft. Abstract in English:Security Policy, Culture or Defence Economics? Competing Explanations for the Transformation of the Norwegian Armed Forces after the Cold WarIn 2001, the Storting – Norway’s parliament – decided on a significant change in Norway’s national defence concept and a significant reduction in the defence structure. The Armed Forces’ main task should no longer be to constitute a mobilization-based territorial defence force. The decision was a break with the defence concept that had dominated Norwegian defence planning during the Cold War and in the decade that followed. Why was territorial defence abandoned, and what became the Armed Forces’ new main task? The article argues that there are three dominant and partly competing explanations for the transformation of the Armed Forces: a security policy explanation, a cultural explanation and an economic explanation. The first approach sees the decision as driven by a desire to contribute more in international operations in order to be perceived as a “good ally” in NATO and the United States. The second explains the transformation with cultural changes among Norwegian decision-makers, through which a new and more “internationalized” defence policy discourse became dominant. The third sees the change as the inevitable result of the financial unsustainability of the old status quo in the Armed Forces.
2001年,大议会决定大幅改变国防概念,大幅削减国防结构。防御的主要任务不再是执行基于动员的入侵防御。这一决定违反了在冷战期间以及随后的几年中主导挪威国防计划的国防概念。为什么入侵部门被放弃,新的联合国特派团是什么?文章认为,对《国防宪法》有三种主要的、部分竞争性的解释:安全政策、文化和经济。在第一轮行动中,挪威决策者希望为外国行动做出更多贡献,从而被视为北约和美国的“好盟友”,而另一轮行动则解释了文化变革的转变,在这种转变中,一场新的、更“国际”的国防政策辩论赢得了挪威决策者的支持。第三种观点认为,这种变化是入侵的经济基础力量不足的必然结果。英文摘要:安全政策、文化还是国防经济学?关于冷战后挪威武装部队转型的竞争性解释2001年,挪威议会存储委员会决定大幅改变挪威的国防概念,大幅削减国防结构。武装部队的主要任务不应再是组成一支以动员为基础的领土防御部队。这一决定打破了冷战期间和随后十年主导挪威国防计划的国防概念。为什么放弃了领土防御,武装部队的新主要任务是什么?文章认为,对武装部队的转型有三种主要且部分相互竞争的解释:安全政策解释、文化解释和经济解释。第一种方法认为,这一决定是出于在国际行动中做出更多贡献的愿望,以被视为北约和美国的“好盟友”。第二个解释了挪威决策者文化变革的转变,通过这种转变,一种新的、更“国际化”的国防政策话语占据了主导地位。第三种观点认为,这种变化是武装部队旧现状在财政上不可持续的必然结果。
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引用次数: 0
Revolusjonens forløpere og konsekvenser 革命翻译家及其后果
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.23865/intpol.v79.3508
Øyvind Eggen
4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), allowing third parties to copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format and to remix, transform, and build upon the material for any purpose, even commercially, provided the original work is properly cited and states its license. Citation: Eggen, Ø. (2021). Revolusjonens forløpere og konsekvenser. Internasjonal Politikk, 79(4), 377–387. http://dx.doi. org/10.23865/intpol.v79.3508
4.0国际许可(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/),允许第三方以任何媒介或格式复制和重新发布材料,并为任何目的(甚至商业目的)重新混合、转换和构建材料,前提是正确引用原始作品并说明其许可。引用本文:Eggen, Ø。(2021)。Revolusjonens forløpere og konsekvenser。国际政治,79(4),377-387。http://dx.doi。org/10.23865/intpol.v79.3508
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引用次数: 1
Velgeren som tilskuer: «Valgbarisme» i amerikanske presidentvalg 在美国总统选举中代表“瓦尔巴主义”的选民
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.23865/INTPOL.V79.2527
Vårin Alme
Alme, Varin. Velgeren som tilskuer: "Valgbarisme" i amerikanske presidentvalg. Internasjonal Politikk - Skandinavisk tidsskrift for internasjonale studier 2021 ;Volum 79.(1) s. 39-56
阿尔梅,瓦林。在美国总统选举中承认“瓦尔巴主义”的选择者。国际政治-2021年斯坎迪纳维奇国际研究时间脚本;第79卷(1)第39-56条
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引用次数: 0
Utviklingspolitikken: En revolusjon er en illusjon? 革命是幻觉吗?
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.23865/intpol.v79.3506
Rune Jansen Hagen
in English Development Policy: Revolution is an Illusion? The Sustainable Development Goals have reinvigorated the debate on whether aid can and should be used to finance global collective goods. In this comment on Nikolai Hegertun’s essay Aid’s Silent Revolution? (En stille revolusjon av utviklingspolitikken), I argue that the statistical definition of aid does not categorically rule out such financing, for which there are precedents; that aid volumes in any case do not tell the full story about the extent and quality of donor efforts; and that many national and regional collective goods – which certainly can be financed by aid – are necessary for the production and enjoyment of global collective goods by individuals living in developing countries. Moreover, we do not know with certainty that traditional aid produces greater welfare improvements in such countries than global collective goods do. It is possible to envisage both that current global challenges will swamp aid and that they will induce international cooperation on an unprecedented scale. However, given the underlying forces of altruism and national self-interest, a gradual change in development policy is more likely than a revolution.
英国发展政策:革命是幻觉吗?可持续发展目标重新激发了关于援助是否能够而且应该用于资助全球集体产品的辩论。在对尼古拉·赫格顿的文章《爱的无声革命?》(En stille revolusjon av utviklingspolitikken),我认为援助的统计定义并没有绝对排除这种融资,这是有先例的;援助数量无论如何都不能充分说明捐助国努力的程度和质量;许多国家和地区的集体产品- -当然可以由援助提供资金- -对于生活在发展中国家的个人生产和享受全球集体产品是必要的。此外,我们不能肯定地知道,在这些国家,传统援助带来的福利改善比全球集体商品带来的福利改善更大。我们可以设想,当前的全球挑战将淹没援助,同时也将促使国际合作达到前所未有的规模。然而,考虑到利他主义和国家自身利益的潜在力量,发展政策的逐步改变比革命更有可能。
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引用次数: 0
Kinas bruk av økonomisk statshåndverk: Hva Kina vil og hva det får til 中国利用国家工作:中国想要什么,做什么
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.23865/intpol.v79.3165
Petter Y. Lindgren, Kristin Waage
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引用次数: 0
’Aktivisme’: drop det begreb! “激进主义”:放弃这个概念!
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.23865/INTPOL.V79.3163
Hans Mouritzen
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Internasjonal Politikk
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