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Countering Islamophobia in Portugal: experience of Indonesian Muslim expatriates 葡萄牙应对伊斯兰恐惧症:印尼穆斯林侨民的经验
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-21 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v11i1.29-53
Sa'adi Sa'adi
The main purpose of this research is to investigate the Indonesian Muslim expatriate experiences in countering Islamophobia in Portugal. There are 488 Indonesian expatriates in Portugal, of whom 384 (78%) are Muslims, working on diplomatic missions, students, traders, professionals, laborers, and others. To analyze the data, the researcher used triangulation techniques such as interviews through guided written questions, observation, and documentation, using factor analyses covering items of Portugal government policy on religious life, characters of Portuguese culture, the characters of Indonesian Muslim socio-culture, educational background of Indonesian Muslim expatriates, and normative Islamic teaching inspiring their socioreligious views and attitude. As the main findings, the research revealed that in countering the Islamophobia experience, the Indonesian Muslim expatriates in Portugal feel joy, safety, peace, a harmonious life. Also, they feel like in their home towns; they can access public services easily and practice private, and religious activities normally, although the number of mosques in public places is very few. None of them experienced extreme hatred, prejudice, harassment, hostility, bad words, bad attitudes and treatments, discrimination, and Islamophobia from local citizens or other groups.
本研究的主要目的是调查印尼穆斯林侨民在葡萄牙对抗伊斯兰恐惧症的经历。葡萄牙有488名印尼侨民,其中384人(78%)是穆斯林,在外交使团、学生、贸易商、专业人士、劳工和其他人中工作。为了分析数据,研究人员使用了三角测量技术,如通过引导性书面问题、观察和文件进行访谈,并使用了因子分析,涵盖葡萄牙政府宗教生活政策、葡萄牙文化特征、印尼穆斯林社会文化特征、印度尼西亚穆斯林侨民的教育背景,规范的伊斯兰教学激发了他们的社会宗教观点和态度。作为主要发现,研究表明,在对抗伊斯兰恐惧症的过程中,在葡萄牙的印尼穆斯林侨民感到快乐、安全、和平、和谐的生活。此外,他们感觉像在自己的家乡;他们可以很容易地获得公共服务,正常地进行私人和宗教活动,尽管公共场所的清真寺数量很少。他们中没有人经历过当地公民或其他群体的极端仇恨、偏见、骚扰、敌意、恶语相向、恶劣态度和待遇、歧视和伊斯兰恐惧症。
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引用次数: 1
Worldview, religion, and urban growth: a geopolitical perspective on geography of power and conception of space during Islamization in Java, Indonesia 世界观、宗教和城市发展:印尼爪哇伊斯兰化时期权力地理和空间概念的地缘政治视角
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-21 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v11i1.81-113
H. Setiadi
Discussion of Islamization is not only associated with the spread of religious values but also related to the activity of trade and the opening of the new lands. In Java, all three of these themes have occurred simultaneously and then experienced rapid development since the 15th century. During the 15th and 17th centuries, many Islamic kingdoms rose and fell by turns with variuos ideology and their economic and political motives. As a result, Java experienced a complex of territorialization. By a spatial-historical approach, this article shows how territorialization affects the fashion of the emergence and collapse of the cities in Java. The spatial dynamics of urban growth reflected changes in political space production run by each ruling actor. The city played a significant role as a symbol and an identity of the political power of the dominant regime.
伊斯兰化的讨论不仅与宗教价值观的传播有关,而且与贸易活动和新土地的开放有关。在爪哇,这三个主题同时发生,然后自15世纪以来经历了快速发展。在15世纪和17世纪,许多伊斯兰王国在不同的意识形态和经济、政治动机下兴衰交替。因此,Java经历了复杂的领土化。本文以空间-历史的视角,展示了地域化如何影响爪哇城市的兴起与消亡。城市增长的空间动态反映了每个统治主体所运行的政治空间生产的变化。这座城市作为统治政权的政治权力的象征和身份发挥了重要作用。
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引用次数: 5
Middle East and African Student (MEAS) perceptions of Islam and Islamic moderation: a case study 中东和非洲学生(MEAS)对伊斯兰教和伊斯兰温和的看法:一个案例研究
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-21 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v11i1.55-80
M. Ebrahimi, Kamaruzaman Yusoff, R. Ismail
Islamic Moderation is such a fundamental concept that without it understanding faith is inadequate at best. Muslims are required by definition of the term ‘Muslim’ to remain on the middle path in everything pertaining to the life ways. They must not overstep the bounds (tafrit) and become trapped in the extremist quagmire (ifrat). As an Islamic doctrine par excellence, moderation inherently finds solutions for injustice and the violation of human rights. Nonetheless, some schools of Islamic thought (madhhabs) attend extremist ideology, particularly those of Middle East and African savour. These have spread a frightful spirit of intolerance throughout the world that has indelibly blackened Islam’s image by choosing to deny Islam’s characteristic spirit of moderation. In so doing, they marginalize any proper implementation of authentic Islam and block all corrective political discourse. Militant radicals clearly neglect moderation as a doctrinal position that is traditionally essential to the creed. This paper presents a broad exposure to Islam’s middle path with a focus on 192 respondents in a survey taken by Middle Eastern and African students (MEAS) studying in Malaysia. Qualitative and quantitative approaches were used to achieve four significant findings indicating these students do not understand the nature of being a good Muslim.
伊斯兰温和是一个如此基本的概念,没有它,理解信仰充其量是不充分的。根据“穆斯林”一词的定义,穆斯林必须在与生活方式有关的一切事情上保持中庸之道。他们不能越界(tafrit)而陷入极端主义的泥潭(ifrat)。作为一种卓越的伊斯兰教义,中庸本质上为不公正和侵犯人权找到了解决办法。尽管如此,一些伊斯兰思想学派(madhhabs)还是有极端主义的意识形态,尤其是中东和非洲的那些。这些人在世界各地传播了一种可怕的不容忍精神,这种精神通过选择否认伊斯兰教特有的温和精神,不可磨灭地玷污了伊斯兰教的形象。在这样做的过程中,他们将真正伊斯兰教的任何适当实施边缘化,并阻碍所有纠正性的政治话语。好战的激进分子显然忽视了温和这一传统上对信条至关重要的教义立场。本文对在马来西亚学习的中东和非洲学生(MEAS)进行的一项调查中的192名受访者进行了广泛的调查,重点介绍了伊斯兰教的中间道路。定性和定量方法被用来获得四个重要的发现,表明这些学生不理解成为一个好穆斯林的本质。
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引用次数: 7
The dynamics and existence of Islamic party in 2019 General Election: Case Study of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) 伊斯兰政党在2019年大选中的动态与存在——以繁荣的正义党为例
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-23 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i2.409-428
M. Haris, Yuwanto Yuwanto, Teguh Yuwono, N. Sardini
The development of Islam in the political arena in Indonesia is interesting to be analyzed comprehensively. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the existence of Islamic political parties after the 2019 simultaneous general elections. The main problem in political life in Indonesia is the decline of public trust in political parties. One of the main reasons is the corruption case that ensnared politicians. The presence of Islamic political parties is hopefully able to bring a change and alter the ugly stigma from the society towards the political parties. The method used in this paper is a qualitative method with a case study of PKS as a participant in the 2019 simultaneous general election, using an institutional assessment of the existence of political parties. The dynamics and existence of PKS before the 2019 general election were categorically high. It means that the PKS movement was active in society by offering strategic programs and policies for voters. PKS has a structured party system starting from the regeneration system to constituent treatment that can increase the number of voters in the 2019 elections. This research concludes that regeneration carried out through tarbiyah is able to instill party ideology in cadres, but fails to raise the party in a fast time. Based on the political dynamics of PKS during the Jokowi-JK administration period 2014-2019, identity politics was able to increase voter participation and increase PKS votes in the 2019 elections.
伊斯兰教在印尼政治舞台上的发展值得全面分析。本文的目的是分析2019年同期大选后伊斯兰政党的存在。印尼政治生活中的主要问题是公众对政党的信任度下降。其中一个主要原因是政客们陷入的腐败案件。伊斯兰政党的存在有望带来改变,改变社会对政党的丑陋污名。本文使用的方法是一种定性方法,以PKS作为2019年同期大选的参与者为例,对政党的存在进行了制度评估。在2019年大选之前,库尔德工人党的活力和存在绝对高涨。这意味着库尔德工人党运动通过为选民提供战略计划和政策而活跃在社会中。PKS有一个结构化的政党制度,从再生制度到选民待遇,可以增加2019年选举的选民人数。这项研究得出的结论是,通过塔比耶进行的复兴能够向干部灌输党的意识形态,但未能在短时间内提高党的地位。根据2014年至2019年佐科维政府时期PKS的政治动态,身份政治能够增加选民参与度,并在2019年的选举中增加PKS的选票。
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引用次数: 1
Islamophobia in education: perceptions on the use of veil/niqab in higher education 教育中的伊斯兰恐惧症:对高等教育中使用面纱/尼卡布的看法
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-21 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i2.227-246
Hanif Cahyo Adi Kistoro, B. Kartowagiran, Eva Latipah, Ngainun Naim, H. Putranta, Darmanto Minggele
The phenomenon of the development of the veil in Indonesia, especially among higher education has become a concern lately. This is due to the view of the public about the relationship between the use of the veil with the influence of certain ideologies. This research aims to determine the reasons and motivations for the use of the veil among female students, perceptions received in the surrounding environment, and obstacles encountered. This research uses a phenomenological approach as part of qualitative research. Participants in this research were 12 female students from private universities in Yogyakarta. The method of in-depth interviews using interview guide instruments becomes a technique in collecting data. Data analysis using semantic reduction is done by identifying important statements from the results of the interview, determining the theme of the discussion, and describing the significance of the whole experience of veiled students. The results showed that there were five main themes in the use of the veil in higher education, namely the average age of female students who used veil, motivation and reasons for using a veil, perceptions from within themselves and their environment, constraints encountered, and consistency in wearing a veil. Some of the findings obtained are certainly new references that need to be further developed. Therefore, knowledge about Islamophobia especially the perception of the phenomenon of the veil is important for educational institutions in determining policy and for the community to be a reference in dealing with the phenomenon.
面纱在印度尼西亚的发展现象,特别是在高等教育中,最近已经成为一个令人关注的问题。这是由于公众对面纱的使用与某些意识形态影响之间的关系的看法。本研究旨在确定女学生使用面纱的原因和动机,在周围环境中接受的看法,以及遇到的障碍。本研究采用现象学方法作为定性研究的一部分。本研究的参与者是来自日惹私立大学的12名女学生。使用访谈引导工具的深度访谈方法成为一种收集数据的技术。使用语义约简的数据分析是通过从访谈结果中识别重要陈述,确定讨论主题,并描述蒙着面纱的学生的整个经历的意义来完成的。结果显示,在高等教育中使用面纱有五个主要主题,即女学生使用面纱的平均年龄,使用面纱的动机和原因,来自自己和环境的感知,遇到的限制,以及佩戴面纱的一致性。所获得的一些发现无疑是需要进一步发展的新参考。因此,关于伊斯兰恐惧症的知识,特别是对面纱现象的看法,对于教育机构制定政策和社区在处理这一现象时作为参考是很重要的。
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引用次数: 11
Intertextuality manipulation in post-September-eleven American fiction to misinform readership 9.11事件后美国小说中的互文性操纵误导读者
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-21 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i2.271-296
M. Saraireh, Thanaa Mohammad Saraireh
Some novel writers in the wake of the September 11 events in the United States used a Micavillean approach to support their ideologies. Manipulation of intertextuality from Islamic resources is one strategy that is heavily employed in their publications for this purpose. In this paper, the researchers use Updike’s Terrorist, Miller’s Blindsided, and McBain’s Merely Hate to illustrate this kind of manipulation. They first cite an example, find the supposed Islamic reference material, then they discuss the issue showing how intertextuality is manipulated to misinform readership. The most employed strategies are mistranslated, partly quoted, and out of context Quranic verses; fake information; distorted ideas about women and the concept of jihad.
在美国9·11事件之后,一些小说作家使用了米卡维尔式的方法来支持他们的意识形态。从伊斯兰资源中操纵互文性是他们出版物中大量使用的一种策略。在这篇论文中,研究人员用厄普代克的《恐怖分子》、米勒的《盲点》和麦克贝恩的《纯粹的仇恨》来说明这种操纵。他们首先举了一个例子,找到了所谓的伊斯兰参考资料,然后讨论了互文性是如何被操纵以误导读者的问题。最常用的策略是误译、部分引用和断章取义的古兰经诗句;虚假信息;关于妇女的扭曲观念和圣战的概念。
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引用次数: 1
Post-truth and Islamophobia narration in the contemporary Indonesian political constellation 当代印尼政治格局中的后真相与伊斯兰恐惧症叙事
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-21 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i2.199-225
Z. Syarif, Syafiq A. Mughni, A. Hannan
This article discusses the phenomenon of post-truth politics, role, and its influence on the return of Islamophobic narratives in the dynamics of Indonesian political constellation. There are three main issues discussed in this study: post-truth, Islamophobia in Indonesia, and contemporary Indonesian political constellation. Using qualitative research and analysis of critical theory perspectives, this study found that the development of post-truth political practices indirectly evokes the narrative of Islamophobia in contemporary Indonesian political constellation. The return of the Islamophobia can be seen in three ways. First, the practice of post-truth politics which is rooted in the politicization of religion and ethnicity, it gives negative impact not only because of unhealthy process of leadership circulation in Indonesia, but has also faltered the reality of Indonesia's plurality as a pluralist state, both in terms of ethnicity and religion. Second, post-truth political practices in which contain propaganda, intimidation, lies and hate speech have stimulated the rise of sentiment towards religious social groups, as happened in the “212 Movement”. Third, the return of Islamophobic narratives due to political Post-truth appears to be increasing clashes and practices of religious intolerance in Indonesia, where intolerance is practiced by the majority against minority groups. Artikel ini mengkaji fenomena politik post-truth, peran dan pengaruhnya terhadap kembalinya narasi Islamophobia dalam dinamika konstelasi politik Indonesia kontemporer. Terdapat tiga permasalahan pokok yang dibahas dalam kajian ini: post-truth, Islamophobia, dan konstelasi politik Indonesia kontemporer. Dengan menggunakan jenis penelitian kualitatif dan analisis perspektif teori kritis, studi ini mendapati temuan bahwa berkembangnya praktik politik post-truth, secara tidak langsung telah membangkitkan kembali narasi Islamophobia dalam konstelasi politik Indonesia kontemporer. Kembalinya narasi Islamophobia tersebut terlihat dalam tiga hal. Pertama, praktik politik post-truth yang berakar pada politisasi agama dan etnisitas, telah menimbulkan dampak negatif bukan saja pada tidak sehatnya proses sirkulasi kepemimpinan di Indonesia, namun juga telah membuat goyah realitas kemajemukan Indonesia sebagai negara pluralis, baik dari segi etnisitas maupun agama. Kedua, praktik politik post-truth yang di dalamnya berisikan propaganda, intimidasi, dan kebohongan, telah menstimulus bangkitnya sentimen terhadap kelompok-kelompok sosial keagamaan, seperti yang terjadi dalam gerakan Aksi Bela Islam 212. Ketiga, kembalinya narasi Islamophobia akibat politik post-truth nampak pada semakin meningkatnya benturan dan praktik intoleransi keagamaan di Indonesia, di mana intoleransi dilakukan oleh kelompok mayoritas terhadap kelompok minoritas.
本文讨论了后真相政治现象、角色及其对仇视伊斯兰教叙事在印尼政治格局动态中回归的影响。本研究主要讨论三个问题:后真相、印尼的伊斯兰恐惧症和当代印尼政治星座。通过定性研究和批判性理论视角的分析,本研究发现,后真相政治实践的发展间接唤起了当代印尼政治格局中伊斯兰恐惧症的叙事。伊斯兰恐惧症的卷土重来可以从三个方面看。首先,植根于宗教和种族政治化的后真相政治实践,不仅因为印尼不健康的领导层循环过程而产生负面影响,而且也动摇了印尼作为一个多元化国家在种族和宗教方面的多元化现实。其次,包含宣传、恐吓、谎言和仇恨言论的后真相政治实践刺激了对宗教社会团体的情绪上升,就像“212运动”中发生的那样。第三,由于政治后真相,仇视伊斯兰教的叙事再次出现,这似乎增加了印度尼西亚的冲突和宗教不容忍行为,在那里,大多数人对少数群体实行不容忍。本文探讨了后真相政治现象及其在当代印尼政治格局动态中对伊斯兰恐惧叙事回归的作用和影响。本研究讨论了三个问题:后真相、伊斯兰恐惧症和当代印尼政治星座。通过定性研究和批判性理论视角分析,本研究发现,后真相政治实践的发展直接复活了当代印尼政治格局中的伊斯兰恐惧叙事。然后,仇视伊斯兰教的叙事可以从三个方面来看。首先,植根于宗教和种族政治化的后真相政治实践不仅对印度尼西亚不健康的领导层流动过程产生了负面影响,而且在种族和宗教上扭曲了印度尼西亚作为一个多元化国家受到邀请的现实。其次,后真相政治实践,包括宣传、恐吓和谎言,刺激了人们对社会宗教团体的感情,就像贝拉伊斯兰行动运动212中发生的那样。第三,由于后真相政治,伊斯兰恐惧症的叙事再次出现,宗教不容忍在印度尼西亚日益蔓延和实践,那里的多数群体对少数群体实施不容忍。
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引用次数: 9
Orientation of religiosity and radicalism: the dynamic of an ex-terrorist’s religiosity 宗教性取向与激进主义:前恐怖分子宗教性的动态
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-21 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i2.297-321
Sekar Ayu Aryani
Recognition of the religious motives and orientations of acts of radicalism and terrorism is often preached by mass media. The religious motive in the context of Islamic radicalism is often referred to the term of jihad, it is the act of seeking Allah's blessings or Lillahi ta'ala. The motive or religious orientation in the view of Religious Psychology is called an intrinsic religious orientation, turning religion a goal of action because of religion itself. This is distinguished from the extrinsic religious orientation that makes religion as a tool for obtaining subjective goals. We aim to understand to what extent the consistency of recognition is viewed from the perspective of religious orientation theory. This is because there is often an inconsistency between claimed motives with attitude. To examine more deeply on this issue, we raised the case of the dynamics of the religious orientation of a former terrorist, Yusuf Adirama, who experienced the dynamics and religious orientation changes of a radical and terrorist into a moderate one. This research reveals that in the case of Yusuf Adirama, the meaning of jihad could change over time following his life experience. Jihad, originally interpreted as taking up arms against the enemies of God, has turned into opposing various acts of violence and helping the needy (Dhuafa) who need help, including those caused by terrorism, both for the perpetrator and victim.
大众媒体经常宣扬承认激进主义和恐怖主义行为的宗教动机和方向。伊斯兰激进主义背景下的宗教动机通常被称为圣战,它是寻求安拉祝福或利拉希·塔拉的行为。宗教心理学认为,动机或宗教取向被称为内在的宗教取向,因为宗教本身而使宗教成为行动的目标。这与外在的宗教取向不同,后者使宗教成为获得主观目标的工具。我们的目的是了解从宗教取向理论的角度来看,承认的一致性在多大程度上是一致的。这是因为声称的动机与态度之间往往存在不一致。为了更深入地研究这个问题,我们提出了前恐怖分子优素福·阿迪拉马的宗教取向动态的例子,他经历了从激进和恐怖分子转变为温和的动态和宗教取向。这项研究表明,在优素福·阿迪拉马的案例中,圣战的含义可能会随着他的生活经历而改变。圣战最初被解释为拿起武器对抗上帝的敌人,现在已经转变为反对各种暴力行为,并帮助需要帮助的穷人(Dhuafa),包括那些由恐怖主义造成的帮助,无论是对肇事者还是受害者。
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引用次数: 7
Ideology deconstruction of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) returnees in Indonesia 伊拉克和叙利亚伊斯兰国(ISIS)在印尼归国人员的意识形态解构
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-21 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i2.381-408
Didik Novi Rahmanto, A. Meliala, Ferdinand T. Andi Lolo
This paper discusses the problem of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) foreign terrorist fighters who return to Indonesia, or called returnees. The establishment of ISIS in Syria and its propaganda related to the Khilafah attracted many Muslims in the world to emigrate, jihad, and settle in Syria. After the defeat suffered by ISIS in various regions in Syria, finally many of these foreign terrorist fighters returned to their respective countries of origin. So far, there has been a lot of literature and research that explains the potential threats related to the return of foreign terrorist fighters to their home countries. However, by studying Indonesian returnees, this research found that returnees returned and decided not to be part of a terrorist group network in Indonesia anymore. This change of understanding becomes interesting to be analysed further so that things get changed in their understanding so that they no longer want to be affiliated with ISIS or terrorist groups who are committed to ISIS. This research is basic research that aims to explore new issues. Changes in the understanding of Muslim groups that initially supported ISIS can change. This phenomenon examined using Just World Theory and Deconstruction to find out what factors influence the change in understanding. The results found several factors such as family, feeling uncomfortable, the cruelty of ISIS, experiencing sexual violence, expectations, and teachings in the Quran and Hadits.
本文讨论了伊拉克和叙利亚伊斯兰国(ISIS)外国恐怖分子战士返回印度尼西亚或被称为返回者的问题。ISIS在叙利亚的成立及其与Khilafah有关的宣传吸引了世界上许多穆斯林移民、圣战和定居叙利亚。在ISIS在叙利亚各个地区遭受失败后,这些外国恐怖分子战士中的许多人最终返回了各自的原籍国。到目前为止,已有大量文献和研究解释了与外国恐怖战士返回本国有关的潜在威胁。然而,通过研究印度尼西亚回返者,这项研究发现,回返者返回后决定不再参与印度尼西亚的恐怖组织网络。这种理解的变化变得有趣,需要进一步分析,这样他们的理解就会发生变化,这样他们就不想再隶属于ISIS或致力于ISIS的恐怖组织。本研究是旨在探索新问题的基础性研究。最初支持ISIS的穆斯林团体的理解可能会发生变化。这一现象用“正义世界”理论和解构主义来考察,以找出影响理解变化的因素。研究结果发现了几个因素,如家庭、感到不舒服、ISIS的残酷、经历性暴力、期望以及《古兰经》和《圣训》中的教导。
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引用次数: 2
Understanding the delivery of Islamophobic hate speech via social media in Indonesia 了解印尼通过社交媒体传播的仇视伊斯兰教言论
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-21 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i2.247-270
Kastolani Kastolani
Various prior studies on Islamophobia had largely utilized Western perspectives.This occurred on account of Islam and Muslims being a minority group that is considered as a threat to the majority. This article discusses the delivery of Islamophobic hate speech via social media in the context of Indonesia, where the majority of the population are Muslims. This study found that the delivery of hate speech concerning via social media in the Indonesian context can be understood in three different manners, namely: First, Islamophobia is a reaction to religious sermons delivered by Muslim pundits discrediting other religions, particularly the Christian faith. Second, Islamophobia is a form of freedom of expression for netizens in Indonesia’s current democratic climate. Third, Islamophobia is a form of identity politics for netizens on social media due to the impact of religious based political polarization. Subsequently, this study contributes a new understanding of Islamophobia within the context of Muslims as the majority and of netizens’ activities on social media in Indonesia. The research data were obtained by observing Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, and Twitter timelines containing Islamophobic hate speech that had gone viral on social media. Berbagai penelitian sebelumnya tentang Islamophobia sebagian besar telah memanfaatkan perspektif Barat. Artikel ini mendiskusikan penyampaian ujaran kebencian Islamophobia melalui media sosial dalam konteks Indonesia sebagai negara yang mayoritas penduduknya penganut agama Islam (muslim). Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa penyampaian ujaran kebencian tentang Islamophobia melalui media sosial dalam konteks Indonesia dapat dibaca sebagai tiga hal, yaitu: Pertama, Islamophobia merupakan reaksi terhadap ceramah keagamaan dari kalangan agamawan muslim yang mendiskreditkan agama lain, terutama keyakinan agama Kristen. Kedua, Islamophobia merupakan bentuk kebebasan berekspresi bagi netizen dalam iklim demokrasi di Indonesia saat ini. Ketiga, Islamophobia merupakan bentuk politik identitas netizen di media sosial karena dampak polarisasi politik berbasis keagamaan. Sehingga, penelitian ini berkontribusi terhadap pemahaman baru tentang Islamophobia dalam konteks muslim sebagai mayoritas dan aktivitas netizen di media sosial di Indonesia. Data penelitian diperoleh dari pengamatan terhadap media social seperti facebook, Instagram, YouTube dan Twitter yang memuat ujaran kebencian tentang Islamophobia yang viral di media social.
先前关于伊斯兰恐惧症的各种研究在很大程度上利用了西方的观点。这是因为伊斯兰教和穆斯林是少数群体,被认为是对大多数人的威胁。本文讨论了在印尼的背景下,通过社交媒体发表仇视伊斯兰教的仇恨言论,印尼的大多数人口是穆斯林。这项研究发现,在印尼背景下,通过社交媒体发表仇恨言论可以用三种不同的方式来理解,即:首先,伊斯兰恐惧症是对穆斯林专家发表的诋毁其他宗教,特别是基督教信仰的宗教布道的反应。其次,在印尼当前的民主气候下,伊斯兰恐惧症是网民表达自由的一种形式。第三,由于宗教政治两极分化的影响,伊斯兰恐惧症是社交媒体上网民的一种身份政治形式。随后,这项研究有助于在穆斯林占多数的背景下,以及在印度尼西亚网民在社交媒体上的活动中,对伊斯兰恐惧症有一个新的理解。研究数据是通过观察脸书、Instagram、YouTube和推特的时间线获得的,这些时间线包含在社交媒体上疯传的仇视伊斯兰教的仇恨言论。以前关于伊斯兰恐惧症的几项研究在很大程度上利用了西方的观点。本文讨论了在印度尼西亚作为一个大多数居民是穆斯林的国家的背景下,通过社交媒体表达伊斯兰恐惧症的仇恨。这项研究发现,在印度尼西亚,通过社交媒体表达关于伊斯兰恐惧症的仇恨言论可以理解为三件事,即:首先,伊斯兰恐惧症是对穆斯林宗教歧视其他宗教,特别是基督教信仰的宗教话语的反应。其次,在印尼当前的民主氛围中,伊斯兰恐惧症是网民言论自由的一种形式。第三,由于宗教政治两极分化的影响,伊斯兰恐惧症是社交媒体中网民身份的一种政治形式。因此,这项研究有助于对穆斯林背景下的伊斯兰恐惧症有一个新的理解,即伊斯兰恐惧症是印度尼西亚社交媒体中的大多数人和网民活动。研究数据来源于对Facebook、Instagram、YouTube和Twitter等社交媒体的观察,这些社交媒体包含了对社交媒体中病毒性伊斯兰恐惧症的仇恨模式。
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引用次数: 9
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Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies
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