Pub Date : 2022-12-15DOI: 10.23865/intpol.v80.5085
Cristina E. Parau
4.0 International License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/BY/4.0/), allowing third parties to copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format and to remix, transform, and build upon the material for any purpose, even commercially, provided the original work is properly cited and states its license. Citation: Parau, C. E. (2022). Fangst av overnasjonale domstoler og privatisering av rettssystemet. Internasjonal Politikk, 80(4), 465–472. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v80.5085
4.0国际许可(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/BY/4.0/)，允许第三方以任何媒介或格式复制和重新发布材料，并为任何目的(甚至商业目的)重新混合、转换和构建材料，前提是正确引用原始作品并说明其许可。引文:Parau, C. E.(2022)。方斯特(方斯特)表示，他已经超过了私人住宅和私人住宅系统的规模。国际政治，80(4)，465-472。http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v80.5085
{"title":"Fangst av overnasjonale domstoler og privatisering av rettssystemet","authors":"Cristina E. Parau","doi":"10.23865/intpol.v80.5085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v80.5085","url":null,"abstract":"4.0 International License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/BY/4.0/), allowing third parties to copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format and to remix, transform, and build upon the material for any purpose, even commercially, provided the original work is properly cited and states its license. Citation: Parau, C. E. (2022). Fangst av overnasjonale domstoler og privatisering av rettssystemet. Internasjonal Politikk, 80(4), 465–472. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v80.5085","PeriodicalId":42131,"journal":{"name":"Internasjonal Politikk","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46480821","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-15DOI: 10.23865/intpol.v80.5140
Svein Melby
4.0 International License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/BY/4.0/), allowing third parties to copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format and to remix, transform, and build upon the material for any purpose, even commercially, provided the original work is properly cited and states its license. Citation: Melby, S. (2022). Det amerikanske paradokset: politikk, samfunn, historie. Internasjonal Politikk, 80(4), 461–464. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v80.5140
{"title":"Det amerikanske paradokset: politikk, samfunn, historie","authors":"Svein Melby","doi":"10.23865/intpol.v80.5140","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v80.5140","url":null,"abstract":"4.0 International License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/BY/4.0/), allowing third parties to copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format and to remix, transform, and build upon the material for any purpose, even commercially, provided the original work is properly cited and states its license. Citation: Melby, S. (2022). Det amerikanske paradokset: politikk, samfunn, historie. Internasjonal Politikk, 80(4), 461–464. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v80.5140","PeriodicalId":42131,"journal":{"name":"Internasjonal Politikk","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48392848","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-25DOI: 10.23865/intpol.v80.5115
Iver B. Neumann
Del en av denne fokusartikkelen sporer og feirer utviklingen i norsk Russlands-forskning de 35 årene. Del to introduserer spenningen mellom forskeren som analytiker og forskeren som kommentator og påpeker at vi ikke vet så mye om hvem debatten snakker til ut over det utenrikspolitiske miljøet selv. Del tre diskuterer hva slags standarder akademikere som opptrer som kommentatorer kan og bør holde seg med. Kommentatorer må ha mot, evne og vilje til å gi rom for andre stemmer. Kommentatoren må også forstå forskjellen på analyse, som krever ettertenksomhet, og kommentar, som skjer i kampens hete. En kommentatorisk siste del argumenterer for at Vestens politikk fremover bør være å demme opp for Russland, snarere enn å være ettergivende eller gå inn for regimeendring. Abstract in EnglishRussologists as PunditsPart one discusses the emergence of Russia studies in Norway over the last 35 years. Part two laments our lack of knowledge regarding who the receiver of comments by researchers actually are. Part three discusses dialogism, parrhesia and phronesis as qualities needed for a researcher to be a good pundit. The article ends with a defence for continuing a policy of containment towards Russia rather than shifting to the two alternative policies, which are appeasement and roll-back.
{"title":"Russlandsforskere som kommentatorer","authors":"Iver B. Neumann","doi":"10.23865/intpol.v80.5115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v80.5115","url":null,"abstract":"Del en av denne fokusartikkelen sporer og feirer utviklingen i norsk Russlands-forskning de 35 årene. Del to introduserer spenningen mellom forskeren som analytiker og forskeren som kommentator og påpeker at vi ikke vet så mye om hvem debatten snakker til ut over det utenrikspolitiske miljøet selv. Del tre diskuterer hva slags standarder akademikere som opptrer som kommentatorer kan og bør holde seg med. Kommentatorer må ha mot, evne og vilje til å gi rom for andre stemmer. Kommentatoren må også forstå forskjellen på analyse, som krever ettertenksomhet, og kommentar, som skjer i kampens hete. En kommentatorisk siste del argumenterer for at Vestens politikk fremover bør være å demme opp for Russland, snarere enn å være ettergivende eller gå inn for regimeendring.\u0000Abstract in EnglishRussologists as PunditsPart one discusses the emergence of Russia studies in Norway over the last 35 years. Part two laments our lack of knowledge regarding who the receiver of comments by researchers actually are. Part three discusses dialogism, parrhesia and phronesis as qualities needed for a researcher to be a good pundit. The article ends with a defence for continuing a policy of containment towards Russia rather than shifting to the two alternative policies, which are appeasement and roll-back.","PeriodicalId":42131,"journal":{"name":"Internasjonal Politikk","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43293364","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-25DOI: 10.23865/intpol.v80.5109
Karsten Friis
Russlands angrep på Ukraina 24. februar kom overraskende på mange. Det medførte flere debatter i media, der forskere kritiserte hverandre for å ikke ha sett hva som var på gang, for å ha vist for stor forståelse for Putin-regimets posisjoner, og for å la sine politiske holdninger farge analysen. I denne Fokus-spalten vil vi forsøke å løfte disse diskusjonene opp på et akademisk nivå. Ikke for å fordele skyld, men for å ta faglig lærdom. I denne innledningsteksten vil jeg blant annet peke på behovet for mer analytisk bredde, for å fokusere på både språk og materialitet, og for å være ekstra bevisst på egne holdninger når man beveger seg inn i en normativ politisk debatt. Abstract in EnglishIntroduction. Focus: War and ResearchRussia’s attack on Ukraine on February 24 came as a surprise to many observers. This triggered several debates in the media, where analysts and academics criticized each other for not having seen what was emerging; for showing too much understanding for the Putin regime positions; and to let their political attitudes colour their analyses. In this Fokus column we will try to elevate these discussions to an academic level. Not to allocate blame, but to learn professional lessons. In this introductory text I will, inter alia, point to the need for more analytical breadth, to focus on both language and materiality, and to be extra aware of your own attitudes when one moves into a normative political debate.
{"title":"Innledning. Fokus: Krigen og forskningen","authors":"Karsten Friis","doi":"10.23865/intpol.v80.5109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v80.5109","url":null,"abstract":"Russlands angrep på Ukraina 24. februar kom overraskende på mange. Det medførte flere debatter i media, der forskere kritiserte hverandre for å ikke ha sett hva som var på gang, for å ha vist for stor forståelse for Putin-regimets posisjoner, og for å la sine politiske holdninger farge analysen. I denne Fokus-spalten vil vi forsøke å løfte disse diskusjonene opp på et akademisk nivå. Ikke for å fordele skyld, men for å ta faglig lærdom. I denne innledningsteksten vil jeg blant annet peke på behovet for mer analytisk bredde, for å fokusere på både språk og materialitet, og for å være ekstra bevisst på egne holdninger når man beveger seg inn i en normativ politisk debatt.\u0000Abstract in EnglishIntroduction. Focus: War and ResearchRussia’s attack on Ukraine on February 24 came as a surprise to many observers. This triggered several debates in the media, where analysts and academics criticized each other for not having seen what was emerging; for showing too much understanding for the Putin regime positions; and to let their political attitudes colour their analyses. In this Fokus column we will try to elevate these discussions to an academic level. Not to allocate blame, but to learn professional lessons. In this introductory text I will, inter alia, point to the need for more analytical breadth, to focus on both language and materiality, and to be extra aware of your own attitudes when one moves into a normative political debate.","PeriodicalId":42131,"journal":{"name":"Internasjonal Politikk","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48059789","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-25DOI: 10.23865/intpol.v80.5134
Kristin Fjæstad, Tora Berge Naterstad
Russlands krig mot Ukraina har enorme konsekvenser, først og fremst for Ukraina, men også for Russland og Russlands andre nabostater. Krigen har ikke bare kastet om på europeisk og norsk sikkerhets- og utenrikspolitikk, den vil ha store konsekvenser også for den norske forskningen på, og kunnskapen om, Russland. Mulighetene for forskning i Russland har blitt stadig mer begrenset over flere år, og etter februar 2022 er døren nærmest helt stengt. Samtidig er kunnskap om Russland viktig for Norge, som deler grense og forvalter kritiske ressurser i samarbeid med Russland. Slik vil det fortsette å være. Spørsmålet nå er hvordan denne kunnskapen skal skapes og oppdateres, gitt at rammebetingelsene som den norske forskningen på Russland de siste 30 årene har blitt produsert under, har endret seg dramatisk. Hvordan skal vi oppdatere norsk kunnskap om Russland i årene fremover? Hvilke metoder og data er tilgjengelige, og hva kan vi forvente av disse? Abstract in EnglishWhat Now, Russologists?Russia’s war against Ukraine has enormous consequences. First and foremost for Ukraine, but also for Russia and its neighboring states. The war has not only changed European and Norwegian security and foreign policies, it will also have a significant impact on Norwegian research on and knowledge about Russia. The opportunities for doing research in Russia have become more limited in recent years. After February 2022, it has become impossible. At the same time, knowledge about Russia is important for Norway, which shares a border and administers critical resources in cooperation with Russia. This will continue to be the case. The question now is how this knowledge is to be created given that the framework conditions under which Norwegian research on Russia has been produced during the last 30 years have dramatically changed. How are we going to update Norwegian knowledge about Russia in the coming years? What methods and data are available, and what can we expect from these?
{"title":"Russlandsforskere, hva nå?","authors":"Kristin Fjæstad, Tora Berge Naterstad","doi":"10.23865/intpol.v80.5134","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v80.5134","url":null,"abstract":"Russlands krig mot Ukraina har enorme konsekvenser, først og fremst for Ukraina, men også for Russland og Russlands andre nabostater. Krigen har ikke bare kastet om på europeisk og norsk sikkerhets- og utenrikspolitikk, den vil ha store konsekvenser også for den norske forskningen på, og kunnskapen om, Russland. Mulighetene for forskning i Russland har blitt stadig mer begrenset over flere år, og etter februar 2022 er døren nærmest helt stengt. Samtidig er kunnskap om Russland viktig for Norge, som deler grense og forvalter kritiske ressurser i samarbeid med Russland. Slik vil det fortsette å være. Spørsmålet nå er hvordan denne kunnskapen skal skapes og oppdateres, gitt at rammebetingelsene som den norske forskningen på Russland de siste 30 årene har blitt produsert under, har endret seg dramatisk. Hvordan skal vi oppdatere norsk kunnskap om Russland i årene fremover? Hvilke metoder og data er tilgjengelige, og hva kan vi forvente av disse?\u0000Abstract in EnglishWhat Now, Russologists?Russia’s war against Ukraine has enormous consequences. First and foremost for Ukraine, but also for Russia and its neighboring states. The war has not only changed European and Norwegian security and foreign policies, it will also have a significant impact on Norwegian research on and knowledge about Russia. The opportunities for doing research in Russia have become more limited in recent years. After February 2022, it has become impossible. At the same time, knowledge about Russia is important for Norway, which shares a border and administers critical resources in cooperation with Russia. This will continue to be the case. The question now is how this knowledge is to be created given that the framework conditions under which Norwegian research on Russia has been produced during the last 30 years have dramatically changed. How are we going to update Norwegian knowledge about Russia in the coming years? What methods and data are available, and what can we expect from these?","PeriodicalId":42131,"journal":{"name":"Internasjonal Politikk","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49617045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-25DOI: 10.23865/intpol.v80.5122
Ståle Ulriksen
Artikkelen drøfter hvordan analyse av militære disposisjoner kan brukes for å vurdere om et angrep vil komme. Artikkelen viser også hvordan enkel etterretningsmetodikk kan brukes i slike situasjoner. Abstract in EnglishMilitary Factors That Suggest War is Right Around the CornerWhen and how do military deployments, dispositions and preparations signal that an attack is actually coming? The article discusses such questions using intelligence methodologies. Using the Russian decision to attack Ukraine in February 2022, the article argues that knowledge of how the attacker understand the situation is crucial. Thus, a more or less objective third-party estimate of the situation on the ground may provide understanding of how a war may develop, but it may not be sufficient to understand if an aggressor will actually attack.
Artikkelen drøfter hvordan分析了军事处置的重要性。Artikkelen viser ogsåhvordan enkel etterretnings metodikk kan brukes i slike situasjoner。暗示战争即将来临的军事因素军事部署、部署和准备何时以及如何预示着袭击即将来临？这篇文章使用情报方法论来讨论这些问题。文章利用俄罗斯在2022年2月袭击乌克兰的决定，认为了解袭击者如何理解局势至关重要。因此，第三方对当地局势的或多或少客观估计可能会让人了解战争是如何发展的，但这可能不足以了解侵略者是否真的会发动进攻。
{"title":"Militære faktorer som tyder på at krigen er rett rundt hjørnet","authors":"Ståle Ulriksen","doi":"10.23865/intpol.v80.5122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v80.5122","url":null,"abstract":"Artikkelen drøfter hvordan analyse av militære disposisjoner kan brukes for å vurdere om et angrep vil komme. Artikkelen viser også hvordan enkel etterretningsmetodikk kan brukes i slike situasjoner.\u0000Abstract in EnglishMilitary Factors That Suggest War is Right Around the CornerWhen and how do military deployments, dispositions and preparations signal that an attack is actually coming? The article discusses such questions using intelligence methodologies. Using the Russian decision to attack Ukraine in February 2022, the article argues that knowledge of how the attacker understand the situation is crucial. Thus, a more or less objective third-party estimate of the situation on the ground may provide understanding of how a war may develop, but it may not be sufficient to understand if an aggressor will actually attack.","PeriodicalId":42131,"journal":{"name":"Internasjonal Politikk","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44081279","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-25DOI: 10.23865/intpol.v80.5129
Torbjørn Knutsen
Russlands invasjon av Ukraina kom som julekvelden på kjerringa. Blant hovedårsakene til mange observatørers måpende overraskelse var inngrodde forestillinger, faste forventninger og vante antagelser om interstatlige forhold. Mange av disse har lenge vært vedlikeholdt av en såkalt nyrealistisk tilnærming til internasjonal politikk. Denne artikkelen begynner med å identifisere nyrealismens betydelige blindsoner. Den belyser deretter et sentralt tema som nyrealismen systematisk overser: hvordan særegne styreformer og tankesett internt i stater som Russland og Ukraina har utviklet seg etter den kalde krigens slutt. Russlands særegne styreform – her betegnet som Putins nypatrimoniale regimetype – har formet den russiske beslutningen om å invadere Ukraina. Denne styreformen har også vært en årsak til overraskelser på russisk side: ikke minst Putin-regimets feilvurdringer om ukrainernes motstand, Vestens bistand og krigens generelle gang. Artikkelen avslutter med å drøfte forskjellige former for feilvurderinger. Den spekulerer også om hvorfor amerikanernes vurderinger var gode i forkant av krigen, mens land som Tyskland og Frankrike, som hadde samme empiri som USA, var uenige med amerikanerne og vurderte Putins intensjoner annerledes. Abstract in EnglishSurprises Rarely Come Alone. On Misunderstandings, Myths and the Invasion of UkraineRussia’s invasion of Ukraine was a bolt from the blue. Among the chief reasons for the surprise were simplistic preconceptions – entrenched beliefs and routine views that upheld easy assumptions about the behaviour of sovereign states. Some of those preconceptions have been cultivated by the so-called neorealist approach to international relations. This article begins by identifying significant blind spots in the neorealist approach. It proceeds by exploring phenomena that neorealism overlooks, such as systems of governance and thought. It argues that Russia’s peculiar system of governance – here referred to as Putin’s neo-patrimonial regime – exercised a formative influence on the foreign policy views of Russian decisionmakers and their decision to invade Ukraine. The article then refines the notion of surprise, showing surprises were unevenly distributed in the international system. It discusses how Russia was taken aback by Ukraine’s resistance and by its own military failures. And it argues that the leading powers of the EU were shocked by the Russian invasion, whereas the Atlantic powers were not. In fact, the Biden administration had long warned its NATO allies about the likelihood of invasion. Why were these warnings not heeded by countries like Germany and France? The article concludes with some speculation on the strengths of US intelligence and on the sources of intelligence failure in Germany and France.
{"title":"Overraskelser kommer sjelden alene. Om misforståelser, myter og invasjonen av Ukraina","authors":"Torbjørn Knutsen","doi":"10.23865/intpol.v80.5129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v80.5129","url":null,"abstract":"Russlands invasjon av Ukraina kom som julekvelden på kjerringa. Blant hovedårsakene til mange observatørers måpende overraskelse var inngrodde forestillinger, faste forventninger og vante antagelser om interstatlige forhold. Mange av disse har lenge vært vedlikeholdt av en såkalt nyrealistisk tilnærming til internasjonal politikk. Denne artikkelen begynner med å identifisere nyrealismens betydelige blindsoner. Den belyser deretter et sentralt tema som nyrealismen systematisk overser: hvordan særegne styreformer og tankesett internt i stater som Russland og Ukraina har utviklet seg etter den kalde krigens slutt. Russlands særegne styreform – her betegnet som Putins nypatrimoniale regimetype – har formet den russiske beslutningen om å invadere Ukraina. Denne styreformen har også vært en årsak til overraskelser på russisk side: ikke minst Putin-regimets feilvurdringer om ukrainernes motstand, Vestens bistand og krigens generelle gang. Artikkelen avslutter med å drøfte forskjellige former for feilvurderinger. Den spekulerer også om hvorfor amerikanernes vurderinger var gode i forkant av krigen, mens land som Tyskland og Frankrike, som hadde samme empiri som USA, var uenige med amerikanerne og vurderte Putins intensjoner annerledes.\u0000Abstract in EnglishSurprises Rarely Come Alone. On Misunderstandings, Myths and the Invasion of UkraineRussia’s invasion of Ukraine was a bolt from the blue. Among the chief reasons for the surprise were simplistic preconceptions – entrenched beliefs and routine views that upheld easy assumptions about the behaviour of sovereign states. Some of those preconceptions have been cultivated by the so-called neorealist approach to international relations. This article begins by identifying significant blind spots in the neorealist approach. It proceeds by exploring phenomena that neorealism overlooks, such as systems of governance and thought. It argues that Russia’s peculiar system of governance – here referred to as Putin’s neo-patrimonial regime – exercised a formative influence on the foreign policy views of Russian decisionmakers and their decision to invade Ukraine. The article then refines the notion of surprise, showing surprises were unevenly distributed in the international system. It discusses how Russia was taken aback by Ukraine’s resistance and by its own military failures. And it argues that the leading powers of the EU were shocked by the Russian invasion, whereas the Atlantic powers were not. In fact, the Biden administration had long warned its NATO allies about the likelihood of invasion. Why were these warnings not heeded by countries like Germany and France? The article concludes with some speculation on the strengths of US intelligence and on the sources of intelligence failure in Germany and France.","PeriodicalId":42131,"journal":{"name":"Internasjonal Politikk","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41501333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.23865/intpol.v80.3078
Hans Mouritzen
in English Limits to action space: Scandinavians in bilateral diplomacy Bilateral diplomacy is not a Scandinavian favourite sport, but it has become increasingly important in today’s world. A number of cases are analysed, in which Scandinavian countries have been “disciplined” bilaterally by great powers (Russia, China, India and the US). Compared to the first 15 years, roughly, after the Cold War, with American unipolarity and EU normative power, the Scandinavians have seen a narrowing of their freedom of manoeuvre (action space). It is no longer possible, without significant costs, to criticise great powers based on universal values. In general, it is crucial for decisionmakers not to overstep their state’s freedom of manoeuvre. But on the other hand, they should not be docile and desist from occasionally challenging its limits, also considering their domestic arena. “Bastions” should be credibly construed and defended. The limits of action space are difficult to discern, but trial balloons, parallel action with related countries, or “lessons of the past” could be helpful.
{"title":"Grænser for handlefrihed: Skandinaviske stater i asymmetrisk bilateralt diplomati","authors":"Hans Mouritzen","doi":"10.23865/intpol.v80.3078","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v80.3078","url":null,"abstract":"in English Limits to action space: Scandinavians in bilateral diplomacy Bilateral diplomacy is not a Scandinavian favourite sport, but it has become increasingly important in today’s world. A number of cases are analysed, in which Scandinavian countries have been “disciplined” bilaterally by great powers (Russia, China, India and the US). Compared to the first 15 years, roughly, after the Cold War, with American unipolarity and EU normative power, the Scandinavians have seen a narrowing of their freedom of manoeuvre (action space). It is no longer possible, without significant costs, to criticise great powers based on universal values. In general, it is crucial for decisionmakers not to overstep their state’s freedom of manoeuvre. But on the other hand, they should not be docile and desist from occasionally challenging its limits, also considering their domestic arena. “Bastions” should be credibly construed and defended. The limits of action space are difficult to discern, but trial balloons, parallel action with related countries, or “lessons of the past” could be helpful.","PeriodicalId":42131,"journal":{"name":"Internasjonal Politikk","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68912880","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.23865/intpol.v80.3947
Torunn Wimpelmann
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