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A political ideology of the Indonesian Islamic philanthropy institution: a case study of Suryakarta Beramal foundation 印尼伊斯兰慈善机构的政治意识形态:以泗水Beramal基金会为例
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-21 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i2.353-380
Agus Wahyu Triatmo, R. Karsidi, D. T. Kartono, S. Suwarto
This present research studies the ideologization practices of the Islamic philanthropy institution managed by the civil society in Indonesia: a case study of Suryakarta Beramal Foundation. A qualitative method with a case study approach was employed. Data was collected using in-depth interviews, observations and documentation techniques and then inductively analyzed. The results show that Suryakarta Beramal is a philanthropy institution ideologically affiliated withthe Tarbiyah movement. Most of the collected Islamic philanthropy funds: zakat, (alms-giving), infak (infaq), sadaqah (donation) and wakaf (religious endowment) were provided to finance the educational institution possessed by Suryakarta Beramal, except for poverty alleviation; the educational institution also functions as an ideologization medium. Ideologization was conducted through curriculum engineering, holding various events such as smart recharging, liqa, mabit, rihlah and halaqah and students’ habituation, starting from using uniforms for religious activities either at school or in the dormitory. The result of the ideologization is that the alumni of the school of Suryakarta Beramal became the loyalists of the Tarbiyah ideology and are affiliated with Partai Adil Makmur (PAM) (Just and Affluent Party) as the political wing of the Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia.
本研究以印尼苏里亚卡塔·贝拉马尔基金会为个案,研究印尼民间社会管理的伊斯兰慈善机构的意识形态化实践。采用了定性方法和案例研究方法。使用深入访谈、观察和文献技术收集数据,然后进行归纳分析。研究结果表明,Suryakarta Beramal是一个在意识形态上隶属于Tarbiyah运动的慈善机构。大部分收集到的伊斯兰慈善基金:zakat(施舍)、infak(infaq)、sadaqah(捐赠)和wakaf(宗教捐赠),除了扶贫之外,都用于资助Suryakarta Beramal拥有的教育机构;教育机构也起着意识形态化媒介的作用。意识形态化是通过课程工程进行的,举办各种活动,如智能充电、liqa、mabit、rihlah和halaqah以及学生的习惯化,从在学校或宿舍使用宗教活动制服开始。意识形态化的结果是,苏里亚卡塔·贝拉马尔学院的校友成为了塔尔比亚意识形态的忠实拥护者,并加入了印尼塔尔比亚运动的政治派别——正义与富裕党。
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引用次数: 1
Intersubyektifity of khalwat (suluk) members in the tarekat Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah Ponorogo Khalidiyah Ponorogo tarekat Naqsyabandiyah khalwat(suluk)成员的社区间
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-29 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.103-126
S. Yusuf
Naqshbandiyah is one of the names of tarekat that still exist in the Islamic world for 8 centuries (12-20 AD) because it has successfully carried out Islamization using cultural approach. Khalwat dar anjuman or ‘seclusion from the crowd’ is the main method of training and spiritual discipline to defend Islamic beliefs and values from the various crises of modern human life, which leads to spiritual emptiness.Assumption on khalwat causing someone to behave exclusively towards his/her environment is very interesting to study. Phenomenological research using Max Weber’s sociology of religion approach is used to find motives and symbolic meanings of student behavior (salik) that follow khalwat (suluk) in Tarekat Naqshbandiyah of Durisawo Ponorogo. The results of research show that, first,belief in kharisma murshid of Tarekat Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah is a gift from Allah SWT that is able to assist students in enhancing their spiritual experience (religious motives) and overcoming various problem that interfere both physical and psychological states, making them be more socially and morally intelligent in their lives (individual motives). Second, khalwat (suluk) has a subjective meaning for a student during his way to reach maqamat (station) until he is given the highest spiritual experience in the degree of ma’rifatullah by doing dhikr, muraqabah, kwayani, tawajuh, uzlah. Khalwat (suluk) also means intersubjective for salik during the interaction with murshid teacher through rabithah murshid, talqin, bai'at, sungkem tradition, and pilgrimage of murshid teacher’s grave. Third, the implication of students’ behavior after attending khalwat is they have calm and happy heart to be involved in social life in their environment according to their respective professions manifested in the form of social care in overcoming poverty and giving attention to orphans through daily social charity activities and donation. Khalwat participants have become intersubjective humans because they have been able to find their qualities in understanding reality.Naqsyabandiyah sebagai salah satu nama tarekat yang terbukti tetap eksis di dunia Islam selama 8 abad (12-20 M) karena berhasil melakukan Islamisasi dengan pendekatan kultural. Khalwat dar anjuman atau ‘menyepi di tengah keramaian’ sebagai metode utama pelatihan dan disiplin spiritual untuk mempertahankan keyakinan dan nilai-nilai Islam dari berbagai krisis kehidupan manusia modern yang menyebabkan kehampaan spiritual. Anggapan bahwa khalwat menyebabkan sesorang berikap ekskusif terhadap lingkungannya sangat menarik untuk diteliti.  Penelitian fenomenologis dengan pendekatan sosiologi agama Max Weber ini untuk menemukan motif dan makna simbolik dari perilaku murid (salik) yang mengikuti khalwat  (suluk) dalam tarekat Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah Durisawo Ponorogo. Hasil penelitian menemukan: pertama, kepercayaan pada kharisma mursyid tarekat Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah sebagai anugerah Allah SWT yang mampu membantu murid dal
Naqshbandiyah是tarekat的名字之一,它在伊斯兰世界已经存在了8个世纪(公元12-20年),因为它成功地利用文化方法进行了伊斯兰化。Khalwat dar anjuman或“与世隔绝”是训练和精神纪律的主要方法,以保护伊斯兰信仰和价值观免受现代人类生活的各种危机的影响,这导致了精神空虚。关于khalwat导致某人只对自己的环境表现的假设研究起来非常有趣。运用马克斯·韦伯的宗教社会学方法进行现象学研究,以寻找学生行为(salik)的动机和象征意义,这些动机和象征含义遵循杜里萨沃·波诺罗戈的Tarekat Naqshbandiyah中的khalwat(suluk)。研究结果表明,首先,相信Tarekat Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah的kharisma murshid是安拉SWT的礼物,能够帮助学生增强他们的精神体验(宗教动机),克服干扰身体和心理状态的各种问题,使他们在生活中更具社会和道德智慧(个人动机)。其次,khalwat(suluk)对学生在到达maqamat(车站)的途中具有主观意义,直到他通过做dhikr、muraqabah、kwayani、tawajuh、uzlah获得ma'rifatullah程度的最高精神体验。Khalwat(suluk)对萨利克来说也是主体间性的,在与穆师的互动中,通过拉比塔·穆师、塔尔钦、拜阿特、宋克姆传统和穆师墓朝圣。第三,学生在参加哈尔瓦特后的行为意味着,他们有一颗平静快乐的心,能够根据自己的职业在自己的环境中参与社会生活,表现为通过日常的社会慈善活动和捐赠,在克服贫困和关注孤儿方面的社会关怀。Khalwat参与者之所以成为主体间的人类,是因为他们能够在理解现实中找到自己的品质。Naqsyabandiyah作为一项已被证明的任务,在伊斯兰世界保留了8个世纪(公元前12-20年),因为它成功地通过文化方法实现了伊斯兰化。人类家园的深处或“融入人群”,作为精神训练和纪律的主要方法,以保护伊斯兰教的信仰和价值观免受现代人类生活中各种危机的影响,从而导致精神卓越。考虑到宝藏会让人们对自己的环境变得精致,这是一个非常有趣的调查。[UNK]现象学研究采用马克斯·韦伯宗教的社会学方法,以寻找在Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah Durisawo Ponorogo任务中追随宝藏的学生行为的动机和象征意义。研究发现:首先,相信Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah的Kharism是上帝的礼物,SWT可以帮助学生改善精神体验,完成各种测试、身体和心理尝试,在生活中变得更具社会和道德智慧。其次,对于一个努力到达车站的学生来说,这个县有一个主观的意义,直到他获得了最高的精神体验,有很多dzikir、murakabah、kwajikan、laugh、uzlah,;khalwat也意味着通过与学生-老师的互动,通过学生的兔子、塔尔琴、baiat、sungkem传统、学生-教师的葬礼,相互主体间性。第三,学生死后行为的含义是,有一颗安静快乐的心可以参与社会生活,根据他们的职业,他们所在社区的残疾是以社会关怀的形式产生的,通过日常的社会工作和放松来减少贫困和关注孤儿。骑兵已经成为一个主体间的人,因为它能够在理解现实中找到自己的品质。
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引用次数: 9
Representation of Indonesian women workers: a critical discourse analysis on the newspapers of nationalist-secular and Islamic ideological perspectives 印度尼西亚女工的代表性:对民族主义-世俗主义和伊斯兰意识形态观点报纸的批判性话语分析
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-29 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.79-101
Aris Badara, Jamiludin Jamiludin
The purpose of this study is to reveal the representation of women workers in newspaper news discourse that follows the nationalist-secular ideology and the Islamic ideology perspectives. The method of this research is a qualitative content analysis that views the text as a symbolic message and it requires interpretation according to the context. Complementing the research method, a critical discourse analysis approach is also used. The subjects of this research are female workers found in newspaper news discourse that carries the values of Islamic ideology and newspapers that carry nationalist-secular ideology. Data were analyzed through critical discourse analysis techniques in the following steps: (a) description; (b) interpretation; and (c) explanation. This research still considers checking the reliability and the validity. Data analysis is also complemented by confirmation of linguists and peers (triangulation of sources). The main findings of this study show that the practice of discourse in the RM newspaper which follows the nationalist-secular ideology perspective represents marginal women. By the RM newspaper, the representation is used as a plea for the actions and trait of male actors or employers. The motive revealed from this phenomenon is to follow the demand of the market. On the other hand, the newspaper R, which tends to follow Islamic ideology perspective, represents the motive of advocacy for women workers. This is the implication of the values of Islamic ideology carried out by the R newspaper as mentioned in its vision and mission. The findings are also the antithesis of the view that Islam isolates women in the social sphere of society.
本研究的目的是揭示女性工作者在遵循民族主义世俗意识形态和伊斯兰意识形态视角的报纸新闻话语中的代表性。本研究的方法是定性的内容分析,将文本视为一种象征性的信息,需要根据上下文进行解释。作为研究方法的补充,还使用了批判性话语分析方法。本研究的对象是在带有伊斯兰意识形态价值观的报纸新闻话语和带有民族主义世俗意识形态的报纸中发现的女性工作者。通过批判性话语分析技术对数据进行分析,具体步骤如下:(a)描述;(b) 解读;以及(c)解释。本研究仍然考虑了信度和有效性的检验。数据分析还得到语言学家和同行的确认(来源的三角测量)。本研究的主要发现表明,《RM报》遵循民族主义世俗意识形态视角的话语实践代表了边缘女性。《RM报》称,这一陈述被用作对男性演员或雇主的行为和特点的辩护。这一现象所揭示的动机是为了顺应市场的需求。另一方面,《R报》倾向于从伊斯兰意识形态的角度出发,代表了倡导女工的动机。这是《R报》在其愿景和使命中提到的伊斯兰意识形态价值观的含义。这一发现也与伊斯兰教将女性孤立在社会社会领域的观点相反。
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引用次数: 10
The Influence of Ottoman Empire on The Conservation of The Architectural Heritage in Jerusalem 奥斯曼帝国对耶路撒冷建筑遗产保护的影响
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-29 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.127-151
Z. Shehada
Abstract                          Jerusalem is one of the oldest cities in the world. It was built by the Canaanites in 3000 B.C., became the first Qiblaof Muslims and is the third holiest shrine after Mecca and Medina. It is believed to be the only sacred city in the world that is considered historically and spiritually significant to Muslims, Christians, and Jews alike. Since its establishment, the city had been subjected to a series of changes as the result of political, economic and social developments that affected the architectural formation through successive periods from the beginning leading up to the Ottoman Era, which then achieved relative stability. The research aims to examine and review the conservation mechanisms of the architectural buildings during the Ottomans rule in Jerusalem for more than 400 years, and how the Ottoman Sultans had contributed in revitalizing and protecting the city from loss and extinction. The researcher followed the historical interpretive method using descriptive analysis based on a literature review and preliminary study to determine Ottoman practices in conserving the historical and architectural heritage of Jerusalem. The research found that the Ottoman efforts towards conserving the architectural heritage in Jerusalem fell into four categories (Renovation, Restoration, Reconstruction and Rehabilitation). The Ottomans focused on the conservation of the existing buildings rather than new construction, because of their respect of local traditions and the holy places.
摘要耶路撒冷是世界上最古老的城市之一。它由迦南人于公元前3000年建造,成为第一个齐布拉人穆斯林圣地,是仅次于麦加和麦地那的第三圣地。它被认为是世界上唯一一座对穆斯林、基督徒和犹太人都具有历史和精神意义的圣城。自建立以来,由于政治、经济和社会的发展,这座城市经历了一系列的变化,这些变化影响了从一开始到奥斯曼时代的各个时期的建筑形态,从而实现了相对稳定。这项研究旨在考察和回顾奥斯曼统治耶路撒冷400多年期间建筑建筑的保护机制,以及奥斯曼苏丹如何为振兴和保护这座城市免受损失和灭绝做出贡献。研究人员遵循历史解释方法,在文献综述和初步研究的基础上,使用描述性分析来确定奥斯曼在保护耶路撒冷历史和建筑遗产方面的做法。研究发现,奥斯曼帝国保护耶路撒冷建筑遗产的努力分为四类(翻新、修复、重建和修复)。奥斯曼人专注于保护现有建筑,而不是新建建筑,因为他们尊重当地传统和圣地。
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引用次数: 0
Anti-Shia Mass Mobilization in Indonesia’s Democracy: Godly Alliance, Militant Groups and the Politics of Exclusion 印尼民主中的反什叶派大规模动员:神圣联盟、激进团体与排外政治
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-29 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.25-48
M. Amal
This article examines violence against religious minorities, especially Shia groups in the democracy of Indonesia, focusing particularly on the case of the 2016 anti- Milad Fatimah (Fatimah Birth Commemoration) mass mobilization performed by IJABI (The all-Indonesia Assembly of Ahlul Bait Associations) in Bondowoso, East Java, Indonesia. This article finds that the anti- Milad Fatimah mass mobilization involved alliances and conspiracy between Godly Muslim groups with a varied agenda. Sunni militant groups from the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), FPI (Islamic Defenders Front), Wahabi/Salafi, and Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) groups, which merged into FOKUS ( Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jama'ah Communication Forum), were the main protagonists who played a key role in driving mass mobilization. Unlike previous studies that understood the anti-Shia movement merely as a form of affirming Islamic orthodoxy, this study finds evidence that there were wider agendas than the theological ones. Excluding the Shia from capturing Islamic public space, and challenging religious authority and local power which was dominated by moderate Muslim groups, were the socio-political agendas which contributed to the anti- Milad Fatimah mass mobilization. The involvement of radical Islamist groups such as the activists of the Tarbiyah and HTI is a sign that there is a strong political agenda behind mass mobilization. However, the ultimate goal of applying Islamic Sharia will never fade from the religious movements of Islamist groups. Studi ini mengkaji kekerasan terhadap minoritas agama khususnya kelompok Shia di Indonesia era demokrasi. Tulisan memilih kasus aksi mobilisasi massa anti-Milad Fatimah yang dilaksanakan oleh IJABI (Ikatan Jama’ah Ahlul Bait Indonesia), Bondowoso, Jawa Timur pada 2016. Tulisan ini memeroleh temuan yang menarik bahwa aksi mobilisasi massa anti-Milad Fatimah, melibatkan aliansi longgar di antara kelompok-kelompok Godly Muslim dengan agendanya yang tidak tunggal. Kelompok-kelompok militant Sunni dari kalangan NU, FPI, Wahabi/Salafi dan HTI, yang menggabungkan diri ke dalam FOKUS (Forum Komunikasi Ahlus Sunnah wal Jama’ah), merupakan aktor-aktor utama yang berperan penting dalam memobilisir aksi massa tersebut. Berbeda dari kajiankajian yang umumnya memahami gerakan anti-Shi’ah sebagai bentuk peneguhan ortodoksi Islam atupun homogenisasi Islam Indonesia, studi ini mendapati temuan yang jauh lebih besar dan kompleks dari sekedar agenda teologis itu. Mengekslusi Shi’ah dari ruang public Islam dan menantang otoritas keagamaan dan kekuasaan local yang didominasi oleh kelompok-kelompok Muslim moderat merupakan sejumlah agenda sosio-politik yang turut mewarnai aksi massa itu. Keterlibatan kelompok-kelompok Islamisme radikal seperti aktivis Gerakan Tarbiyah dan Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), menjadi sinyalemen cukup kuat adanya agenda politis di balik aksi massa. Bagaimanapun, imaginasi dan citacita penerapan syari’at Islam tidak akan pernah pudar dari gerakan keagamaan ke
本文探讨了印尼民主社会中针对宗教少数群体,特别是什叶派群体的暴力行为,特别关注2016年由IJABI(Ahlul Bait Associations全印尼大会)在印度尼西亚东爪哇邦多沃索举行的反米拉德·法蒂玛(Fatimah诞辰纪念)大规模动员活动。这篇文章发现,反米拉德·法蒂玛的大规模动员涉及各种议程的神圣穆斯林团体之间的联盟和阴谋。来自Nahdlatul Ulama(联合国)、FPI(伊斯兰捍卫者阵线)、Wahabi/Salafi和Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia(HTI)组织的逊尼派激进组织合并为FOKUS(Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jama'ah通讯论坛),是在推动群众动员方面发挥关键作用的主要人物。与之前的研究不同,这些研究将反什叶派运动仅仅理解为一种肯定伊斯兰正统的形式,这项研究发现有证据表明,有比神学更广泛的议程。将什叶派排除在占领伊斯兰公共空间之外,挑战由温和穆斯林团体主导的宗教权威和地方权力,是促成反米拉德·法蒂玛大规模动员的社会政治议程。Tarbiyah和HTI等激进伊斯兰组织的参与表明,大规模动员背后有着强大的政治议程。然而,应用伊斯兰教法的最终目标永远不会从伊斯兰团体的宗教运动中消失。本研究调查了印尼民主时代针对宗教少数群体,特别是什叶派群体的暴力行为。书面选择了2016年由Jawa East Bondowoso的IJABI(Jama'ah Binatan Ahlul Bait Indonesia)实施的反Milad Fatimah大规模动员行动的案例。这篇文章获得了一个有趣的发现,即反米拉德·法蒂玛的大规模动员行动涉及神圣穆斯林团体之间的松散联盟及其独特的议程。来自联合国、FPI、Wahabi/Salafi和HTI的逊尼派激进组织加入了FOKUS(Sunnah Mayor Communications Forum),是动员这些大规模行动的关键参与者。与通常将反什叶派运动理解为伊斯兰教正统确认或印尼伊斯兰教同质化的一种形式的研究不同,这项研究发现了一个比神学议程更大、更复杂的发现。将什叶派排除在伊斯兰公共空间之外,挑战由温和穆斯林团体主导的宗教和地方当局,是一系列社会政治议程,这些议程为大规模行动蒙上了色彩。激进伊斯兰组织,如塔比耶和印尼解放党活动人士的参与,是大规模行动背后政治议程的强烈信号。然而,伊斯兰社会的想象力和渴望永远不会从伊斯兰团体的宗教运动中消失。
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引用次数: 8
Islamism and Nationalism among Niqabis Women in Egypt and Indonesia 埃及和印度尼西亚女性中的伊斯兰主义与民族主义
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-29 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.49-77
Siti Ruhaini Dzuhayatin
The phenomenon of the increasing number of niqabis in Indonesia and Egypt has become  concern to the government, academics and also civil society. This is due to the involvement of the niqabis or women with the niqab in terrorist networks. Those piece of cloth covering the face is not merely the manifestation of faith but apparently entails a certain ideological doctrine of the so-called Islam kaffah (ultimate Islam) through the establishemnt of Islamic khilafah (Islamic caliphate) as opposed to democracy and modern state. This study aims at observing the extents to which the niqabis negotiate Islam and their nationalism in their respective counties in Indonesia and Egypt where Muslim are the major population. This study employed a mix of methods, qualitative and quantitative involving 205 Niqabis from Indonesia and 87 niqabis from Egypt.  The quantitative data were obtained from 292 respondents.  While the qualitiative data were collected  from 27 niqabis in-depth interview through life story technique, 6 Eqyptians and 21 Indonesians. twelve prominent figures in Egypt and  Indonesia were interviewed and two focuse group discussions were conducted in both countries involving women activists, academicians, government employees, and religious leaders. The framework of this study is the contestation between Islamism and nationalism. This study indicated that there is a significant difference between the niqabis of Indonesia and Egypt percieved the national pride. Around 30 percent of Indonesian niqabis are not proud being the Indonesian citizen while in Egypt only about 3 percent.  Bank interest is used to measure their Islamic refinement through which Niqabis in both countries share a similar view where almost 90% of them  believe that the practice is not Islamic. Moreover,  more than 50% support the Caliphate system which means that one in four niqabis consider that the existing government is thoghut (non Islamic) and nearly 15%  agree to defend Islam by means of violence.
印尼和埃及越来越多的面纱现象已引起政府、学术界和民间社会的关注。这是由于戴面纱的人或妇女参与了恐怖网络。那块遮脸的布不仅是信仰的表现,而且显然通过建立伊斯兰哈里发国(伊斯兰哈里发)而不是民主和现代国家,包含了所谓伊斯兰kaffah(终极伊斯兰)的某种意识形态学说。本研究旨在观察印尼和埃及穆斯林占主要人口的两个县的面纱人在多大程度上谈判伊斯兰教及其民族主义。这项研究采用了定性和定量相结合的方法,涉及205个来自印度尼西亚的尼卡比斯和87个来自埃及的尼卡比斯。定量数据来自292名受访者。定性数据是通过生活故事技术从27名尼卡比斯人、6名埃及人和21名印度尼西亚人的深度访谈中收集的。采访了埃及和印度尼西亚的12位知名人士,并在两国进行了两次重点小组讨论,涉及女性活动家、学者、政府雇员和宗教领袖。本研究的框架是伊斯兰主义与民族主义之争。这项研究表明,印尼和埃及的面纱在民族自豪感方面存在显著差异。大约30%的印尼人对自己是印尼公民并不感到自豪,而在埃及,这一比例仅为3%。银行利息被用来衡量他们的伊斯兰精致程度,通过这一点,两国的Niqabis有着相似的观点,其中近90%的人认为这种做法不是伊斯兰的。此外,超过50%的人支持哈里发制度,这意味着四分之一的niqabis认为现有政府是thoghut(非伊斯兰),近15%的人同意通过暴力手段捍卫伊斯兰教。
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引用次数: 11
Misinterpretation of Patience: An Analytical Study of Nerimo Concept within the Indonesian Muslim Society 耐心的误读——对印尼穆斯林社会内里莫观念的分析研究
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-29 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.153-176
A. Kuswaya
This research aims to deeply explore the nerimo concept in Javanese Muslim society. Nerimo as the philosophy of Javanese culture is often associated with the concept of patience in Islamic doctrine. This research shows that there are a misconception understanding and practice among the Javanese Muslims regarding the concept of nerimo and patience. They tend to express nerimo and patience as a practice of passivity, static, and blind submission to all problems of life. This causes the values contained those concepts to be reduced and lose the spirit of liberation for the life of mankind. By employing a liberation hermeneutic approach and sociological analysis, this research concludes that the nerimo concept in Javanese Muslim could be reconstructed into a Javanese idea that implies human endurance in every period of life. The concepts of nerimo and patience alternately are a form of psychological, spiritual, and intellectual awareness that every life has a periodic motion where every person will surely experience life fluctuations. Then the principle of patience and nerimo become a catalyst for the position of life to turn it back into motion. Patience and nerimo, therefore, are not placed as results but are situated as the power of a continuity life process which can drive people surpassing one stage of their lives.
本研究旨在深入探讨爪哇穆斯林社会中的nerimo概念。尼里莫作为爪哇文化的哲学,经常与伊斯兰教义中的耐心概念联系在一起。这项研究表明,爪哇穆斯林对苦力和耐心的概念存在误解。他们倾向于将苦闷和耐心表达为对生活中所有问题的被动、静态和盲目服从。这导致包含这些概念的价值观被削弱,并失去了人类生命的解放精神。通过解放解释学方法和社会学分析,本研究得出结论,爪哇穆斯林的nerimo概念可以重建为一种爪哇思想,它意味着人类在生命的每个阶段都有耐力。nerimo和耐心交替的概念是一种心理、精神和智力意识,即每个生命都有一个周期性的运动,每个人都会经历生命的波动。然后,耐心原则和nerimo成为生活地位的催化剂,使其重新运转起来。因此,耐心和苦闷并不是作为结果,而是作为连续性生活过程的力量,它可以驱使人们超越人生的一个阶段。
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引用次数: 5
The Demise of Moderate Islam: new media, contestation, and reclaiming religious authorities 温和伊斯兰教的消亡:新媒体、争论和恢复宗教权威
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-29 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.1-24
Wahyudi Akmaliah
The landscape of the Indonesian public sphere amidst the rise of new media has opened both opportunities and threats dealing with Islamic teaching. This condition shapes a danger for the two largest of moderate Muslim Organisations (Muhammadiyah and Nahdatul Ulama/NU), in which they do not engage a lot of this development of the digital platform. Consequently, dealing with religious issues, their voices become voiceless. By employing desk research through some relevant references and collecting information from social media, specifically Instagram and Youtube, this article examines the role of the Islamic organization of moderate Islam in the rapid of the digital platform as the new of the public sphere. The article finds that they have difference respond to dealing with the presence of the new religious authorities. In comparison, while Muhammadiyah is more accepting of them calmly, NU is more reactively in responding.Lanskap ruang publik Indonesia di tengah muncunya media sosial membuka kesempatan sekaligus ancaman terkait dengan dakwah Islam. Hal itu merupakan ancaman bagi dua organisasi besar Moderat Islam di Indonesia (Muhammadiyah dan NU), di mana mereka menjadi kelompok minoritas dalam aktivitas dakwah online. Akibatnya, berkaitan dengan issu-isu keagamaan, suara mereka menjadi tidak terdengar/didengarkan. Dengan melakukan riset studi literatur yang relevan dan informasi yang didapatkan dari akun media sosial, khususnya Instagram dan Youtube, artikel ini menjelaskan peranan organisasi Islam moderat di tengah cepatnya platform digital di ruang publik. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa Muhammadiyah dan NU memiliki respon yang berbeda terkait dengan kehadiran otoritas keagamaan baru. Sebagai perbandingan, penerimaan Muhammadiyah terhadap kehadiran mereka terlebih lebih biasa ketimbang dengan NU yang reactif.
随着新媒体的兴起,印尼公共领域的格局为伊斯兰教教学带来了机遇和威胁。这种情况给两个最大的温和的穆斯林组织(Muhammadiyah和Nahdatul Ulama/NU)带来了危险,因为他们没有参与到数字平台的发展中来。因此,在处理宗教问题时,他们的声音变得无声无息。本文通过查阅相关资料和从社交媒体(尤其是Instagram和Youtube)上收集信息的方法,探讨了温和派伊斯兰教组织在数字平台作为公共领域新事物的快速发展中所扮演的角色。文章发现,他们在应对新宗教权威的存在时有着不同的反应。相比之下,穆罕默迪亚更冷静地接受他们,而NU则更积极地回应。兰斯卡普朗是印度尼西亚的公众人物,他是印度尼西亚的媒体社交成员,他是印度尼西亚的媒体社交成员,他是印度尼西亚的媒体社交成员。印度尼西亚现代伊斯兰教组织(Muhammadiyah dan NU)、少数民族组织(dalam aktivitas dakwah online)。Akibatnya, berkaitan dengan issuu keagamaan, suara mereka menjadi tidak terdengar/ diengarkan。登干密拉库坎访问研究文学杨相关丹信息杨dididapatkan dari akun媒体社交,khususnya Instagram丹Youtube, artikel ini menjelaskan peranan组织伊斯兰温和派迪tengah cepatnya平台数字diruang公众。Artikel ini menemukan bahwa Muhammadiyah和NU memiliki响应yang berbeda terkait dengan kehadiran otoritas keagamaan baru。Sebagai perbandingan, penerimaan Muhammadiyah terhadap kehadiran mereka terlebih lebih biasa ketimbang dengan NU yang反应。
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引用次数: 47
VIOLENCE IN ONLINE MEDIA AND ITS IMPLICATION TO ISLAMIC EDUCATION OF INDONESIA 网络媒体中的暴力及其对印尼伊斯兰教育的影响
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-29 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.177-198
Abdullah Aly, M. Thoyibi
This article focused on two aspects. In aspect one we focused on the respond of online media to the issues of violence in Indonesia, especially Suara Muhammadiyah Online and Nahdhatul Ulama Online. In aspect two we recommend that the results of this study be the basis for developing Islamic education in Indonesia. Data collection was conducted by document study to texts of Suara Muhammadiyah Online as well as Nahdhatul Ulama Online, especially the issues of violence in Indonesia. The data were analyzed with discourse analysis used social semiotics model of Halliday, M.A.K. The study found that Muhammadiyah and NU had the same response to the issues of violence in Indonesia as social problems which should be denied. Both reject any form of violence, although they differ in detail the types of violence and the reasons for the rejection of violent cases in Indonesia. Furthermore, the results of the study recommended selecting both teaching materials and learning methods. Both were the opinions of Ibn Miskawayh and Naquib al-Attas and were further offered as a strategy to reduce the cases of violence that have occurred in Indonesia.
本文主要关注两个方面。一方面,我们聚焦网路媒体对印尼暴力议题的反应,尤其是Suara Muhammadiyah online和Nahdhatul Ulama online。在第二方面,我们建议将这项研究的结果作为在印度尼西亚发展伊斯兰教育的基础。通过对Suara Muhammadiyah Online和Nahdhatul Ulama Online的文本进行文献研究来收集数据,特别是印度尼西亚的暴力问题。使用Halliday, M.A.K.的社会符号学模型对数据进行话语分析。研究发现,Muhammadiyah和NU对印度尼西亚暴力问题的反应是相同的,这是应该被否认的社会问题。两者都反对任何形式的暴力,尽管它们在印度尼西亚的暴力类型和拒绝暴力案件的原因上有详细的不同。此外,研究结果建议选择教材和学习方法。这两项意见都是Ibn Miskawayh和Naquib al-Attas的意见,并被进一步作为减少印度尼西亚发生的暴力案件的战略。
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引用次数: 13
Islam Nusantara, ulemas, and social media: understanding the pros and cons of Islam Nusantara among ulemas of West Sumatera 伊斯兰努桑塔拉、乌里玛和社交媒体:了解西苏门答腊乌里玛中伊斯兰努桑塔拉的利弊
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-12-25 DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v9i2.163-188
Benny Ridwan, Iswandi Syahputra, Azhari Akmal Tarigan, F. Siregar
The concept of Islam Nusantara, which is defined as Islam that accommodates the customs and culture of the (Indonesian) Archipelago, has been rejected by the West Sumatera branch of Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI). Meanwhile, other groups in West Sumatera support the Islam Nusantara concept. This article explains the pros and cons of Islam Nusantara among religious leaders in West Sumatera in the context of social media activities. Ulemas rejected Islam Nusantara in West Sumatera based on the perspective that Islam as a religion has reached peak perfection,adding the word Nusantara is, thus, unnecessary. Other religious leaders in West Sumatera have embraced Islam Nusantara based on the view that in terms of customs in Minangkabau, the principle of Adaik Bersandi Syarak, Syarak Bersandi Kitabullah is followed. This is a field study employing the qualitative method of approach. Data were obtained via in-depth interviews with four West Sumatran religious figures (ulemas) and subsequently analyzed in an interpretative and descriptive manner. The findings in this study show that the ulemas’ rejection of Islam Nusantara via Facebook indicates a shift in the definition of ulemas as religious leaders to that of opinion makers. This is a new finding that has never been studied before as it places the pros and cons of Islam Nusantara within the context of virtual culture. Consequently, this study has implications on the definition of ulemas as religious leaders overlapping with their part as opinion makers and opinion leaders in the current era of new media. Gagasan Islam Nusantara sebagai Islam yang mengakomodir adat dan budaya Nusantara ditolak kehadirannya oleh Majelis Ulama Indonesia wilayah Sumatera Barat. Sementara itu terdapat kelompok lain yang mendukung gagasan Islam Nusantara di Sumatera Barat. Artikel ini menjelaskan pro dan kontra di antara pemuka agama tentang Islam Nusantara di Sumatera Barat dalam konteks aktivitas di media sosial. Islam Nusantara di tolak oleh Ulama di Sumatera Barat didasari oleh pandangan umum bahwa Islam sebagai agama telah mencapai sempurna, sehingga tidak diperlukan penambahan kata Nusantara. Sedangkan pemuka agama lainnya menerima Islam Nusantara di Sumatera Barat karena didasari oleh pandangan umum bahwa adat di Minangkabau Sumatera Barat berpegang pada prinsip Adaik Bersandi Syarak, Syarak Bersandi Kitabullah. Data penelitian dikumpulkan melalui wawancara mendalam terhadap empat pemuka agama (ulama) di Sumatera Barat. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa aktivitas ulama yang menolak Islam Nusantara melalui facebook menggambarkan pergeseran makna Ulama dari religius leader ke opinion maker. Namun pergeseran tersebut justru mengokohkan ulama sebagai pemilik otoritas keagamaan. Temuan ini dapat berimplikasi pada terminologi ulama sebagai religius leader pada era media baru akan berhimpitan dengan terminologi opinion maker dan opinion leader sebagai terminologi baru pada era media baru.
伊斯兰努桑塔拉的概念被定义为适应(印度尼西亚)群岛习俗和文化的伊斯兰教,这一概念已被印度尼西亚乌里玛委员会(MUI)的西苏门答腊分支拒绝。与此同时,西苏门答腊的其他团体支持伊斯兰教的努桑塔拉概念。这篇文章解释了在社交媒体活动的背景下,西苏门答腊宗教领袖中伊斯兰努桑塔拉的利弊。在西苏门答腊,乌里玛们以“伊斯兰教作为宗教已经达到了顶峰”为由,拒绝了“努桑塔拉”一词,因此没有必要使用“努桑塔拉”一词。西苏门答腊的其他宗教领袖也接受了伊斯兰努桑塔拉,他们认为在米南卡保的习俗方面,遵循了Adaik Bersandi Syarak, Syarak Bersandi Kitabullah的原则。这是一项采用定性方法的实地研究。通过对四位西苏门答腊宗教人物(乌里玛)的深入访谈获得数据,随后以解释和描述的方式进行分析。本研究的发现表明,乌里玛通过Facebook拒绝伊斯兰努桑塔拉,表明乌里玛作为宗教领袖的定义向舆论制造者的定义转变。这是一个从未被研究过的新发现,因为它将伊斯兰努桑塔拉的利弊置于虚拟文化的背景下。因此,本研究对乌里马斯作为宗教领袖的定义与他们在当前新媒体时代作为意见制造者和意见领袖的角色重叠具有启示意义。印度尼西亚,印度尼西亚,印度尼西亚,苏门答腊岛。Sementara itu terdapat kelompok lain yang mendukung gagasan Islam Nusantara di sumatra Barat。在苏门答腊岛上,有一群人在与媒体社交活动有关的活动,他们是在与媒体社交活动有关的活动。伊斯兰教:努桑塔拉迪tolak oleh Ulama di sumata Barat didasari oleh pandangan umum bahwa Islam sebagai agama telah mencapai sempurna, sehinga tidak diperlukan penambahan kata Nusantara。Sedangkan pemuka agama lainnya menerima Islam . Nusantara di sumata Barat karena didasari oleh pandangan umum bahwa adat di Minangkabau .苏门答腊Barat berpegang族长Adaik Bersandi Syarak, Syarak Bersandi Kitabullah。数据分析:dikumpulkan melalui wawankara mendalam terhadap empat pemuka agama (ulama) di sumatra Barat。Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa aktivitas ulama yang menolak Islam Nusantara melalui facebook menggambarkan pergeseran makna ulama dari宗教领袖,舆论制造者。Namun pergeseran tersebut just stru mengokohkan ulama sebagai pemilik otoritas keagamaan。Temuan ini dapat berimplikasi paada terminologi ulama sebagai宗教领袖paada era media baru akan berbagai宗教领袖,paada era media baru
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引用次数: 12
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Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies
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