Pub Date : 2020-12-21DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i2.353-380
Agus Wahyu Triatmo, R. Karsidi, D. T. Kartono, S. Suwarto
This present research studies the ideologization practices of the Islamic philanthropy institution managed by the civil society in Indonesia: a case study of Suryakarta Beramal Foundation. A qualitative method with a case study approach was employed. Data was collected using in-depth interviews, observations and documentation techniques and then inductively analyzed. The results show that Suryakarta Beramal is a philanthropy institution ideologically affiliated withthe Tarbiyah movement. Most of the collected Islamic philanthropy funds: zakat, (alms-giving), infak (infaq), sadaqah (donation) and wakaf (religious endowment) were provided to finance the educational institution possessed by Suryakarta Beramal, except for poverty alleviation; the educational institution also functions as an ideologization medium. Ideologization was conducted through curriculum engineering, holding various events such as smart recharging, liqa, mabit, rihlah and halaqah and students’ habituation, starting from using uniforms for religious activities either at school or in the dormitory. The result of the ideologization is that the alumni of the school of Suryakarta Beramal became the loyalists of the Tarbiyah ideology and are affiliated with Partai Adil Makmur (PAM) (Just and Affluent Party) as the political wing of the Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia.
{"title":"A political ideology of the Indonesian Islamic philanthropy institution: a case study of Suryakarta Beramal foundation","authors":"Agus Wahyu Triatmo, R. Karsidi, D. T. Kartono, S. Suwarto","doi":"10.18326/ijims.v10i2.353-380","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v10i2.353-380","url":null,"abstract":"This present research studies the ideologization practices of the Islamic philanthropy institution managed by the civil society in Indonesia: a case study of Suryakarta Beramal Foundation. A qualitative method with a case study approach was employed. Data was collected using in-depth interviews, observations and documentation techniques and then inductively analyzed. The results show that Suryakarta Beramal is a philanthropy institution ideologically affiliated withthe Tarbiyah movement. Most of the collected Islamic philanthropy funds: zakat, (alms-giving), infak (infaq), sadaqah (donation) and wakaf (religious endowment) were provided to finance the educational institution possessed by Suryakarta Beramal, except for poverty alleviation; the educational institution also functions as an ideologization medium. Ideologization was conducted through curriculum engineering, holding various events such as smart recharging, liqa, mabit, rihlah and halaqah and students’ habituation, starting from using uniforms for religious activities either at school or in the dormitory. The result of the ideologization is that the alumni of the school of Suryakarta Beramal became the loyalists of the Tarbiyah ideology and are affiliated with Partai Adil Makmur (PAM) (Just and Affluent Party) as the political wing of the Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":42170,"journal":{"name":"Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43765248","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-29DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.103-126
S. Yusuf
Naqshbandiyah is one of the names of tarekat that still exist in the Islamic world for 8 centuries (12-20 AD) because it has successfully carried out Islamization using cultural approach. Khalwat dar anjuman or ‘seclusion from the crowd’ is the main method of training and spiritual discipline to defend Islamic beliefs and values from the various crises of modern human life, which leads to spiritual emptiness.Assumption on khalwat causing someone to behave exclusively towards his/her environment is very interesting to study. Phenomenological research using Max Weber’s sociology of religion approach is used to find motives and symbolic meanings of student behavior (salik) that follow khalwat (suluk) in Tarekat Naqshbandiyah of Durisawo Ponorogo. The results of research show that, first,belief in kharisma murshid of Tarekat Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah is a gift from Allah SWT that is able to assist students in enhancing their spiritual experience (religious motives) and overcoming various problem that interfere both physical and psychological states, making them be more socially and morally intelligent in their lives (individual motives). Second, khalwat (suluk) has a subjective meaning for a student during his way to reach maqamat (station) until he is given the highest spiritual experience in the degree of ma’rifatullah by doing dhikr, muraqabah, kwayani, tawajuh, uzlah. Khalwat (suluk) also means intersubjective for salik during the interaction with murshid teacher through rabithah murshid, talqin, bai'at, sungkem tradition, and pilgrimage of murshid teacher’s grave. Third, the implication of students’ behavior after attending khalwat is they have calm and happy heart to be involved in social life in their environment according to their respective professions manifested in the form of social care in overcoming poverty and giving attention to orphans through daily social charity activities and donation. Khalwat participants have become intersubjective humans because they have been able to find their qualities in understanding reality.Naqsyabandiyah sebagai salah satu nama tarekat yang terbukti tetap eksis di dunia Islam selama 8 abad (12-20 M) karena berhasil melakukan Islamisasi dengan pendekatan kultural. Khalwat dar anjuman atau ‘menyepi di tengah keramaian’ sebagai metode utama pelatihan dan disiplin spiritual untuk mempertahankan keyakinan dan nilai-nilai Islam dari berbagai krisis kehidupan manusia modern yang menyebabkan kehampaan spiritual. Anggapan bahwa khalwat menyebabkan sesorang berikap ekskusif terhadap lingkungannya sangat menarik untuk diteliti. Penelitian fenomenologis dengan pendekatan sosiologi agama Max Weber ini untuk menemukan motif dan makna simbolik dari perilaku murid (salik) yang mengikuti khalwat (suluk) dalam tarekat Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah Durisawo Ponorogo. Hasil penelitian menemukan: pertama, kepercayaan pada kharisma mursyid tarekat Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah sebagai anugerah Allah SWT yang mampu membantu murid dal
{"title":"Intersubyektifity of khalwat (suluk) members in the tarekat Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah Ponorogo","authors":"S. Yusuf","doi":"10.18326/ijims.v10i1.103-126","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v10i1.103-126","url":null,"abstract":"Naqshbandiyah is one of the names of tarekat that still exist in the Islamic world for 8 centuries (12-20 AD) because it has successfully carried out Islamization using cultural approach. Khalwat dar anjuman or ‘seclusion from the crowd’ is the main method of training and spiritual discipline to defend Islamic beliefs and values from the various crises of modern human life, which leads to spiritual emptiness.Assumption on khalwat causing someone to behave exclusively towards his/her environment is very interesting to study. Phenomenological research using Max Weber’s sociology of religion approach is used to find motives and symbolic meanings of student behavior (salik) that follow khalwat (suluk) in Tarekat Naqshbandiyah of Durisawo Ponorogo. The results of research show that, first,belief in kharisma murshid of Tarekat Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah is a gift from Allah SWT that is able to assist students in enhancing their spiritual experience (religious motives) and overcoming various problem that interfere both physical and psychological states, making them be more socially and morally intelligent in their lives (individual motives). Second, khalwat (suluk) has a subjective meaning for a student during his way to reach maqamat (station) until he is given the highest spiritual experience in the degree of ma’rifatullah by doing dhikr, muraqabah, kwayani, tawajuh, uzlah. Khalwat (suluk) also means intersubjective for salik during the interaction with murshid teacher through rabithah murshid, talqin, bai'at, sungkem tradition, and pilgrimage of murshid teacher’s grave. Third, the implication of students’ behavior after attending khalwat is they have calm and happy heart to be involved in social life in their environment according to their respective professions manifested in the form of social care in overcoming poverty and giving attention to orphans through daily social charity activities and donation. Khalwat participants have become intersubjective humans because they have been able to find their qualities in understanding reality.Naqsyabandiyah sebagai salah satu nama tarekat yang terbukti tetap eksis di dunia Islam selama 8 abad (12-20 M) karena berhasil melakukan Islamisasi dengan pendekatan kultural. Khalwat dar anjuman atau ‘menyepi di tengah keramaian’ sebagai metode utama pelatihan dan disiplin spiritual untuk mempertahankan keyakinan dan nilai-nilai Islam dari berbagai krisis kehidupan manusia modern yang menyebabkan kehampaan spiritual. Anggapan bahwa khalwat menyebabkan sesorang berikap ekskusif terhadap lingkungannya sangat menarik untuk diteliti. Penelitian fenomenologis dengan pendekatan sosiologi agama Max Weber ini untuk menemukan motif dan makna simbolik dari perilaku murid (salik) yang mengikuti khalwat (suluk) dalam tarekat Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah Durisawo Ponorogo. Hasil penelitian menemukan: pertama, kepercayaan pada kharisma mursyid tarekat Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah sebagai anugerah Allah SWT yang mampu membantu murid dal","PeriodicalId":42170,"journal":{"name":"Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42806610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-29DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.79-101
Aris Badara, Jamiludin Jamiludin
The purpose of this study is to reveal the representation of women workers in newspaper news discourse that follows the nationalist-secular ideology and the Islamic ideology perspectives. The method of this research is a qualitative content analysis that views the text as a symbolic message and it requires interpretation according to the context. Complementing the research method, a critical discourse analysis approach is also used. The subjects of this research are female workers found in newspaper news discourse that carries the values of Islamic ideology and newspapers that carry nationalist-secular ideology. Data were analyzed through critical discourse analysis techniques in the following steps: (a) description; (b) interpretation; and (c) explanation. This research still considers checking the reliability and the validity. Data analysis is also complemented by confirmation of linguists and peers (triangulation of sources). The main findings of this study show that the practice of discourse in the RM newspaper which follows the nationalist-secular ideology perspective represents marginal women. By the RM newspaper, the representation is used as a plea for the actions and trait of male actors or employers. The motive revealed from this phenomenon is to follow the demand of the market. On the other hand, the newspaper R, which tends to follow Islamic ideology perspective, represents the motive of advocacy for women workers. This is the implication of the values of Islamic ideology carried out by the R newspaper as mentioned in its vision and mission. The findings are also the antithesis of the view that Islam isolates women in the social sphere of society.
{"title":"Representation of Indonesian women workers: a critical discourse analysis on the newspapers of nationalist-secular and Islamic ideological perspectives","authors":"Aris Badara, Jamiludin Jamiludin","doi":"10.18326/ijims.v10i1.79-101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v10i1.79-101","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this study is to reveal the representation of women workers in newspaper news discourse that follows the nationalist-secular ideology and the Islamic ideology perspectives. The method of this research is a qualitative content analysis that views the text as a symbolic message and it requires interpretation according to the context. Complementing the research method, a critical discourse analysis approach is also used. The subjects of this research are female workers found in newspaper news discourse that carries the values of Islamic ideology and newspapers that carry nationalist-secular ideology. Data were analyzed through critical discourse analysis techniques in the following steps: (a) description; (b) interpretation; and (c) explanation. This research still considers checking the reliability and the validity. Data analysis is also complemented by confirmation of linguists and peers (triangulation of sources). The main findings of this study show that the practice of discourse in the RM newspaper which follows the nationalist-secular ideology perspective represents marginal women. By the RM newspaper, the representation is used as a plea for the actions and trait of male actors or employers. The motive revealed from this phenomenon is to follow the demand of the market. On the other hand, the newspaper R, which tends to follow Islamic ideology perspective, represents the motive of advocacy for women workers. This is the implication of the values of Islamic ideology carried out by the R newspaper as mentioned in its vision and mission. The findings are also the antithesis of the view that Islam isolates women in the social sphere of society.","PeriodicalId":42170,"journal":{"name":"Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45168530","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-29DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.127-151
Z. Shehada
Abstract Jerusalem is one of the oldest cities in the world. It was built by the Canaanites in 3000 B.C., became the first Qiblaof Muslims and is the third holiest shrine after Mecca and Medina. It is believed to be the only sacred city in the world that is considered historically and spiritually significant to Muslims, Christians, and Jews alike. Since its establishment, the city had been subjected to a series of changes as the result of political, economic and social developments that affected the architectural formation through successive periods from the beginning leading up to the Ottoman Era, which then achieved relative stability. The research aims to examine and review the conservation mechanisms of the architectural buildings during the Ottomans rule in Jerusalem for more than 400 years, and how the Ottoman Sultans had contributed in revitalizing and protecting the city from loss and extinction. The researcher followed the historical interpretive method using descriptive analysis based on a literature review and preliminary study to determine Ottoman practices in conserving the historical and architectural heritage of Jerusalem. The research found that the Ottoman efforts towards conserving the architectural heritage in Jerusalem fell into four categories (Renovation, Restoration, Reconstruction and Rehabilitation). The Ottomans focused on the conservation of the existing buildings rather than new construction, because of their respect of local traditions and the holy places.
{"title":"The Influence of Ottoman Empire on The Conservation of The Architectural Heritage in Jerusalem","authors":"Z. Shehada","doi":"10.18326/ijims.v10i1.127-151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v10i1.127-151","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Jerusalem is one of the oldest cities in the world. It was built by the Canaanites in 3000 B.C., became the first Qiblaof Muslims and is the third holiest shrine after Mecca and Medina. It is believed to be the only sacred city in the world that is considered historically and spiritually significant to Muslims, Christians, and Jews alike. Since its establishment, the city had been subjected to a series of changes as the result of political, economic and social developments that affected the architectural formation through successive periods from the beginning leading up to the Ottoman Era, which then achieved relative stability. The research aims to examine and review the conservation mechanisms of the architectural buildings during the Ottomans rule in Jerusalem for more than 400 years, and how the Ottoman Sultans had contributed in revitalizing and protecting the city from loss and extinction. The researcher followed the historical interpretive method using descriptive analysis based on a literature review and preliminary study to determine Ottoman practices in conserving the historical and architectural heritage of Jerusalem. The research found that the Ottoman efforts towards conserving the architectural heritage in Jerusalem fell into four categories (Renovation, Restoration, Reconstruction and Rehabilitation). The Ottomans focused on the conservation of the existing buildings rather than new construction, because of their respect of local traditions and the holy places.","PeriodicalId":42170,"journal":{"name":"Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43157465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-29DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.25-48
M. Amal
This article examines violence against religious minorities, especially Shia groups in the democracy of Indonesia, focusing particularly on the case of the 2016 anti- Milad Fatimah (Fatimah Birth Commemoration) mass mobilization performed by IJABI (The all-Indonesia Assembly of Ahlul Bait Associations) in Bondowoso, East Java, Indonesia. This article finds that the anti- Milad Fatimah mass mobilization involved alliances and conspiracy between Godly Muslim groups with a varied agenda. Sunni militant groups from the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), FPI (Islamic Defenders Front), Wahabi/Salafi, and Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) groups, which merged into FOKUS ( Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jama'ah Communication Forum), were the main protagonists who played a key role in driving mass mobilization. Unlike previous studies that understood the anti-Shia movement merely as a form of affirming Islamic orthodoxy, this study finds evidence that there were wider agendas than the theological ones. Excluding the Shia from capturing Islamic public space, and challenging religious authority and local power which was dominated by moderate Muslim groups, were the socio-political agendas which contributed to the anti- Milad Fatimah mass mobilization. The involvement of radical Islamist groups such as the activists of the Tarbiyah and HTI is a sign that there is a strong political agenda behind mass mobilization. However, the ultimate goal of applying Islamic Sharia will never fade from the religious movements of Islamist groups. Studi ini mengkaji kekerasan terhadap minoritas agama khususnya kelompok Shia di Indonesia era demokrasi. Tulisan memilih kasus aksi mobilisasi massa anti-Milad Fatimah yang dilaksanakan oleh IJABI (Ikatan Jama’ah Ahlul Bait Indonesia), Bondowoso, Jawa Timur pada 2016. Tulisan ini memeroleh temuan yang menarik bahwa aksi mobilisasi massa anti-Milad Fatimah, melibatkan aliansi longgar di antara kelompok-kelompok Godly Muslim dengan agendanya yang tidak tunggal. Kelompok-kelompok militant Sunni dari kalangan NU, FPI, Wahabi/Salafi dan HTI, yang menggabungkan diri ke dalam FOKUS (Forum Komunikasi Ahlus Sunnah wal Jama’ah), merupakan aktor-aktor utama yang berperan penting dalam memobilisir aksi massa tersebut. Berbeda dari kajiankajian yang umumnya memahami gerakan anti-Shi’ah sebagai bentuk peneguhan ortodoksi Islam atupun homogenisasi Islam Indonesia, studi ini mendapati temuan yang jauh lebih besar dan kompleks dari sekedar agenda teologis itu. Mengekslusi Shi’ah dari ruang public Islam dan menantang otoritas keagamaan dan kekuasaan local yang didominasi oleh kelompok-kelompok Muslim moderat merupakan sejumlah agenda sosio-politik yang turut mewarnai aksi massa itu. Keterlibatan kelompok-kelompok Islamisme radikal seperti aktivis Gerakan Tarbiyah dan Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), menjadi sinyalemen cukup kuat adanya agenda politis di balik aksi massa. Bagaimanapun, imaginasi dan citacita penerapan syari’at Islam tidak akan pernah pudar dari gerakan keagamaan ke
本文探讨了印尼民主社会中针对宗教少数群体,特别是什叶派群体的暴力行为,特别关注2016年由IJABI(Ahlul Bait Associations全印尼大会)在印度尼西亚东爪哇邦多沃索举行的反米拉德·法蒂玛(Fatimah诞辰纪念)大规模动员活动。这篇文章发现,反米拉德·法蒂玛的大规模动员涉及各种议程的神圣穆斯林团体之间的联盟和阴谋。来自Nahdlatul Ulama(联合国)、FPI(伊斯兰捍卫者阵线)、Wahabi/Salafi和Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia(HTI)组织的逊尼派激进组织合并为FOKUS(Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jama'ah通讯论坛),是在推动群众动员方面发挥关键作用的主要人物。与之前的研究不同,这些研究将反什叶派运动仅仅理解为一种肯定伊斯兰正统的形式,这项研究发现有证据表明,有比神学更广泛的议程。将什叶派排除在占领伊斯兰公共空间之外,挑战由温和穆斯林团体主导的宗教权威和地方权力,是促成反米拉德·法蒂玛大规模动员的社会政治议程。Tarbiyah和HTI等激进伊斯兰组织的参与表明,大规模动员背后有着强大的政治议程。然而,应用伊斯兰教法的最终目标永远不会从伊斯兰团体的宗教运动中消失。本研究调查了印尼民主时代针对宗教少数群体,特别是什叶派群体的暴力行为。书面选择了2016年由Jawa East Bondowoso的IJABI(Jama'ah Binatan Ahlul Bait Indonesia)实施的反Milad Fatimah大规模动员行动的案例。这篇文章获得了一个有趣的发现,即反米拉德·法蒂玛的大规模动员行动涉及神圣穆斯林团体之间的松散联盟及其独特的议程。来自联合国、FPI、Wahabi/Salafi和HTI的逊尼派激进组织加入了FOKUS(Sunnah Mayor Communications Forum),是动员这些大规模行动的关键参与者。与通常将反什叶派运动理解为伊斯兰教正统确认或印尼伊斯兰教同质化的一种形式的研究不同,这项研究发现了一个比神学议程更大、更复杂的发现。将什叶派排除在伊斯兰公共空间之外,挑战由温和穆斯林团体主导的宗教和地方当局,是一系列社会政治议程,这些议程为大规模行动蒙上了色彩。激进伊斯兰组织,如塔比耶和印尼解放党活动人士的参与,是大规模行动背后政治议程的强烈信号。然而,伊斯兰社会的想象力和渴望永远不会从伊斯兰团体的宗教运动中消失。
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Pub Date : 2020-05-29DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.49-77
Siti Ruhaini Dzuhayatin
The phenomenon of the increasing number of niqabis in Indonesia and Egypt has become concern to the government, academics and also civil society. This is due to the involvement of the niqabis or women with the niqab in terrorist networks. Those piece of cloth covering the face is not merely the manifestation of faith but apparently entails a certain ideological doctrine of the so-called Islam kaffah (ultimate Islam) through the establishemnt of Islamic khilafah (Islamic caliphate) as opposed to democracy and modern state. This study aims at observing the extents to which the niqabis negotiate Islam and their nationalism in their respective counties in Indonesia and Egypt where Muslim are the major population. This study employed a mix of methods, qualitative and quantitative involving 205 Niqabis from Indonesia and 87 niqabis from Egypt. The quantitative data were obtained from 292 respondents. While the qualitiative data were collected from 27 niqabis in-depth interview through life story technique, 6 Eqyptians and 21 Indonesians. twelve prominent figures in Egypt and Indonesia were interviewed and two focuse group discussions were conducted in both countries involving women activists, academicians, government employees, and religious leaders. The framework of this study is the contestation between Islamism and nationalism. This study indicated that there is a significant difference between the niqabis of Indonesia and Egypt percieved the national pride. Around 30 percent of Indonesian niqabis are not proud being the Indonesian citizen while in Egypt only about 3 percent. Bank interest is used to measure their Islamic refinement through which Niqabis in both countries share a similar view where almost 90% of them believe that the practice is not Islamic. Moreover, more than 50% support the Caliphate system which means that one in four niqabis consider that the existing government is thoghut (non Islamic) and nearly 15% agree to defend Islam by means of violence.
{"title":"Islamism and Nationalism among Niqabis Women in Egypt and Indonesia","authors":"Siti Ruhaini Dzuhayatin","doi":"10.18326/ijims.v10i1.49-77","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v10i1.49-77","url":null,"abstract":"The phenomenon of the increasing number of niqabis in Indonesia and Egypt has become concern to the government, academics and also civil society. This is due to the involvement of the niqabis or women with the niqab in terrorist networks. Those piece of cloth covering the face is not merely the manifestation of faith but apparently entails a certain ideological doctrine of the so-called Islam kaffah (ultimate Islam) through the establishemnt of Islamic khilafah (Islamic caliphate) as opposed to democracy and modern state. This study aims at observing the extents to which the niqabis negotiate Islam and their nationalism in their respective counties in Indonesia and Egypt where Muslim are the major population. This study employed a mix of methods, qualitative and quantitative involving 205 Niqabis from Indonesia and 87 niqabis from Egypt. The quantitative data were obtained from 292 respondents. While the qualitiative data were collected from 27 niqabis in-depth interview through life story technique, 6 Eqyptians and 21 Indonesians. twelve prominent figures in Egypt and Indonesia were interviewed and two focuse group discussions were conducted in both countries involving women activists, academicians, government employees, and religious leaders. The framework of this study is the contestation between Islamism and nationalism. This study indicated that there is a significant difference between the niqabis of Indonesia and Egypt percieved the national pride. Around 30 percent of Indonesian niqabis are not proud being the Indonesian citizen while in Egypt only about 3 percent. Bank interest is used to measure their Islamic refinement through which Niqabis in both countries share a similar view where almost 90% of them believe that the practice is not Islamic. Moreover, more than 50% support the Caliphate system which means that one in four niqabis consider that the existing government is thoghut (non Islamic) and nearly 15% agree to defend Islam by means of violence.","PeriodicalId":42170,"journal":{"name":"Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42232159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-29DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.153-176
A. Kuswaya
This research aims to deeply explore the nerimo concept in Javanese Muslim society. Nerimo as the philosophy of Javanese culture is often associated with the concept of patience in Islamic doctrine. This research shows that there are a misconception understanding and practice among the Javanese Muslims regarding the concept of nerimo and patience. They tend to express nerimo and patience as a practice of passivity, static, and blind submission to all problems of life. This causes the values contained those concepts to be reduced and lose the spirit of liberation for the life of mankind. By employing a liberation hermeneutic approach and sociological analysis, this research concludes that the nerimo concept in Javanese Muslim could be reconstructed into a Javanese idea that implies human endurance in every period of life. The concepts of nerimo and patience alternately are a form of psychological, spiritual, and intellectual awareness that every life has a periodic motion where every person will surely experience life fluctuations. Then the principle of patience and nerimo become a catalyst for the position of life to turn it back into motion. Patience and nerimo, therefore, are not placed as results but are situated as the power of a continuity life process which can drive people surpassing one stage of their lives.
{"title":"Misinterpretation of Patience: An Analytical Study of Nerimo Concept within the Indonesian Muslim Society","authors":"A. Kuswaya","doi":"10.18326/ijims.v10i1.153-176","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v10i1.153-176","url":null,"abstract":"This research aims to deeply explore the nerimo concept in Javanese Muslim society. Nerimo as the philosophy of Javanese culture is often associated with the concept of patience in Islamic doctrine. This research shows that there are a misconception understanding and practice among the Javanese Muslims regarding the concept of nerimo and patience. They tend to express nerimo and patience as a practice of passivity, static, and blind submission to all problems of life. This causes the values contained those concepts to be reduced and lose the spirit of liberation for the life of mankind. By employing a liberation hermeneutic approach and sociological analysis, this research concludes that the nerimo concept in Javanese Muslim could be reconstructed into a Javanese idea that implies human endurance in every period of life. The concepts of nerimo and patience alternately are a form of psychological, spiritual, and intellectual awareness that every life has a periodic motion where every person will surely experience life fluctuations. Then the principle of patience and nerimo become a catalyst for the position of life to turn it back into motion. Patience and nerimo, therefore, are not placed as results but are situated as the power of a continuity life process which can drive people surpassing one stage of their lives.","PeriodicalId":42170,"journal":{"name":"Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49075981","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-29DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.1-24
Wahyudi Akmaliah
The landscape of the Indonesian public sphere amidst the rise of new media has opened both opportunities and threats dealing with Islamic teaching. This condition shapes a danger for the two largest of moderate Muslim Organisations (Muhammadiyah and Nahdatul Ulama/NU), in which they do not engage a lot of this development of the digital platform. Consequently, dealing with religious issues, their voices become voiceless. By employing desk research through some relevant references and collecting information from social media, specifically Instagram and Youtube, this article examines the role of the Islamic organization of moderate Islam in the rapid of the digital platform as the new of the public sphere. The article finds that they have difference respond to dealing with the presence of the new religious authorities. In comparison, while Muhammadiyah is more accepting of them calmly, NU is more reactively in responding.Lanskap ruang publik Indonesia di tengah muncunya media sosial membuka kesempatan sekaligus ancaman terkait dengan dakwah Islam. Hal itu merupakan ancaman bagi dua organisasi besar Moderat Islam di Indonesia (Muhammadiyah dan NU), di mana mereka menjadi kelompok minoritas dalam aktivitas dakwah online. Akibatnya, berkaitan dengan issu-isu keagamaan, suara mereka menjadi tidak terdengar/didengarkan. Dengan melakukan riset studi literatur yang relevan dan informasi yang didapatkan dari akun media sosial, khususnya Instagram dan Youtube, artikel ini menjelaskan peranan organisasi Islam moderat di tengah cepatnya platform digital di ruang publik. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa Muhammadiyah dan NU memiliki respon yang berbeda terkait dengan kehadiran otoritas keagamaan baru. Sebagai perbandingan, penerimaan Muhammadiyah terhadap kehadiran mereka terlebih lebih biasa ketimbang dengan NU yang reactif.
随着新媒体的兴起,印尼公共领域的格局为伊斯兰教教学带来了机遇和威胁。这种情况给两个最大的温和的穆斯林组织(Muhammadiyah和Nahdatul Ulama/NU)带来了危险,因为他们没有参与到数字平台的发展中来。因此,在处理宗教问题时,他们的声音变得无声无息。本文通过查阅相关资料和从社交媒体(尤其是Instagram和Youtube)上收集信息的方法,探讨了温和派伊斯兰教组织在数字平台作为公共领域新事物的快速发展中所扮演的角色。文章发现,他们在应对新宗教权威的存在时有着不同的反应。相比之下,穆罕默迪亚更冷静地接受他们,而NU则更积极地回应。兰斯卡普朗是印度尼西亚的公众人物,他是印度尼西亚的媒体社交成员,他是印度尼西亚的媒体社交成员,他是印度尼西亚的媒体社交成员。印度尼西亚现代伊斯兰教组织(Muhammadiyah dan NU)、少数民族组织(dalam aktivitas dakwah online)。Akibatnya, berkaitan dengan issuu keagamaan, suara mereka menjadi tidak terdengar/ diengarkan。登干密拉库坎访问研究文学杨相关丹信息杨dididapatkan dari akun媒体社交,khususnya Instagram丹Youtube, artikel ini menjelaskan peranan组织伊斯兰温和派迪tengah cepatnya平台数字diruang公众。Artikel ini menemukan bahwa Muhammadiyah和NU memiliki响应yang berbeda terkait dengan kehadiran otoritas keagamaan baru。Sebagai perbandingan, penerimaan Muhammadiyah terhadap kehadiran mereka terlebih lebih biasa ketimbang dengan NU yang反应。
{"title":"The Demise of Moderate Islam: new media, contestation, and reclaiming religious authorities","authors":"Wahyudi Akmaliah","doi":"10.18326/ijims.v10i1.1-24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v10i1.1-24","url":null,"abstract":"The landscape of the Indonesian public sphere amidst the rise of new media has opened both opportunities and threats dealing with Islamic teaching. This condition shapes a danger for the two largest of moderate Muslim Organisations (Muhammadiyah and Nahdatul Ulama/NU), in which they do not engage a lot of this development of the digital platform. Consequently, dealing with religious issues, their voices become voiceless. By employing desk research through some relevant references and collecting information from social media, specifically Instagram and Youtube, this article examines the role of the Islamic organization of moderate Islam in the rapid of the digital platform as the new of the public sphere. The article finds that they have difference respond to dealing with the presence of the new religious authorities. In comparison, while Muhammadiyah is more accepting of them calmly, NU is more reactively in responding.Lanskap ruang publik Indonesia di tengah muncunya media sosial membuka kesempatan sekaligus ancaman terkait dengan dakwah Islam. Hal itu merupakan ancaman bagi dua organisasi besar Moderat Islam di Indonesia (Muhammadiyah dan NU), di mana mereka menjadi kelompok minoritas dalam aktivitas dakwah online. Akibatnya, berkaitan dengan issu-isu keagamaan, suara mereka menjadi tidak terdengar/didengarkan. Dengan melakukan riset studi literatur yang relevan dan informasi yang didapatkan dari akun media sosial, khususnya Instagram dan Youtube, artikel ini menjelaskan peranan organisasi Islam moderat di tengah cepatnya platform digital di ruang publik. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa Muhammadiyah dan NU memiliki respon yang berbeda terkait dengan kehadiran otoritas keagamaan baru. Sebagai perbandingan, penerimaan Muhammadiyah terhadap kehadiran mereka terlebih lebih biasa ketimbang dengan NU yang reactif.","PeriodicalId":42170,"journal":{"name":"Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48046428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-29DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.177-198
Abdullah Aly, M. Thoyibi
This article focused on two aspects. In aspect one we focused on the respond of online media to the issues of violence in Indonesia, especially Suara Muhammadiyah Online and Nahdhatul Ulama Online. In aspect two we recommend that the results of this study be the basis for developing Islamic education in Indonesia. Data collection was conducted by document study to texts of Suara Muhammadiyah Online as well as Nahdhatul Ulama Online, especially the issues of violence in Indonesia. The data were analyzed with discourse analysis used social semiotics model of Halliday, M.A.K. The study found that Muhammadiyah and NU had the same response to the issues of violence in Indonesia as social problems which should be denied. Both reject any form of violence, although they differ in detail the types of violence and the reasons for the rejection of violent cases in Indonesia. Furthermore, the results of the study recommended selecting both teaching materials and learning methods. Both were the opinions of Ibn Miskawayh and Naquib al-Attas and were further offered as a strategy to reduce the cases of violence that have occurred in Indonesia.
{"title":"VIOLENCE IN ONLINE MEDIA AND ITS IMPLICATION TO ISLAMIC EDUCATION OF INDONESIA","authors":"Abdullah Aly, M. Thoyibi","doi":"10.18326/ijims.v10i1.177-198","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v10i1.177-198","url":null,"abstract":"This article focused on two aspects. In aspect one we focused on the respond of online media to the issues of violence in Indonesia, especially Suara Muhammadiyah Online and Nahdhatul Ulama Online. In aspect two we recommend that the results of this study be the basis for developing Islamic education in Indonesia. Data collection was conducted by document study to texts of Suara Muhammadiyah Online as well as Nahdhatul Ulama Online, especially the issues of violence in Indonesia. The data were analyzed with discourse analysis used social semiotics model of Halliday, M.A.K. The study found that Muhammadiyah and NU had the same response to the issues of violence in Indonesia as social problems which should be denied. Both reject any form of violence, although they differ in detail the types of violence and the reasons for the rejection of violent cases in Indonesia. Furthermore, the results of the study recommended selecting both teaching materials and learning methods. Both were the opinions of Ibn Miskawayh and Naquib al-Attas and were further offered as a strategy to reduce the cases of violence that have occurred in Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":42170,"journal":{"name":"Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47780929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-25DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v9i2.163-188
Benny Ridwan, Iswandi Syahputra, Azhari Akmal Tarigan, F. Siregar
The concept of Islam Nusantara, which is defined as Islam that accommodates the customs and culture of the (Indonesian) Archipelago, has been rejected by the West Sumatera branch of Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI). Meanwhile, other groups in West Sumatera support the Islam Nusantara concept. This article explains the pros and cons of Islam Nusantara among religious leaders in West Sumatera in the context of social media activities. Ulemas rejected Islam Nusantara in West Sumatera based on the perspective that Islam as a religion has reached peak perfection,adding the word Nusantara is, thus, unnecessary. Other religious leaders in West Sumatera have embraced Islam Nusantara based on the view that in terms of customs in Minangkabau, the principle of Adaik Bersandi Syarak, Syarak Bersandi Kitabullah is followed. This is a field study employing the qualitative method of approach. Data were obtained via in-depth interviews with four West Sumatran religious figures (ulemas) and subsequently analyzed in an interpretative and descriptive manner. The findings in this study show that the ulemas’ rejection of Islam Nusantara via Facebook indicates a shift in the definition of ulemas as religious leaders to that of opinion makers. This is a new finding that has never been studied before as it places the pros and cons of Islam Nusantara within the context of virtual culture. Consequently, this study has implications on the definition of ulemas as religious leaders overlapping with their part as opinion makers and opinion leaders in the current era of new media. Gagasan Islam Nusantara sebagai Islam yang mengakomodir adat dan budaya Nusantara ditolak kehadirannya oleh Majelis Ulama Indonesia wilayah Sumatera Barat. Sementara itu terdapat kelompok lain yang mendukung gagasan Islam Nusantara di Sumatera Barat. Artikel ini menjelaskan pro dan kontra di antara pemuka agama tentang Islam Nusantara di Sumatera Barat dalam konteks aktivitas di media sosial. Islam Nusantara di tolak oleh Ulama di Sumatera Barat didasari oleh pandangan umum bahwa Islam sebagai agama telah mencapai sempurna, sehingga tidak diperlukan penambahan kata Nusantara. Sedangkan pemuka agama lainnya menerima Islam Nusantara di Sumatera Barat karena didasari oleh pandangan umum bahwa adat di Minangkabau Sumatera Barat berpegang pada prinsip Adaik Bersandi Syarak, Syarak Bersandi Kitabullah. Data penelitian dikumpulkan melalui wawancara mendalam terhadap empat pemuka agama (ulama) di Sumatera Barat. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa aktivitas ulama yang menolak Islam Nusantara melalui facebook menggambarkan pergeseran makna Ulama dari religius leader ke opinion maker. Namun pergeseran tersebut justru mengokohkan ulama sebagai pemilik otoritas keagamaan. Temuan ini dapat berimplikasi pada terminologi ulama sebagai religius leader pada era media baru akan berhimpitan dengan terminologi opinion maker dan opinion leader sebagai terminologi baru pada era media baru.
伊斯兰努桑塔拉的概念被定义为适应(印度尼西亚)群岛习俗和文化的伊斯兰教,这一概念已被印度尼西亚乌里玛委员会(MUI)的西苏门答腊分支拒绝。与此同时,西苏门答腊的其他团体支持伊斯兰教的努桑塔拉概念。这篇文章解释了在社交媒体活动的背景下,西苏门答腊宗教领袖中伊斯兰努桑塔拉的利弊。在西苏门答腊,乌里玛们以“伊斯兰教作为宗教已经达到了顶峰”为由,拒绝了“努桑塔拉”一词,因此没有必要使用“努桑塔拉”一词。西苏门答腊的其他宗教领袖也接受了伊斯兰努桑塔拉,他们认为在米南卡保的习俗方面,遵循了Adaik Bersandi Syarak, Syarak Bersandi Kitabullah的原则。这是一项采用定性方法的实地研究。通过对四位西苏门答腊宗教人物(乌里玛)的深入访谈获得数据,随后以解释和描述的方式进行分析。本研究的发现表明,乌里玛通过Facebook拒绝伊斯兰努桑塔拉,表明乌里玛作为宗教领袖的定义向舆论制造者的定义转变。这是一个从未被研究过的新发现,因为它将伊斯兰努桑塔拉的利弊置于虚拟文化的背景下。因此,本研究对乌里马斯作为宗教领袖的定义与他们在当前新媒体时代作为意见制造者和意见领袖的角色重叠具有启示意义。印度尼西亚,印度尼西亚,印度尼西亚,苏门答腊岛。Sementara itu terdapat kelompok lain yang mendukung gagasan Islam Nusantara di sumatra Barat。在苏门答腊岛上,有一群人在与媒体社交活动有关的活动,他们是在与媒体社交活动有关的活动。伊斯兰教:努桑塔拉迪tolak oleh Ulama di sumata Barat didasari oleh pandangan umum bahwa Islam sebagai agama telah mencapai sempurna, sehinga tidak diperlukan penambahan kata Nusantara。Sedangkan pemuka agama lainnya menerima Islam . Nusantara di sumata Barat karena didasari oleh pandangan umum bahwa adat di Minangkabau .苏门答腊Barat berpegang族长Adaik Bersandi Syarak, Syarak Bersandi Kitabullah。数据分析:dikumpulkan melalui wawankara mendalam terhadap empat pemuka agama (ulama) di sumatra Barat。Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa aktivitas ulama yang menolak Islam Nusantara melalui facebook menggambarkan pergeseran makna ulama dari宗教领袖,舆论制造者。Namun pergeseran tersebut just stru mengokohkan ulama sebagai pemilik otoritas keagamaan。Temuan ini dapat berimplikasi paada terminologi ulama sebagai宗教领袖paada era media baru akan berbagai宗教领袖,paada era media baru
{"title":"Islam Nusantara, ulemas, and social media: understanding the pros and cons of Islam Nusantara among ulemas of West Sumatera","authors":"Benny Ridwan, Iswandi Syahputra, Azhari Akmal Tarigan, F. Siregar","doi":"10.18326/ijims.v9i2.163-188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v9i2.163-188","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of Islam Nusantara, which is defined as Islam that accommodates the customs and culture of the (Indonesian) Archipelago, has been rejected by the West Sumatera branch of Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI). Meanwhile, other groups in West Sumatera support the Islam Nusantara concept. This article explains the pros and cons of Islam Nusantara among religious leaders in West Sumatera in the context of social media activities. Ulemas rejected Islam Nusantara in West Sumatera based on the perspective that Islam as a religion has reached peak perfection,adding the word Nusantara is, thus, unnecessary. Other religious leaders in West Sumatera have embraced Islam Nusantara based on the view that in terms of customs in Minangkabau, the principle of Adaik Bersandi Syarak, Syarak Bersandi Kitabullah is followed. This is a field study employing the qualitative method of approach. Data were obtained via in-depth interviews with four West Sumatran religious figures (ulemas) and subsequently analyzed in an interpretative and descriptive manner. The findings in this study show that the ulemas’ rejection of Islam Nusantara via Facebook indicates a shift in the definition of ulemas as religious leaders to that of opinion makers. This is a new finding that has never been studied before as it places the pros and cons of Islam Nusantara within the context of virtual culture. Consequently, this study has implications on the definition of ulemas as religious leaders overlapping with their part as opinion makers and opinion leaders in the current era of new media. Gagasan Islam Nusantara sebagai Islam yang mengakomodir adat dan budaya Nusantara ditolak kehadirannya oleh Majelis Ulama Indonesia wilayah Sumatera Barat. Sementara itu terdapat kelompok lain yang mendukung gagasan Islam Nusantara di Sumatera Barat. Artikel ini menjelaskan pro dan kontra di antara pemuka agama tentang Islam Nusantara di Sumatera Barat dalam konteks aktivitas di media sosial. Islam Nusantara di tolak oleh Ulama di Sumatera Barat didasari oleh pandangan umum bahwa Islam sebagai agama telah mencapai sempurna, sehingga tidak diperlukan penambahan kata Nusantara. Sedangkan pemuka agama lainnya menerima Islam Nusantara di Sumatera Barat karena didasari oleh pandangan umum bahwa adat di Minangkabau Sumatera Barat berpegang pada prinsip Adaik Bersandi Syarak, Syarak Bersandi Kitabullah. Data penelitian dikumpulkan melalui wawancara mendalam terhadap empat pemuka agama (ulama) di Sumatera Barat. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa aktivitas ulama yang menolak Islam Nusantara melalui facebook menggambarkan pergeseran makna Ulama dari religius leader ke opinion maker. Namun pergeseran tersebut justru mengokohkan ulama sebagai pemilik otoritas keagamaan. Temuan ini dapat berimplikasi pada terminologi ulama sebagai religius leader pada era media baru akan berhimpitan dengan terminologi opinion maker dan opinion leader sebagai terminologi baru pada era media baru.","PeriodicalId":42170,"journal":{"name":"Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies","volume":"9 1","pages":"163-188"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-12-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43362755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}