Pub Date : 2019-01-14DOI: 10.1177/0975087818814932
I. Ackah, Freda Opoku, Sarah Anang
The purpose of this article is to review the dynamics of natural gas resources in Africa and evaluate how it can help solve the power challenges of the continent. This article develops from a descriptive analysis and desk review on natural gas and power. The key finding is that despite the increased discovery of natural gas in Africa, it has had minimal impact on power production. This study provides a descriptive overview and is limited to only natural gas. It does not consider how other energy sources can contribute to solving Africa’s power challenges. This article draws the attention of both policymakers and the investment community to the opportunities in the ‘natural gas-power’ value chain and the need to invest in gas infrastructure. An overview of the power challenges and natural gas potential of Africa is provided.
{"title":"Switching on an Environmentally Friendly and Affordable Light in Africa: Evaluation of the Role of Natural Gas","authors":"I. Ackah, Freda Opoku, Sarah Anang","doi":"10.1177/0975087818814932","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818814932","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is to review the dynamics of natural gas resources in Africa and evaluate how it can help solve the power challenges of the continent. This article develops from a descriptive analysis and desk review on natural gas and power. The key finding is that despite the increased discovery of natural gas in Africa, it has had minimal impact on power production. This study provides a descriptive overview and is limited to only natural gas. It does not consider how other energy sources can contribute to solving Africa’s power challenges. This article draws the attention of both policymakers and the investment community to the opportunities in the ‘natural gas-power’ value chain and the need to invest in gas infrastructure. An overview of the power challenges and natural gas potential of Africa is provided.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818814932","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48906592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.1177/0975087818814914
Degele Ergano, Seshagiri Rao
Review of more than 100 articles accessed in literature survey for the last decade of dynamic China–Africa economic relation has been done with an objective of examining the nature and perspectives of Sino–Africa relation along Trade, FDI and Aid channels. China–Africa relation is a win–win in the short and medium run but the long-run impact is far from clear. Governance issues, environmental concern, asymmetric trade relation, prospects for African industrialisation, technology transfer and employment generation, and so on are debatable issues in most of the literatures assessed. Beneficial roles include that coordinated involvement of Chinese private sector alongside with State-owned enterprises and integrated application of trade, aid and FDI tools from Chinese side would remain to be a beneficial scheme in the African context. Researches can take up the impact of the relation on multilateral and bilateral development actors role in Africa; collaboration mechanisms among the actors; impact on sustainability of natural resource extraction; Africa’s industrialisation and technology transfer; Africa’s Global Integration and Institutional Development; Role of Private Actors; Sector specific impacts of the relationship.
{"title":"Sino–Africa Bilateral Economic Relation: Nature and Perspectives","authors":"Degele Ergano, Seshagiri Rao","doi":"10.1177/0975087818814914","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818814914","url":null,"abstract":"Review of more than 100 articles accessed in literature survey for the last decade of dynamic China–Africa economic relation has been done with an objective of examining the nature and perspectives of Sino–Africa relation along Trade, FDI and Aid channels. China–Africa relation is a win–win in the short and medium run but the long-run impact is far from clear. Governance issues, environmental concern, asymmetric trade relation, prospects for African industrialisation, technology transfer and employment generation, and so on are debatable issues in most of the literatures assessed. Beneficial roles include that coordinated involvement of Chinese private sector alongside with State-owned enterprises and integrated application of trade, aid and FDI tools from Chinese side would remain to be a beneficial scheme in the African context. Researches can take up the impact of the relation on multilateral and bilateral development actors role in Africa; collaboration mechanisms among the actors; impact on sustainability of natural resource extraction; Africa’s industrialisation and technology transfer; Africa’s Global Integration and Institutional Development; Role of Private Actors; Sector specific impacts of the relationship.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818814914","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46530398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.1177/0975087818805885
Admire Mseba
Femke Brandt and Grasian Mkodzongi (Eds.), Land Reform Revisited: Democracy, State Making and Agrarian Transformation in Post-Apartheid South Africa. Leiden: Brill, 2018, pp. Iii + 288, ₹49.90/USD 59.00, Paperback, ISBN 978-90-04-36210-9.
{"title":"Book Review: Femke Brandt and Grasian Mkodzongi (Eds.), Land Reform Revisited: Democracy, State Making and Agrarian Transformation in Post-Apartheid South Africa","authors":"Admire Mseba","doi":"10.1177/0975087818805885","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818805885","url":null,"abstract":"Femke Brandt and Grasian Mkodzongi (Eds.), Land Reform Revisited: Democracy, State Making and Agrarian Transformation in Post-Apartheid South Africa. Leiden: Brill, 2018, pp. Iii + 288, ₹49.90/USD 59.00, Paperback, ISBN 978-90-04-36210-9.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818805885","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41536183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-24DOI: 10.1177/0975087818814913
M. Chasukwa
Matters of satisfaction with and support for democracy have been at the centre of discussion regarding the survival and quality of democracy in Africa since the early 1990s. While the dominant discourse claims that support for democracy keeps on increasing with time, African countries have somewhat deviated from this path. Thus, African countries have had decreasing levels of satisfaction with democracy and support for democracy since the third democratisation wave of the early 1990s. This article takes interest in the trends of satisfaction with democracy and support for democracy with the objective of explaining factors contributing to the undermining of the survival and quality of democracy. A mixed methods research design, using Afrobarometer survey data for four rounds and secondary data, is deployed to address issues pertaining to critical and satisfied democrats as raised in the article. The article finds that satisfaction with democracy and education are significant predictors of support for democracy in Malawi. It also establishes that critical democrats fight to make democracy work, albeit for their economic survival. The article argues that the survival and quality of democracy in Malawi is compromised by elite critical citizens who show commitment to democracy as a matter of principle when they are instrumentalists.
{"title":"Multiple Faces of Democrats: Satisfaction with Democracy and Support for Democracy in Malawi","authors":"M. Chasukwa","doi":"10.1177/0975087818814913","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818814913","url":null,"abstract":"Matters of satisfaction with and support for democracy have been at the centre of discussion regarding the survival and quality of democracy in Africa since the early 1990s. While the dominant discourse claims that support for democracy keeps on increasing with time, African countries have somewhat deviated from this path. Thus, African countries have had decreasing levels of satisfaction with democracy and support for democracy since the third democratisation wave of the early 1990s. This article takes interest in the trends of satisfaction with democracy and support for democracy with the objective of explaining factors contributing to the undermining of the survival and quality of democracy. A mixed methods research design, using Afrobarometer survey data for four rounds and secondary data, is deployed to address issues pertaining to critical and satisfied democrats as raised in the article. The article finds that satisfaction with democracy and education are significant predictors of support for democracy in Malawi. It also establishes that critical democrats fight to make democracy work, albeit for their economic survival. The article argues that the survival and quality of democracy in Malawi is compromised by elite critical citizens who show commitment to democracy as a matter of principle when they are instrumentalists.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818814913","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44769002","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-04DOI: 10.1177/0975087818805888
Sanet Madonsela
Institutionalised state corruption has morphed into a phenomenon entitled state capture in South Africa. State capture is the repurposing of the country’s institutions towards private individual interests. In the process public interest is jettisoned in favour of private material gain for select connected individuals in the private and public sector. The issue of state capture dominated public debate about the future of governance in South Africa after the former Public Protector, Thuli Madonsela’s report titled State of Capture was released in late 2016. This document highlights how the Zuma-Gupta patronage network used state companies to enrich themselves. While some believe state capture to be a fairly new phenomenon, many analyst argue that it had been part of the dealings of the ruling party for years. It could be argued that it started post-1994, after the state adopted a variety of policies to re-allocate resources across a broad sector. This included incentives for black industries and Black Economic Empowerment strategies. This radical economic empowerment meant controlling the height of the economy instead of creating black-owned small and medium-size enterprises. With that in mind, this article seeks to provide critical reflections of state capture in South Africa.
{"title":"Critical Reflections on State Capture in South Africa","authors":"Sanet Madonsela","doi":"10.1177/0975087818805888","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818805888","url":null,"abstract":"Institutionalised state corruption has morphed into a phenomenon entitled state capture in South Africa. State capture is the repurposing of the country’s institutions towards private individual interests. In the process public interest is jettisoned in favour of private material gain for select connected individuals in the private and public sector. The issue of state capture dominated public debate about the future of governance in South Africa after the former Public Protector, Thuli Madonsela’s report titled State of Capture was released in late 2016. This document highlights how the Zuma-Gupta patronage network used state companies to enrich themselves. While some believe state capture to be a fairly new phenomenon, many analyst argue that it had been part of the dealings of the ruling party for years. It could be argued that it started post-1994, after the state adopted a variety of policies to re-allocate resources across a broad sector. This included incentives for black industries and Black Economic Empowerment strategies. This radical economic empowerment meant controlling the height of the economy instead of creating black-owned small and medium-size enterprises. With that in mind, this article seeks to provide critical reflections of state capture in South Africa.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818805888","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43510312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-22DOI: 10.1177/0975087818805887
O. Faleye
This article examines the politics of public policies characterised by increased securitisation of Nigeria’s national boundary from 2014 to 2017. While the regulation appears on paper to discourage transborder crime, capital outflow and sustain a favourable balance of payment, the existing armoury of West African border literature argues otherwise. What is new in the transborder dynamics of West Africa? What informs government’s border policies in Nigeria? In answering these questions, this study provides a template for a reassessment of the gap between borderlands theory and policy in West Africa. The approach is comparative based on the critical analysis of oral interviews, government trade records, newspaper reports and the extant literature. The article provides a platform for rethinking of the nexus between governance and development in West Africa from the securitisation and neo-patrimonial perspectives. It concludes that effective border management in Nigeria is set aback by misguided and dysfunctional elitist-centred regulations that are devoid of the realities on the ground.
{"title":"Border Securitisation and Politics of State Policy in Nigeria, 2014–2017","authors":"O. Faleye","doi":"10.1177/0975087818805887","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818805887","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the politics of public policies characterised by increased securitisation of Nigeria’s national boundary from 2014 to 2017. While the regulation appears on paper to discourage transborder crime, capital outflow and sustain a favourable balance of payment, the existing armoury of West African border literature argues otherwise. What is new in the transborder dynamics of West Africa? What informs government’s border policies in Nigeria? In answering these questions, this study provides a template for a reassessment of the gap between borderlands theory and policy in West Africa. The approach is comparative based on the critical analysis of oral interviews, government trade records, newspaper reports and the extant literature. The article provides a platform for rethinking of the nexus between governance and development in West Africa from the securitisation and neo-patrimonial perspectives. It concludes that effective border management in Nigeria is set aback by misguided and dysfunctional elitist-centred regulations that are devoid of the realities on the ground.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818805887","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43997532","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-06-25DOI: 10.1177/0975087818776180
H. Solomon
Daniel Allen Butler, The First Jihad: The Battle for Khartoum and the Dawn of Militant Islam. Oxford: Casemate Publishers, 2018, 176 pp., $ 10.95, ISBN 978 1 61200 593 5.
{"title":"Book review: Daniel Allen Butler, The First Jihad: The Battle for Khartoum and the Dawn of Militant Islam","authors":"H. Solomon","doi":"10.1177/0975087818776180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818776180","url":null,"abstract":"Daniel Allen Butler, The First Jihad: The Battle for Khartoum and the Dawn of Militant Islam. Oxford: Casemate Publishers, 2018, 176 pp., $ 10.95, ISBN 978 1 61200 593 5.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818776180","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41342229","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-06-25DOI: 10.1177/0975087818776166
A. Sowale
The article examines the Economic Community of West African States’ (ECOWAS) protocol on free movement and the challenges of human trafficking in West Africa. It investigates the implication of ECOWAS protocol on free movement on human trafficking in West Africa. The data used for the study were obtained through secondary sources. The finding shows that protocol on the free movement of a person is a precursor for increase in human trafficking in West Africa due to border porosity. Based on the findings, it was suggested that the ECOWAS intensify more efforts with its member states to solve their economic problems as the vulnerability of human trafficking is from the low-performing economies in West Africa. In addition, it was also suggested that the ECOWAS should step up effort to bring to account the perpetrators of human trafficking.
{"title":"Economic Community of West African States’ Protocol on Free Movement and the Challenges of Human Trafficking in West Africa","authors":"A. Sowale","doi":"10.1177/0975087818776166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818776166","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the Economic Community of West African States’ (ECOWAS) protocol on free movement and the challenges of human trafficking in West Africa. It investigates the implication of ECOWAS protocol on free movement on human trafficking in West Africa. The data used for the study were obtained through secondary sources. The finding shows that protocol on the free movement of a person is a precursor for increase in human trafficking in West Africa due to border porosity. Based on the findings, it was suggested that the ECOWAS intensify more efforts with its member states to solve their economic problems as the vulnerability of human trafficking is from the low-performing economies in West Africa. In addition, it was also suggested that the ECOWAS should step up effort to bring to account the perpetrators of human trafficking.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818776166","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44331730","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-06-25DOI: 10.1177/0975087818778209
Christopher J. Lee
Pamila Gupta, The Relic State: St. Francis Xavier and the Politics of Ritual in Portuguese India. Series: Studies in Imperialism. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2014, 280 pp., ₤75.00 (Hardcover), Illustrations, Index, ISBN: 978-0-7190-9061-5.
{"title":"Book review: Pamila Gupta, The Relic State: St. Francis Xavier and the Politics of Ritual in Portuguese India","authors":"Christopher J. Lee","doi":"10.1177/0975087818778209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818778209","url":null,"abstract":"Pamila Gupta, The Relic State: St. Francis Xavier and the Politics of Ritual in Portuguese India. Series: Studies in Imperialism. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2014, 280 pp., ₤75.00 (Hardcover), Illustrations, Index, ISBN: 978-0-7190-9061-5.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818778209","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46913316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-06-25DOI: 10.1177/0975087818776164
Sehlare Makgetlaneng
This article provides key reasons behind Nelson Mandela’s call for a negotiated settlement of the Congolese conflict and its critics. Mandela regarded a negotiated settlement of the Congolese conflict as a viable means to pave a way for the political governance of the Congolese society conducive for the advancement of human rights, democracy and development of its people. Central to his policy approach was his call for the right of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to its national self-determination and the free, independent exercise of its sovereignty and domestic and foreign policies in the interests of its people and for this right to be respected by its neighbouring countries and other countries in Africa and globally. This was a best way of ensuring that the Congolese were to resolve their national conflict without the interference of external actors. This meant resolving conflicts among themselves and with their neighbours. Mandela’s policy approach towards the resolution of the Congolese conflict was based on the situation of the Great Lakes, the strategy and tactics of the USA and its regional allies and the strategic importance of the DRC to the continental transformation. Arguments advanced by its critics against it were ignorant of these issues, processes and developments. They did not serve the struggle for human rights, democracy, development and political governance of the Congolese society conducive for their advancement. These problems still remain in place in the DRC. South Africa’s policy approach towards the Congolese conflict prevailed over that of those who opposed it. Thabo Mbeki, upon becoming the national president, continued with this policy, pursued under the leadership of Mandela, aimed at a negotiated settlement of the DRC conflict. It led to a transitional government of national unity that was brought to an end by the results of the 2006 elections.
{"title":"Key Reasons behind Nelson Mandela’s Call for a Negotiated Settlement of the Congolese Conflict and Its Critics","authors":"Sehlare Makgetlaneng","doi":"10.1177/0975087818776164","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0975087818776164","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides key reasons behind Nelson Mandela’s call for a negotiated settlement of the Congolese conflict and its critics. Mandela regarded a negotiated settlement of the Congolese conflict as a viable means to pave a way for the political governance of the Congolese society conducive for the advancement of human rights, democracy and development of its people. Central to his policy approach was his call for the right of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to its national self-determination and the free, independent exercise of its sovereignty and domestic and foreign policies in the interests of its people and for this right to be respected by its neighbouring countries and other countries in Africa and globally. This was a best way of ensuring that the Congolese were to resolve their national conflict without the interference of external actors. This meant resolving conflicts among themselves and with their neighbours. Mandela’s policy approach towards the resolution of the Congolese conflict was based on the situation of the Great Lakes, the strategy and tactics of the USA and its regional allies and the strategic importance of the DRC to the continental transformation. Arguments advanced by its critics against it were ignorant of these issues, processes and developments. They did not serve the struggle for human rights, democracy, development and political governance of the Congolese society conducive for their advancement. These problems still remain in place in the DRC. South Africa’s policy approach towards the Congolese conflict prevailed over that of those who opposed it. Thabo Mbeki, upon becoming the national president, continued with this policy, pursued under the leadership of Mandela, aimed at a negotiated settlement of the DRC conflict. It led to a transitional government of national unity that was brought to an end by the results of the 2006 elections.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0975087818776164","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43049943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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