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APPROACHES TO RESEARCH ON TRANSFERABLE DEVELOPMENT RIGHTS PROPOSALS: AN OVERVIEW 发展权转让建议的研究方法综述
Pub Date : 1979-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0163548400004659
J. Diamond, Bruce E. Lindsay
COMMENTS AND NOTES Present land use control mechanisms are seen as inadequate for the preservation of open space, agricultural land, and other ·'uneconomic" uses of land. Many proposals have been cited as possible solutions to the problems created by present land use control mechanisms. The transfer of development rights (hereafter known as TDR's) is one such proposal. This mechanism for land use control can be of several forms.' There are severe theoretical and practical problems, to be discussed, which a transfer of development rights program must overcome if it is to function in practical application . TDR is a program which utilizes the basic concepts of zoning and seeks to prevent the economic incentives to alter zoning by giving "just compensation" to the landowner who cannot develop his land to its highest market potential due to zoning for low density or nondeveloped purposes. In exchange for low density zoning and the forfeiting of the right to fully develop his land , the restricted landowner is given "development rights." The development rights are then purchased by land developers who must be in possession of a certain number of development rights to be allowed to develop the land in a specified development area over a pre-determined level of density . In this manner, development can take place, though only in specified areas, and restricted landowners may receive compensation for not being able to develop their land. In theory, society benefits from the preservation of open space, agricultural land, and myriad other "uneconomic" land uses. In theory, TDR is a good planning tool. Desirable land uses are obtained with little public cost. Owners of controlled property are compensated in the form of cash or development rights and property tax reductions. Developers who buy development rights can exceed conventional zoning regulations and pay no more than they normally would for the purchase of additional lands. In short, ideally, all parties involved in the TDR program are economically better off whi.le open space, agricultural land, and other "unprofitable" uses of land are maintained.
目前的土地使用控制机制被认为不足以保护开放空间、农业用地和其他“不经济”的土地用途。人们提出了许多建议,作为解决目前土地使用控制机制所造成的问题的可能办法。开发权的转让(以下简称TDR)就是这样一个提议。这种控制土地使用的机制可以有几种形式。发展权转让项目要在实际应用中发挥作用,必须克服一些严重的理论和实践问题。TDR是一项利用分区基本概念的计划,旨在通过向由于低密度或未开发目的而无法开发其土地的土地所有者提供“公正补偿”来防止改变分区的经济激励。作为低密度分区和丧失充分开发其土地的权利的交换,受限制的土地所有者获得了“发展权”。土地开发商必须拥有一定数量的发展权,才能在预先确定的密度水平上在指定的开发区域开发土地,然后购买发展权。通过这种方式,可以进行开发,尽管只能在特定地区进行,而且受限制的土地所有者可能因无法开发其土地而获得补偿。从理论上讲,社会受益于保护开放空间、农业用地和无数其他“不经济”的土地用途。理论上,TDR是一个很好的规划工具。以很少的公共成本获得理想的土地用途。受管制物业的业主可获得现金或发展权以及减免物业税等补偿。购买开发权的开发商可以超越传统的分区规定,支付的费用也不会比购买额外土地时多。简而言之,理想情况下,参与TDR项目的各方在经济上都更富有。开放空间、农业用地和其他“无利可图”的土地用途得以保留。
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引用次数: 2
VALIDATING PREDICTING EQUATIONS: THE SUPPLY OF FEEDER CALVES IN WEST VIRGINIA 验证预测方程:西弗吉尼亚州饲养小牛的供应
Pub Date : 1979-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0163548400004635
J. P. Kuehn
The objectives of this article were first to develop a viable predicting model of the West Virginia feeder calf supply using calves marketed as the dependent variable. The second objective was to validate the predicting model using the "leave·out-one-year'" procedure and to derive an alternative predicting equation using the jackknife technique. The purpose of the emphasis on the second objective was to provide a simple and direct demonstration, of a useful and necessary technique, for the large group of applied economists, who often use econometric methods, but who do not consider themselves to be econon etric specialists.
本文的目的是首先开发一个可行的预测模型西弗吉尼亚州饲养小牛供应使用小牛市场作为因变量。第二个目标是使用“留一年”程序验证预测模型,并使用折刀技术推导出另一种预测方程。强调第二个目标的目的是为大量经常使用计量经济学方法但不认为自己是经济学专家的应用经济学家提供一种有用和必要的技术的简单而直接的演示。
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引用次数: 0
MARKET TIME SUPPLY OF NON-HOUSEHOLD-HEAD HIRED FARM WORKER 非户主农场雇工的市场时间供给
Pub Date : 1979-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/S016354840000460X
R. L. Shane
Traditional models in the agricultural labor literature have examined agricultural labor supply in terms of a labor-lei sure trade-off by a single individual. This work examines the question of total annual market days in farm and nonfarm work of secondary family workers engaged in hired farm work. The underlying model is one of home production-consumption. A trade-off of market days between wife and older children in a family is hypothesized. Empirical results are mixed, generally supporting a tradeoff in the supply of market days in a family between nonstudents and wives, but not between students and wives.
农业劳动文献中的传统模型是从单个个体的劳动确定性权衡的角度来考察农业劳动力供给的。本研究考察了从事雇农工作的二级家庭工人的农业和非农工作的年度总市场日数问题。其基本模式是家庭生产-消费模式。在一个家庭中,妻子和年龄较大的孩子之间存在着一种权衡取舍的现象。实证结果好坏参半,总体上支持非学生和妻子在家庭市场天数供应上的权衡,而不是学生和妻子之间的权衡。
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引用次数: 0
AN ECONOMIC COMPARISON OF HAY CROP FORAGE SYSTEMS FOR MILK PRODUCTION IN THE NORTHEAST 东北地区牧草制奶系统的经济比较
Pub Date : 1979-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0163548400004581
W. Knoblauch
Hay crop forage systems for milk production are compared using the budgeting technique for four feeding plans containing hay (90% dry matter) or hay crop silage (40% dry matter) only and in combination with corn silage as 50% of the forage dry matter. Investments, labor requirements, purchased feed , and cropping program differences are calculated for each hay crop forage system. Hay crop silage·corn silage systems are low cost systems for all herd sizes analyzed. Improved nutrient quality of the hay crop when harvested as hay crop silage is a major factor determining the annual cost ranking.
采用预算技术对四种喂养计划进行比较,其中仅含有干草(90%干物质)或干草作物青贮(40%干物质),并将玉米青贮作为50%的饲料干物质。投资,劳动力需求,购买的饲料,和种植方案的差异计算为每个干草作物饲料系统。干草作物青贮·玉米青贮系统对于所分析的所有畜群规模都是低成本系统。干草作物青贮收获时营养品质的提高是决定年度成本排名的主要因素。
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引用次数: 0
ON A CONSISTENT DEFINITION OF INTENSIVE USE OF A RESOURCE 关于资源集约利用的一致定义
Pub Date : 1979-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0163548400004672
P. S. Dhillon
It would seem, for the sake of convenience and in the interest of imparting exact information, that the terms used in a discipline should have one and only one meaning. Unfortunately economics terminology is not in such a completely refined state that all terms have unambiguous meanings. In some instances different meanings are attached to the same terms which is a source of confusion. This is especially the case for the term "intensive" use of a resource which frequently has been used to describe the relative abundance of a resource in production. The term has been used inconsistently in two opposing senses when applied to land and labor on the one hand and capital and labor on the other hand. While this may not pose a serious problem for a seasoned scholar who can construe the proper meaning in each context, beginning teachers and students need to be made aware of the inconsistency to avoid confusion and unnecessary debate. The word intensive is commonly used to connote the ratio between productive resources in the production process. When it is used in the context of capital and labor, production is referred as either capital intensive or labor intensive depending on the relative abundance of capital or labor. If capital is the abundant factor relative to labor, the capital to labor ratio is high, and the production is termed as capital intensive. If labor is the abundant resource relative to capital, the labor to capital ratio is high and the production is termed as labor intensive. In the former case capital is regarded as being intensively employed while in the latter situation labor is regarded as being in tensively used . However, when the term intensive is used with respect to land and labor, diametrically opposite meanings compared to the above are being implied by the same word. For instance, in agricultural contexts where land is the scarce input and labor is relatively abundant, the land to labor ratio is low, and the cultivation is termed as land intensive. Here land is regarded as being intensively used. In a situation where the land to labor ratio is high , production is referred as land extensive implying nonintensive use of land. ln line with this usage, the concept of intensity of land use is frequently applied in farm management and land economics. According to this concept the more production there is from an acre of land by the greater application of cooperant faCtors, the higher is the intensity of land use. Clearly the use of the word intensive is not consistent in the two situations related above. In going from production involving capital and labor to a situation involving land and labor, the meanings of the same word are being inverted. It seems that for the sake of having unambiguous terminology the term intensive should be used consistently to convey only one meaning irrespective of the factors involved in production. The choice could be based on the original usage of the word and the extent of its current usage in th
为了方便和传达准确的信息,一门学科中使用的术语似乎应该有且只有一种含义。不幸的是,经济学术语并不是完全精炼到所有术语都有明确的含义。在某些情况下,相同的术语有不同的含义,这是混淆的根源。资源的“密集”使用一词尤其如此,它经常被用来描述生产中资源的相对丰富程度。这个词在两种相反的意义上被不一致地使用,一方面用于土地和劳动,另一方面用于资本和劳动。虽然对于一个经验丰富的学者来说,这可能不是一个严重的问题,因为他可以在每个上下文中解释正确的含义,但初学者和学生需要意识到这种不一致,以避免混淆和不必要的辩论。“密集”一词通常用来表示生产过程中生产资源之间的比例。当在资本和劳动的背景下使用时,根据资本或劳动的相对丰度,生产被称为资本密集型或劳动密集型。如果资本是相对于劳动的富余要素,则资本与劳动的比率高,生产被称为资本密集型生产。如果劳动是相对于资本的丰富资源,则劳动资本比高,生产被称为劳动密集型生产。在前一种情况下,资本被认为是集约使用,而在后一种情况下,劳动力被认为是集约使用。然而,当“密集”一词用于土地和劳动时,同一词所隐含的含义与上述完全相反。例如,在农业环境中,土地是稀缺的投入,劳动力相对丰富,土地与劳动力的比例很低,耕种被称为土地集约化。这里的土地被认为是集约利用的。在土地劳动比高的情况下,生产被称为土地粗放型,这意味着土地的非集约利用。根据这种用法,土地利用强度的概念经常应用于农场管理和土地经济学。根据这一概念,一英亩土地通过更多的合作要素的应用而产生的产量越多,土地利用的强度就越高。显然,在上述两种情况下,“强化”一词的使用并不一致。从涉及资本和劳动的生产到涉及土地和劳动的情况,同一个词的含义被颠倒了。似乎为了有明确的术语,无论生产中涉及的因素如何,都应该始终如一地使用“密集”一词来表达一种含义。选择可以基于该词的原始用法和其在现代文学中的当前使用程度。通过对文献的回顾可以发现,in-一词最初是指in-
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引用次数: 0
AN ECONOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF ATLANTIC SEA SCALLOP MARKETS 大西洋扇贝市场的计量经济分析
Pub Date : 1978-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0163548400002260
D. A. Storey, C. Willis
The Atlantic sea scallop (Placopecten magellanicus) is harvested in the waters off the coast of the northeastern United States and Canada by vessels from both countries. The Atlantic sea scallop fishery has been an important fishery in the Northeastern U.S. in recent decades. This is particularly true for New England where, during the quarter-century ending in 1976, over 10 percent of the value of all fish and shellfish landed was attributable to the harvest of sea scallops. United States landings during the last quarter-century, imports and apparent U.S. consumption are shown in Figure 1. While each of these measures was subject to annual fluctuations, a definite pattern is evident. U.S. landings have trended downward~ since 1961 and have been gradually replaced by i!flports, which trended upwards, as the primary source of supply for U.S. consumption, although there was a substantial recovery in U.S. landings at the end of the period. Consumption exhibited less trend than the other two measures, as it increased during the first 10 years of the period, then decreased to its beginning level in the late 1960's and early 1970's, and then fmally increased sharply at the end of the period. The changes indicated in Figure 1 stem in part from a gradual replacement of U.S. fishing activity by Canadian fishing activity on Georges Bank, which was the principal source of sea scallops for the New England fleet in the 1950's and early 1960's. This, coupled with an apparent decrease in natural abundance on Georges Bank, resulted in a diversion of New England scallopers to the Middle Atlantic banks which had previously supported only a small fishery operating out of ports from New York south to North Carolina. Since 1965, Georges Bank has yielded a U.S. catch of between two and four million pounds of edible meats each year, compared with over 20 million pounds in earlier peak years. The total U.S. catch, which was over 27 million pounds in 1961 , had decreased to a little over five million pounds by 1973. An unusually large abundance on the Middle Atlantic banks pushed the U.S. catch back to nearly 20 million pounds in 1976. Meanwhile, the Canadian catch which was relatively low until the early 1960's exceeded the U.S. volume in 1966, and has been double the U.S. volume since 1969 (except for 1976). The Canadians have exported over 80 percent of their landings to the U.S. in most years since 1960. Canada was the source of nearly all U.S. scallop imports in the 1960's. In the 1970's, other important foreign sources emerged (the United Kingdom, Australia, Iceland and Mexico), but Canada has continued to supply half or more of U.S. imports in the 1970's. The U.S. Fishery Management and Conservation Act of 1976 created an exclusive U.S. fishing zone to 200 miles off the U.S. coast. Included in this zone is all of Georges Bank, although the eastern part is a disputed area since it also falls within 200
大西洋扇贝(Placopecten magellanicus)是由两国的船只在美国和加拿大东北部海岸附近的水域收获的。近几十年来,大西洋扇贝渔业一直是美国东北部重要的渔业。在新英格兰地区尤其如此,在截至1976年的四分之一世纪中,所有鱼类和贝类的捕捞价值的10%以上可归因于海扇贝的收获。图1显示了过去四分之一世纪美国的登陆、进口和表观消费。虽然这些措施每年都有波动,但有一个明确的模式是显而易见的。自1961年以来,美国的着陆量呈下降趋势,并逐渐被飞机所取代。尽管在这一时期末,美国的着陆量有了实质性的恢复,但机场仍是美国消费的主要供应来源。与其他两项指标相比,消费表现出较弱的趋势,在该时期的前10年有所增加,然后在60年代末和70年代初下降到开始水平,然后在该时期结束时最终急剧增加。图1所示的变化部分是由于加拿大在乔治滩的捕鱼活动逐渐取代了美国的捕鱼活动,乔治滩是1950年代和1960年代初新英格兰船队的主要海扇贝来源。再加上乔治海岸自然资源的明显减少,导致新英格兰的扇贝转移到中大西洋沿岸,而在此之前,从纽约到北卡罗莱纳的港口只有一个小型渔业活动。自1965年以来,乔治银行每年在美国捕获200万至400万磅可食用肉类,而在早期的高峰年份则超过2000万磅。1961年,美国的总捕获量超过2700万磅,到1973年已经减少到500多万磅。1976年,大西洋中部河岸异常丰富的鳕鱼使美国的捕获量回到近2000万磅。与此同时,加拿大的捕获量在1960年代早期之前相对较低,在1966年超过了美国的捕获量,自1969年以来已经是美国捕获量的两倍(1976年除外)。自1960年以来,在大多数年份,加拿大人将80%以上的着陆货物出口到美国。在20世纪60年代,加拿大几乎是美国所有扇贝进口的来源。在20世纪70年代,其他重要的外国来源出现了(英国、澳大利亚、冰岛和墨西哥),但加拿大在20世纪70年代继续供应美国进口的一半或更多。1976年的《美国渔业管理和保护法案》在美国海岸外200英里处划定了美国的专属捕鱼区。这个区域包括整个乔治滩,尽管东部是一个有争议的地区,因为它也在200之内
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引用次数: 5
THE NATIONAL REGIONAL RESEARCH PLANNING SYSTEM: AN EXAMPLE FROM RURAL DEVELOPMENT 国家区域研究规划体系:以农村发展为例
Pub Date : 1978-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0163548400002119
L. M. Day
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引用次数: 1
Changes In Resource Economics And Community Development Programs: The New Hampshire Experience 资源经济学和社区发展项目的变化:新罕布什尔的经验
Pub Date : 1978-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0163548400002089
Edmund F. Jansen
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引用次数: 1
AN ANALYSIS IN SUPPORT OF AGRICULTURAL RESEARCH FUNDING 支持农业研究经费的分析
Pub Date : 1978-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0163548400002120
J. Jansma
There is increasing evidence that research funding sources are requiring additional assurances that the expenditure of their resources is in the "highest and best use." Legislative calls for sunset provisions and mandated evaluations plus administrative moves toward grant rather than formula funding emphasize the push for more direct accountability. The objective of this paper is to outline the work of a committee charged with assisting the directors of agricultural research and extension in the nation's land grant universities in their requests for funds for high priority research.
越来越多的证据表明,研究经费来源需要额外保证其资源的支出得到“最高和最佳的利用”。立法机构呼吁制定日落条款和强制评估,加上向拨款而不是公式拨款的行政举措,强调了对更直接问责制的推动。本文的目的是概述一个委员会的工作,该委员会负责协助国家土地授予大学的农业研究和推广主任为高优先级研究申请资金。
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引用次数: 0
A Comparison of Marketing Strategies for Potatoes in Upstate New York 纽约州北部马铃薯营销策略的比较
Pub Date : 1978-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0163548400002168
R. Young, W. Tomek
A long-standing problem in agricultural marketing is the question of "optimal" marketing patterns for a seasonally produced crop. When futures markets exist, agricultural economists have often recommended their use to improve marketing decisions, but farmer use of futures as an aid to marketing is not common. This paper considers the potential benefits to upstate New York farmers of hedging using Maine potato futures contracts. Benefits are defined in terms of the mean and variance of returns from alternative marketing strategies for potatoes. A portfolio approach is implicit in the analysis which also relies, in part, on the formulation of a simple price-forecasting model.
农业营销中一个长期存在的问题是季节性作物的“最佳”营销模式问题。当期货市场存在时,农业经济学家经常建议使用期货来改善营销决策,但农民使用期货作为营销的辅助手段并不常见。本文考虑了使用缅因州马铃薯期货合约对冲纽约州北部农民的潜在利益。收益是根据土豆不同营销策略的收益均值和方差来定义的。投资组合方法隐含在分析中,部分依赖于一个简单的价格预测模型的形成。
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引用次数: 5
期刊
Journal of the Northeastern Agricultural Economics Council
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