Pub Date : 2024-05-28DOI: 10.1177/09750878241241792
Luqman Afolabi, Patrick Efe Ejumedia, Adebunmi Olusola Oduyoye-Ejumedia, Richard Kabanda, Nnamdi O Madichie
This study investigates the practical relationship between foreign direct investments (FDI), bilateral investment treaties (BITs), income, energy consumption and CO2 emissions in sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries between 2000 and 2020. To address the challenges of heterogeneity, non-stationarity and cross-sectional dependence, we employed the dynamic common-correlated effects estimation method introduced by Chudik and Pesaran. This methodology provides reliable results for panel datasets of significant to moderate size. The results indicate a direct connection between FDI and CO2 emissions, providing evidence for the pollution haven theory. Notably, BITs also have a favourable and substantial impact on environmental degradation in SSA countries. These findings emphasise the need for effective environmental regulatory frameworks and management techniques. Achieving sustainable growth and economic development in SSA countries requires prioritising the adoption and implementation of carbon reduction strategies. SSA countries can attain balanced growth between economic progress and environmental preservation by reducing the negative effects of FDI inflows and BITs on environmental sustainability. This study expands the current knowledge base by providing insights into the complex relationship between FDI inflows, BITs, income, energy consumption and CO2 emissions in SSA countries. The findings offer valuable guidance to policymakers and stakeholders in formulating and executing effective environmental policies and regulations to promote sustainable development in the area.
{"title":"Unravelling the Link Between Bilateral Investment Treaties and Environmental Sustainability in Sub-Saharan African Countries","authors":"Luqman Afolabi, Patrick Efe Ejumedia, Adebunmi Olusola Oduyoye-Ejumedia, Richard Kabanda, Nnamdi O Madichie","doi":"10.1177/09750878241241792","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878241241792","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates the practical relationship between foreign direct investments (FDI), bilateral investment treaties (BITs), income, energy consumption and CO<jats:sub>2</jats:sub> emissions in sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries between 2000 and 2020. To address the challenges of heterogeneity, non-stationarity and cross-sectional dependence, we employed the dynamic common-correlated effects estimation method introduced by Chudik and Pesaran. This methodology provides reliable results for panel datasets of significant to moderate size. The results indicate a direct connection between FDI and CO<jats:sub>2</jats:sub> emissions, providing evidence for the pollution haven theory. Notably, BITs also have a favourable and substantial impact on environmental degradation in SSA countries. These findings emphasise the need for effective environmental regulatory frameworks and management techniques. Achieving sustainable growth and economic development in SSA countries requires prioritising the adoption and implementation of carbon reduction strategies. SSA countries can attain balanced growth between economic progress and environmental preservation by reducing the negative effects of FDI inflows and BITs on environmental sustainability. This study expands the current knowledge base by providing insights into the complex relationship between FDI inflows, BITs, income, energy consumption and CO<jats:sub>2</jats:sub> emissions in SSA countries. The findings offer valuable guidance to policymakers and stakeholders in formulating and executing effective environmental policies and regulations to promote sustainable development in the area.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"53 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141169816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-29DOI: 10.1177/09750878241239901
Kavita Arora
Nathanael Ojong (Ed.), Off-Grid Solar Electrification in Africa: A Critical Perspective, Palgrave Macmillan, 2022, pp. 372, ₹8,808 (Hardback).
Nathanael Ojong (Ed.), Off-Grid Solar Electrification in Africa：关键视角》，Palgrave Macmillan，2022 年，第 372 页，₹8,808（精装本）。
{"title":"Book review: Nathanael Ojong (Ed.), Off-Grid Solar Electrification in Africa: A Critical Perspective","authors":"Kavita Arora","doi":"10.1177/09750878241239901","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878241239901","url":null,"abstract":"Nathanael Ojong (Ed.), Off-Grid Solar Electrification in Africa: A Critical Perspective, Palgrave Macmillan, 2022, pp. 372, ₹8,808 (Hardback).","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140811072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-26DOI: 10.1177/09750878241239902
Yalemzewd Dessie
For the past two decades, the border conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea has posed political, economic and social security threats in the Horn of Africa. The seemingly unexpected resurgence of jovial contact between Eritrea and Ethiopia grabbed national, regional and international attention. It was Abiy who jumpstarted the peace process in June 2018. Unfortunately, their relationship gradually deteriorated from a cheerful amorousness to a vicious enmity. Thus, Ethiopia and Eritrea have both shown the ability and readiness to utilise proxy armies against one another. However, the literature on Ethiopia–Eritrea relations now avoids the topic of how peace and security might be restored. Therefore, the primary goal of this article has been to discuss and analyse the development of the Ethio-Eritrean relationship since 2018, from jubilant liaison to paroxysm hostility. To record and analyse this exciting issue, the article would be limited to primary sources such as letters, reports, journals, interviews, live streaming media and published secondary texts that this writer has access to.
{"title":"Ethio-Eritrean Relation: From Jubilant Liaison to Paroxysm Hostility Since 2018","authors":"Yalemzewd Dessie","doi":"10.1177/09750878241239902","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878241239902","url":null,"abstract":"For the past two decades, the border conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea has posed political, economic and social security threats in the Horn of Africa. The seemingly unexpected resurgence of jovial contact between Eritrea and Ethiopia grabbed national, regional and international attention. It was Abiy who jumpstarted the peace process in June 2018. Unfortunately, their relationship gradually deteriorated from a cheerful amorousness to a vicious enmity. Thus, Ethiopia and Eritrea have both shown the ability and readiness to utilise proxy armies against one another. However, the literature on Ethiopia–Eritrea relations now avoids the topic of how peace and security might be restored. Therefore, the primary goal of this article has been to discuss and analyse the development of the Ethio-Eritrean relationship since 2018, from jubilant liaison to paroxysm hostility. To record and analyse this exciting issue, the article would be limited to primary sources such as letters, reports, journals, interviews, live streaming media and published secondary texts that this writer has access to.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"93 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140804365","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Equal participation in politics are a goal of democracy, independent of gender, race, or ethnicity. This essay contends that if these values are not given top priority and prominence in society, democracy will have failed. By examining the opinions of participants, this study assesses the implementation of the 2006 National Gender Policy in Nigeria. To learn how participants, assess the policy’s execution since it was created, the research employs a qualitative methodology.The results show that sexism, illiteracy, and a lack of strong government support are the main barriers to full implementation of the national gender policy. The policy implementation framework is hindered, as evidenced by the participants’ experiences, raising questions about its efficacy in promoting gender equality. In order to accomplish the goals of the policy, the government and other players will need to provide better support, raise awareness of the issue, and make firmer promises.The implications of these findings are examined within the social learning theory, which suggests that behavior is learned from the environment, and that people adapt by observing the consequences of their actions and the actions of others. The research reveals that social learning is critical in the implementation of gender policies, but the limited application of the policy undermines its ability to promote change. Therefore, this paper argues that there is an urgent need for comprehensive action and policy reform, aimed at addressing the limitations identified and ensuring gender equity in Nigeria.
{"title":"Same Game, Different Participation in Nigeria: A qualitative study of (2006) National Gender Policy","authors":"Owoeye Gbenga, Aleyomi Michael, Ngozi Bridget Ogor-Igbosuah, Babatunde Samson","doi":"10.1177/09750878231218650","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231218650","url":null,"abstract":"Equal participation in politics are a goal of democracy, independent of gender, race, or ethnicity. This essay contends that if these values are not given top priority and prominence in society, democracy will have failed. By examining the opinions of participants, this study assesses the implementation of the 2006 National Gender Policy in Nigeria. To learn how participants, assess the policy’s execution since it was created, the research employs a qualitative methodology.The results show that sexism, illiteracy, and a lack of strong government support are the main barriers to full implementation of the national gender policy. The policy implementation framework is hindered, as evidenced by the participants’ experiences, raising questions about its efficacy in promoting gender equality. In order to accomplish the goals of the policy, the government and other players will need to provide better support, raise awareness of the issue, and make firmer promises.The implications of these findings are examined within the social learning theory, which suggests that behavior is learned from the environment, and that people adapt by observing the consequences of their actions and the actions of others. The research reveals that social learning is critical in the implementation of gender policies, but the limited application of the policy undermines its ability to promote change. Therefore, this paper argues that there is an urgent need for comprehensive action and policy reform, aimed at addressing the limitations identified and ensuring gender equity in Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"37 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140074264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-31DOI: 10.1177/09750878231221930
Eun Kyung Kim, Kwang-Su Kim
Research on violent extremism in Africa argues that jihadi insurgents exploit inter-ethnic cleavages and local grievances in order to recruit and gain support from the region because such political mobilisation leads to an escalation of clashes and violence among communal groups. On the other hand, local militias, especially those aided by governments, incite acts of anti-government terrorists. Using the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED) data set, we explore at which duration-area level the jihadist and militia attacks affect each other’s atrocities and how the effects vary in three Francophone Sahelian countries—Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. We find that violent acts by militias (or jihadists) tend to be reactive to terrorist attacks (or militia movements) rather than happening concurrently or against one another. More specifically, violent incidents by jihadi insurgents and local militias have an aggravating effect on each other’s violent acts in sub-regional administrative units over a week at the highest rate in Mali and Burkina Faso. Further, results from a cross-country analysis suggest that homegrown factors, including terrorist group rivalry, government responses to terrorism and self-defence militias’ intentions and determination, might affect how the jihadists’ exploitation of the cleavages and the growing challenges posed by ethnic militias to the extremists exacerbate the situation.
{"title":"The Effect of Violent Extremism on Local Conflicts and Vice Versa: Differences and Similarities among Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger","authors":"Eun Kyung Kim, Kwang-Su Kim","doi":"10.1177/09750878231221930","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231221930","url":null,"abstract":"Research on violent extremism in Africa argues that jihadi insurgents exploit inter-ethnic cleavages and local grievances in order to recruit and gain support from the region because such political mobilisation leads to an escalation of clashes and violence among communal groups. On the other hand, local militias, especially those aided by governments, incite acts of anti-government terrorists. Using the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED) data set, we explore at which duration-area level the jihadist and militia attacks affect each other’s atrocities and how the effects vary in three Francophone Sahelian countries—Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. We find that violent acts by militias (or jihadists) tend to be reactive to terrorist attacks (or militia movements) rather than happening concurrently or against one another. More specifically, violent incidents by jihadi insurgents and local militias have an aggravating effect on each other’s violent acts in sub-regional administrative units over a week at the highest rate in Mali and Burkina Faso. Further, results from a cross-country analysis suggest that homegrown factors, including terrorist group rivalry, government responses to terrorism and self-defence militias’ intentions and determination, might affect how the jihadists’ exploitation of the cleavages and the growing challenges posed by ethnic militias to the extremists exacerbate the situation.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"59 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139955897","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-08DOI: 10.1177/09750878231221167
N. Lallupersad, D. Govender
A sharp rise in crimes at shopping malls in KwaZulu-Natal and other provinces around the country has prompted shopping mall owners to keep shopping malls safe. Some of the crimes that shopping malls experience include armed robberies, common robberies, parking lot crimes (theft from motor vehicles), assaults, store holdups, shoplifting and property crimes. Shoppers and retailers at malls are concerned about their safety. Criminals commit crimes for numerous reasons, and the situations are always different. The purpose of this article was to assess the crime risks at these malls so that the malls can be made safe, secure and a pleasant environment for all. The Criminal Opportunity Theory served as the basis for this study. A qualitative case study design was used in this study. One-on-one interviews, observation and criminal case docket analysis were used to collect data. Nine shopping malls, 30 criminal case dockets and 30 participants were purposively sampled, based on specific criteria. The collected data were thematically analysed and interpreted. It was found that there was a great need for both violent and nonviolent crimes to be reduced at shopping malls. The study showed that security measures should be enhanced to deter potential criminals and mitigate the risk of criminal activities.
{"title":"Criminality at Shopping Malls: A South African Perspective","authors":"N. Lallupersad, D. Govender","doi":"10.1177/09750878231221167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231221167","url":null,"abstract":"A sharp rise in crimes at shopping malls in KwaZulu-Natal and other provinces around the country has prompted shopping mall owners to keep shopping malls safe. Some of the crimes that shopping malls experience include armed robberies, common robberies, parking lot crimes (theft from motor vehicles), assaults, store holdups, shoplifting and property crimes. Shoppers and retailers at malls are concerned about their safety. Criminals commit crimes for numerous reasons, and the situations are always different. The purpose of this article was to assess the crime risks at these malls so that the malls can be made safe, secure and a pleasant environment for all. The Criminal Opportunity Theory served as the basis for this study. A qualitative case study design was used in this study. One-on-one interviews, observation and criminal case docket analysis were used to collect data. Nine shopping malls, 30 criminal case dockets and 30 participants were purposively sampled, based on specific criteria. The collected data were thematically analysed and interpreted. It was found that there was a great need for both violent and nonviolent crimes to be reduced at shopping malls. The study showed that security measures should be enhanced to deter potential criminals and mitigate the risk of criminal activities.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"34 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139446565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-08DOI: 10.1177/09750878231217956
Felix Ibeh
This article examines the impact of trade policies in Nigeria (1960–2022) on the manufacturing and agricultural sectors. To set the context, I have grouped the trade policy periods into two categories: (a) the pre–structural adjustment programme (SAP) era (1960–1985) and (b) the post-SAP era (1986–2022). I have then examined economic data and all the existing literature to understand the pattern of manufacturing and agricultural outputs during these policy periods. Pre-SAP and post-SAP trade policies show a shift from protectionism to liberalisation, moderately improving agricultural and industrial sectors but still facing obstacles. Despite policies and agreements to improve trade, economic development remains unrealised. This study demonstrated that trade policies have led to erratic progress in both the agricultural and manufacturing sectors, consequently making a lesser contribution to the overall Nigerian development. Within this debate, three different schools of thought can be distinguished. The first school of thought holds that trade policy reforms benefit the growth of Nigerian manufacturing and agricultural sectors. The second school of thought contends that trade policy reforms (such as trade liberalisation) have a detrimental effect on industrial and agricultural sectors. The third school of thought argues that there is no proof or substantial linkage between trade policy reforms and the productivity and growth of manufacturing and agricultural sectors. Nevertheless, to benefit from trade liberalisation, this article identifies the need to revise the Nigerian trade policy as well as stabilise foreign exchange rates to advance and boost local manufacturing and agricultural sectors and promote active participation in trade agreements and policies.
{"title":"Assessing the Impact of Trade Policies on Growth and Development of the Manufacturing and Agricultural Sectors in Nigeria","authors":"Felix Ibeh","doi":"10.1177/09750878231217956","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231217956","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the impact of trade policies in Nigeria (1960–2022) on the manufacturing and agricultural sectors. To set the context, I have grouped the trade policy periods into two categories: (a) the pre–structural adjustment programme (SAP) era (1960–1985) and (b) the post-SAP era (1986–2022). I have then examined economic data and all the existing literature to understand the pattern of manufacturing and agricultural outputs during these policy periods. Pre-SAP and post-SAP trade policies show a shift from protectionism to liberalisation, moderately improving agricultural and industrial sectors but still facing obstacles. Despite policies and agreements to improve trade, economic development remains unrealised. This study demonstrated that trade policies have led to erratic progress in both the agricultural and manufacturing sectors, consequently making a lesser contribution to the overall Nigerian development. Within this debate, three different schools of thought can be distinguished. The first school of thought holds that trade policy reforms benefit the growth of Nigerian manufacturing and agricultural sectors. The second school of thought contends that trade policy reforms (such as trade liberalisation) have a detrimental effect on industrial and agricultural sectors. The third school of thought argues that there is no proof or substantial linkage between trade policy reforms and the productivity and growth of manufacturing and agricultural sectors. Nevertheless, to benefit from trade liberalisation, this article identifies the need to revise the Nigerian trade policy as well as stabilise foreign exchange rates to advance and boost local manufacturing and agricultural sectors and promote active participation in trade agreements and policies.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"36 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139448055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-29DOI: 10.1177/09750878231212123
Ankur Srivastava
Adetokunbo Johnson and Ashwanee Budoo-Scholtz (Ed.), COVID-19 and Women’s Intersectionalities in Africa, Pretoria UniversitZy Law Press (PULP), 2023, 279 pp.
Adetokunbo Johnson 和 Ashwanee Budoo-Scholtz（编辑），《COVID-19 与非洲妇女的交叉性》，比勒陀利亚大学法律出版社（PULP），2023 年，279 页。
{"title":"Book review: Adetokunbo Johnson and Ashwanee Budoo-Scholtz (Ed.), COVID-19 and Women’s Intersectionalities in Africa","authors":"Ankur Srivastava","doi":"10.1177/09750878231212123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231212123","url":null,"abstract":"Adetokunbo Johnson and Ashwanee Budoo-Scholtz (Ed.), COVID-19 and Women’s Intersectionalities in Africa, Pretoria UniversitZy Law Press (PULP), 2023, 279 pp.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":" 37","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139144073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-21DOI: 10.1177/09750878231212121
Tara Shanker Chaudhary
Diana Højlund Madsen (Ed.), Gendered Institutions and Women’s Political Representation in Africa, Zed Books and Nordic Africa Institute, 2020, pp. 272, 90$.
Diana Højlund Madsen (Ed.), Gendered Institutions and Women's Political Representation in Africa, Zed Books and Nordic Africa Institute, 2020, pp.
{"title":"Book review: Diana Højlund Madsen (Ed.), Gendered Institutions and Women’s Political Representation in Africa","authors":"Tara Shanker Chaudhary","doi":"10.1177/09750878231212121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231212121","url":null,"abstract":"Diana Højlund Madsen (Ed.), Gendered Institutions and Women’s Political Representation in Africa, Zed Books and Nordic Africa Institute, 2020, pp. 272, 90$.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"63 9","pages":"116 - 119"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138950650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-21DOI: 10.1177/09750878231212881
Rajneesh Kumar Gupta
Frank Aragbonfoh Abumere, African Identities and International Politics, Routledge Publication, 2023, pp. 159, £130.00.
Frank Aragbonfoh Abumere，《非洲身份与国际政治》，Routledge 出版社，2023 年，第 159 页，130.00 英镑。
{"title":"Book review: Frank Aragbonfoh Abumere, African Identities and International Politics","authors":"Rajneesh Kumar Gupta","doi":"10.1177/09750878231212881","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231212881","url":null,"abstract":"Frank Aragbonfoh Abumere, African Identities and International Politics, Routledge Publication, 2023, pp. 159, £130.00.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"20 8","pages":"113 - 116"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138951945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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