Pub Date : 2018-11-22DOI: 10.1177/0975087818805887
O. Faleye
This article examines the politics of public policies characterised by increased securitisation of Nigeria’s national boundary from 2014 to 2017. While the regulation appears on paper to discourage transborder crime, capital outflow and sustain a favourable balance of payment, the existing armoury of West African border literature argues otherwise. What is new in the transborder dynamics of West Africa? What informs government’s border policies in Nigeria? In answering these questions, this study provides a template for a reassessment of the gap between borderlands theory and policy in West Africa. The approach is comparative based on the critical analysis of oral interviews, government trade records, newspaper reports and the extant literature. The article provides a platform for rethinking of the nexus between governance and development in West Africa from the securitisation and neo-patrimonial perspectives. It concludes that effective border management in Nigeria is set aback by misguided and dysfunctional elitist-centred regulations that are devoid of the realities on the ground.
{"title":"Border Securitisation and Politics of State Policy in Nigeria, 2014–2017","authors":"O. Faleye","doi":"10.1177/0975087818805887","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818805887","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the politics of public policies characterised by increased securitisation of Nigeria’s national boundary from 2014 to 2017. While the regulation appears on paper to discourage transborder crime, capital outflow and sustain a favourable balance of payment, the existing armoury of West African border literature argues otherwise. What is new in the transborder dynamics of West Africa? What informs government’s border policies in Nigeria? In answering these questions, this study provides a template for a reassessment of the gap between borderlands theory and policy in West Africa. The approach is comparative based on the critical analysis of oral interviews, government trade records, newspaper reports and the extant literature. The article provides a platform for rethinking of the nexus between governance and development in West Africa from the securitisation and neo-patrimonial perspectives. It concludes that effective border management in Nigeria is set aback by misguided and dysfunctional elitist-centred regulations that are devoid of the realities on the ground.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"11 1","pages":"78 - 93"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818805887","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43997532","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-06-25DOI: 10.1177/0975087818776180
H. Solomon
Daniel Allen Butler, The First Jihad: The Battle for Khartoum and the Dawn of Militant Islam. Oxford: Casemate Publishers, 2018, 176 pp., $ 10.95, ISBN 978 1 61200 593 5.
{"title":"Book review: Daniel Allen Butler, The First Jihad: The Battle for Khartoum and the Dawn of Militant Islam","authors":"H. Solomon","doi":"10.1177/0975087818776180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818776180","url":null,"abstract":"Daniel Allen Butler, The First Jihad: The Battle for Khartoum and the Dawn of Militant Islam. Oxford: Casemate Publishers, 2018, 176 pp., $ 10.95, ISBN 978 1 61200 593 5.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"10 1","pages":"228 - 229"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818776180","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41342229","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-06-25DOI: 10.1177/0975087818776166
A. Sowale
The article examines the Economic Community of West African States’ (ECOWAS) protocol on free movement and the challenges of human trafficking in West Africa. It investigates the implication of ECOWAS protocol on free movement on human trafficking in West Africa. The data used for the study were obtained through secondary sources. The finding shows that protocol on the free movement of a person is a precursor for increase in human trafficking in West Africa due to border porosity. Based on the findings, it was suggested that the ECOWAS intensify more efforts with its member states to solve their economic problems as the vulnerability of human trafficking is from the low-performing economies in West Africa. In addition, it was also suggested that the ECOWAS should step up effort to bring to account the perpetrators of human trafficking.
{"title":"Economic Community of West African States’ Protocol on Free Movement and the Challenges of Human Trafficking in West Africa","authors":"A. Sowale","doi":"10.1177/0975087818776166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818776166","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the Economic Community of West African States’ (ECOWAS) protocol on free movement and the challenges of human trafficking in West Africa. It investigates the implication of ECOWAS protocol on free movement on human trafficking in West Africa. The data used for the study were obtained through secondary sources. The finding shows that protocol on the free movement of a person is a precursor for increase in human trafficking in West Africa due to border porosity. Based on the findings, it was suggested that the ECOWAS intensify more efforts with its member states to solve their economic problems as the vulnerability of human trafficking is from the low-performing economies in West Africa. In addition, it was also suggested that the ECOWAS should step up effort to bring to account the perpetrators of human trafficking.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"10 1","pages":"215 - 225"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818776166","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44331730","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-06-25DOI: 10.1177/0975087818778209
Christopher J. Lee
Pamila Gupta, The Relic State: St. Francis Xavier and the Politics of Ritual in Portuguese India. Series: Studies in Imperialism. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2014, 280 pp., ₤75.00 (Hardcover), Illustrations, Index, ISBN: 978-0-7190-9061-5.
{"title":"Book review: Pamila Gupta, The Relic State: St. Francis Xavier and the Politics of Ritual in Portuguese India","authors":"Christopher J. Lee","doi":"10.1177/0975087818778209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818778209","url":null,"abstract":"Pamila Gupta, The Relic State: St. Francis Xavier and the Politics of Ritual in Portuguese India. Series: Studies in Imperialism. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2014, 280 pp., ₤75.00 (Hardcover), Illustrations, Index, ISBN: 978-0-7190-9061-5.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"10 1","pages":"229 - 232"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818778209","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46913316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-06-25DOI: 10.1177/0975087818776164
Sehlare Makgetlaneng
This article provides key reasons behind Nelson Mandela’s call for a negotiated settlement of the Congolese conflict and its critics. Mandela regarded a negotiated settlement of the Congolese conflict as a viable means to pave a way for the political governance of the Congolese society conducive for the advancement of human rights, democracy and development of its people. Central to his policy approach was his call for the right of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to its national self-determination and the free, independent exercise of its sovereignty and domestic and foreign policies in the interests of its people and for this right to be respected by its neighbouring countries and other countries in Africa and globally. This was a best way of ensuring that the Congolese were to resolve their national conflict without the interference of external actors. This meant resolving conflicts among themselves and with their neighbours. Mandela’s policy approach towards the resolution of the Congolese conflict was based on the situation of the Great Lakes, the strategy and tactics of the USA and its regional allies and the strategic importance of the DRC to the continental transformation. Arguments advanced by its critics against it were ignorant of these issues, processes and developments. They did not serve the struggle for human rights, democracy, development and political governance of the Congolese society conducive for their advancement. These problems still remain in place in the DRC. South Africa’s policy approach towards the Congolese conflict prevailed over that of those who opposed it. Thabo Mbeki, upon becoming the national president, continued with this policy, pursued under the leadership of Mandela, aimed at a negotiated settlement of the DRC conflict. It led to a transitional government of national unity that was brought to an end by the results of the 2006 elections.
{"title":"Key Reasons behind Nelson Mandela’s Call for a Negotiated Settlement of the Congolese Conflict and Its Critics","authors":"Sehlare Makgetlaneng","doi":"10.1177/0975087818776164","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818776164","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides key reasons behind Nelson Mandela’s call for a negotiated settlement of the Congolese conflict and its critics. Mandela regarded a negotiated settlement of the Congolese conflict as a viable means to pave a way for the political governance of the Congolese society conducive for the advancement of human rights, democracy and development of its people. Central to his policy approach was his call for the right of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to its national self-determination and the free, independent exercise of its sovereignty and domestic and foreign policies in the interests of its people and for this right to be respected by its neighbouring countries and other countries in Africa and globally. This was a best way of ensuring that the Congolese were to resolve their national conflict without the interference of external actors. This meant resolving conflicts among themselves and with their neighbours. Mandela’s policy approach towards the resolution of the Congolese conflict was based on the situation of the Great Lakes, the strategy and tactics of the USA and its regional allies and the strategic importance of the DRC to the continental transformation. Arguments advanced by its critics against it were ignorant of these issues, processes and developments. They did not serve the struggle for human rights, democracy, development and political governance of the Congolese society conducive for their advancement. These problems still remain in place in the DRC. South Africa’s policy approach towards the Congolese conflict prevailed over that of those who opposed it. Thabo Mbeki, upon becoming the national president, continued with this policy, pursued under the leadership of Mandela, aimed at a negotiated settlement of the DRC conflict. It led to a transitional government of national unity that was brought to an end by the results of the 2006 elections.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"10 1","pages":"194 - 214"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818776164","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43049943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-06-25DOI: 10.1177/0975087818772235
Embiale Beyene, Aslam Khan, M. S. Ali
In this study, the previous as well as current dynamics of Ethio-Sudan relation, conflict or cooperation over the hydro-politics of the Nile had been critically assessed. To this effect, using case study research design, relevant theories of hydro-politics had been employed. The finding reveals that the implementation of hegemonic paradigm by Egypt influenced Ethiopia and the Sudan to pursue competing foreign policy orientations and practices over the utilisation and development of the Nile water resources. The contradiction between previous Egypt–Sudan agreements and the New Cooperative Framework Agreement among other riparian countries headed by Ethiopia has also remained to be a challenge to Ethio-Sudan relations over the issue. However, enabling practical lessons that Sudan has got from various hydro-projects of Ethiopia over the Nile River in the recent past, has recently been creating an opportunity for an improving Ethio-Sudan bilateral relation over the Nile question. Therefore, unlike various forms of Ethio-Sudan diplomatic rifts over the utilisation and management of the Nile water resource in the past, the cumulative effect of critical analysis of current developments indicates the recognition of cooperation over conflict between the two neighbours.
{"title":"The Dynamics of Ethiopia-Sudan Relations Over the Hydro-politics of Nile","authors":"Embiale Beyene, Aslam Khan, M. S. Ali","doi":"10.1177/0975087818772235","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818772235","url":null,"abstract":"In this study, the previous as well as current dynamics of Ethio-Sudan relation, conflict or cooperation over the hydro-politics of the Nile had been critically assessed. To this effect, using case study research design, relevant theories of hydro-politics had been employed. The finding reveals that the implementation of hegemonic paradigm by Egypt influenced Ethiopia and the Sudan to pursue competing foreign policy orientations and practices over the utilisation and development of the Nile water resources. The contradiction between previous Egypt–Sudan agreements and the New Cooperative Framework Agreement among other riparian countries headed by Ethiopia has also remained to be a challenge to Ethio-Sudan relations over the issue. However, enabling practical lessons that Sudan has got from various hydro-projects of Ethiopia over the Nile River in the recent past, has recently been creating an opportunity for an improving Ethio-Sudan bilateral relation over the Nile question. Therefore, unlike various forms of Ethio-Sudan diplomatic rifts over the utilisation and management of the Nile water resource in the past, the cumulative effect of critical analysis of current developments indicates the recognition of cooperation over conflict between the two neighbours.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"10 1","pages":"150 - 168"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818772235","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43671595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-06-25DOI: 10.1177/0975087818776179
Sandra Manuel
Henning Melber (ed.), The Rise of Africa’s Middle Class: Myths, Realities and Critical Engagements. London: Zed Books, 2016, pp. 219, $34 (paper), ISBN 978-1-78360-713-6
Pub Date : 2018-05-29DOI: 10.1177/0975087818772236
Anton Grobler, Mala Singh
Leadership and leadership research should be viewed in a particular context. The contextual lens is largely neglected when Afrocentric leadership in organisations is framed. The purpose of this study was to assess whether the qualitative assertions that there are distinctive characteristics that underpin Afrocentric leadership in organisations can be authenticated by an empirical study conducted in Southern Africa. The aim is to determine and validate a leadership behaviour taxonomy within the regional context using an empirical paradigm in a cross-sectional design. The sample was drawn from 30 organisations in Southern Africa: South Africa, Swaziland, Namibia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique, consisting of 1,676 participants from all sectors. The original conceptualisation of leadership in terms of a Westernised leadership behaviour taxonomy was statistically confirmed, in a unique permutation. This literature as well as the empirical findings revealed that while some leadership behaviours are generic, there are unique behaviours in an Afrocentric leadership taxonomy. This context specific taxonomy includes the following meta-categories: task, relations, a combined category change and external, and an additional unique African meta-category, which has a participatory, democratic and communalistic focus. As this is a first empirical study of this nature and magnitude, it could serve as a reference for further conceptualisation of Afrocentric leadership. The reconfigured meta-category taxonomy has been positively examined for structural validity as well as an assessment of convergent and discriminant validity. Recommendations are made about further research in testing the universal application of this leadership taxonomy in Africa. Recommendations were made for future research and the application of the findings to leadership in Africa.
{"title":"Leadership in Southern Africa: A Regional Afrocentric Hierarchical Taxonomy","authors":"Anton Grobler, Mala Singh","doi":"10.1177/0975087818772236","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818772236","url":null,"abstract":"Leadership and leadership research should be viewed in a particular context. The contextual lens is largely neglected when Afrocentric leadership in organisations is framed. The purpose of this study was to assess whether the qualitative assertions that there are distinctive characteristics that underpin Afrocentric leadership in organisations can be authenticated by an empirical study conducted in Southern Africa. The aim is to determine and validate a leadership behaviour taxonomy within the regional context using an empirical paradigm in a cross-sectional design. The sample was drawn from 30 organisations in Southern Africa: South Africa, Swaziland, Namibia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique, consisting of 1,676 participants from all sectors. The original conceptualisation of leadership in terms of a Westernised leadership behaviour taxonomy was statistically confirmed, in a unique permutation. This literature as well as the empirical findings revealed that while some leadership behaviours are generic, there are unique behaviours in an Afrocentric leadership taxonomy. This context specific taxonomy includes the following meta-categories: task, relations, a combined category change and external, and an additional unique African meta-category, which has a participatory, democratic and communalistic focus. As this is a first empirical study of this nature and magnitude, it could serve as a reference for further conceptualisation of Afrocentric leadership. The reconfigured meta-category taxonomy has been positively examined for structural validity as well as an assessment of convergent and discriminant validity. Recommendations are made about further research in testing the universal application of this leadership taxonomy in Africa. Recommendations were made for future research and the application of the findings to leadership in Africa.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"10 1","pages":"169 - 193"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818772236","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47011258","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-05-10DOI: 10.1177/0975087818772233
A. Jauhari
In the past century, Africa has been visibly absent from the world’s growth map. At the dawn of the twenty-first century, however, many countries in Africa have guided their way into achieving impressive economic growth. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) identified six countries from Africa—Rwanda, Mozambique, Nigeria, Angola, Chad and Ethiopia—in the top ten fastest growing economies of the world during 2001–10. Among these countries, some are resource-rich while others are non-resource-based economies. Both have however achieved growth through the adoption of targeted economic policies. With an examination of the post-conflict reconstruction of Rwanda (non-resource) and Angola (resource-rich), the article analyses the policies adopted and measures undertaken by the two for achieving economic growth as well as the prospects for sustainability of their growth.
{"title":"African Economic Renaissance: A Case Study of Rwanda and Angola","authors":"A. Jauhari","doi":"10.1177/0975087818772233","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818772233","url":null,"abstract":"In the past century, Africa has been visibly absent from the world’s growth map. At the dawn of the twenty-first century, however, many countries in Africa have guided their way into achieving impressive economic growth. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) identified six countries from Africa—Rwanda, Mozambique, Nigeria, Angola, Chad and Ethiopia—in the top ten fastest growing economies of the world during 2001–10. Among these countries, some are resource-rich while others are non-resource-based economies. Both have however achieved growth through the adoption of targeted economic policies. With an examination of the post-conflict reconstruction of Rwanda (non-resource) and Angola (resource-rich), the article analyses the policies adopted and measures undertaken by the two for achieving economic growth as well as the prospects for sustainability of their growth.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"10 1","pages":"127 - 149"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818772233","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47457166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-01-01DOI: 10.1177/0975087817735385
Ernest Toochi Aniche
Generally, Nigerian political parties in the present republic have been hampered by crisis of internal democracy thus undermining their political leadership recruitment function. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is a good example of one of these Nigerian political parties that lacks internal democracy. In fact, PDP was a leviathan. The 2015 Election symbolised a contest between David and Goliath. The electoral outcome is that PDP has transformed from a ruling party to an opposition party. The study, by relying on the theory of relative autonomy of the state and secondary sources, concludes that lack of internal democracy was a necessary condition for PDP’s poor performance in the 2015 General Elections, and thus, there is a relationship between crisis of internal democracy and 2015 electoral outcomes. Also, the article noted that PDP authoritarianism deepened crisis of internal democracy in Nigeria and that this authoritarian character of the former ruling PDP was a reflection of the authoritarian character of the Nigerian state, which is currently shaping the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). The study is essentially qualitative, historical and inductive.
{"title":"The ‘David and Goliath’ and 2015 Election Outcomes in Nigeria: From the Opposition to the Ruling Party","authors":"Ernest Toochi Aniche","doi":"10.1177/0975087817735385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087817735385","url":null,"abstract":"Generally, Nigerian political parties in the present republic have been hampered by crisis of internal democracy thus undermining their political leadership recruitment function. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is a good example of one of these Nigerian political parties that lacks internal democracy. In fact, PDP was a leviathan. The 2015 Election symbolised a contest between David and Goliath. The electoral outcome is that PDP has transformed from a ruling party to an opposition party. The study, by relying on the theory of relative autonomy of the state and secondary sources, concludes that lack of internal democracy was a necessary condition for PDP’s poor performance in the 2015 General Elections, and thus, there is a relationship between crisis of internal democracy and 2015 electoral outcomes. Also, the article noted that PDP authoritarianism deepened crisis of internal democracy in Nigeria and that this authoritarian character of the former ruling PDP was a reflection of the authoritarian character of the Nigerian state, which is currently shaping the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). The study is essentially qualitative, historical and inductive.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"10 1","pages":"21 - 36"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087817735385","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42326057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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