Pub Date : 2022-08-05DOI: 10.1177/09750878221114381
Sebastian Purwins
Ghana has gained international attention due to a controversial deal, which it has entered with the Chinese Sinohydro Corporation Limited. Sinohydro is investing $2 billion in infrastructure development, in return for refined bauxite over a 15-year period. When it comes to resource-backed loans between China and African governments, these types of cooperation are widely known as the Angola Model. Besides the criticism of resource-secured lending, in some African countries, these practices are declined, while in others it continues, but also evolve. For example in Guinea and in Ghana. This article takes a closer look at the structure and concerns regarding Ghana’s Sinohydro deal in comparison to the Angola Model. The main difference appears to be (a) the established para-state company charged with managing the extraction of bauxite and (b) the plans to develop an integrated bauxite–aluminum industry within Ghana. On the other side, environmental concerns regarding bypassing regulations or possible pollution remain the same.
{"title":"Same Same, but Different: Ghana’s Sinohydro Deal as Evolved ‘Angola Model’?","authors":"Sebastian Purwins","doi":"10.1177/09750878221114381","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878221114381","url":null,"abstract":"Ghana has gained international attention due to a controversial deal, which it has entered with the Chinese Sinohydro Corporation Limited. Sinohydro is investing $2 billion in infrastructure development, in return for refined bauxite over a 15-year period. When it comes to resource-backed loans between China and African governments, these types of cooperation are widely known as the Angola Model. Besides the criticism of resource-secured lending, in some African countries, these practices are declined, while in others it continues, but also evolve. For example in Guinea and in Ghana. This article takes a closer look at the structure and concerns regarding Ghana’s Sinohydro deal in comparison to the Angola Model. The main difference appears to be (a) the established para-state company charged with managing the extraction of bauxite and (b) the plans to develop an integrated bauxite–aluminum industry within Ghana. On the other side, environmental concerns regarding bypassing regulations or possible pollution remain the same.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"15 1","pages":"46 - 70"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42266487","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-05DOI: 10.1177/09750878221114378
Thomas Ameyaw-Brobbey, Dennis Senam Amable
Since the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) outbreak, international relations (IR) literature on the pandemic’s implication on global politics has generally increased, while studies on small businesses and human developmental consequences in the developing world have lagged. In this context, through a micro-level analysis, this article investigates the extent to which the COVID-19 pandemic affects the economically bottom-class citizens and their businesses, focusing on small-scale vendors in Ghana. It utilises content analysis to examine 384 small-scale vendors in four cities/towns (Accra, Tema, Sunyani, Ho) in Ghana between August and October 2021. We show that the pandemic has negatively affected economic life and ordinary living conditions by increasing poverty among economically bottom-class citizens, likely to have dire long-term consequences nationally. Further, we contend that the small-scale vendors and entrepreneurs recognise leveraging the increasing Chinese global economic influence. Thus, China provides an exit point through which the people can navigate themselves out of the COVID-19 predicaments. Our study is novel for its first-level—individual—analysis of the impact of COVID-19 in the Ghanaian market space from an IR perspective. It also provides policy relevance.
{"title":"A Micro-assessment of Coronavirus Disease 2019 Realities on Small-Scale Vendors in Ghana: China as a Leveraging Resource","authors":"Thomas Ameyaw-Brobbey, Dennis Senam Amable","doi":"10.1177/09750878221114378","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878221114378","url":null,"abstract":"Since the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) outbreak, international relations (IR) literature on the pandemic’s implication on global politics has generally increased, while studies on small businesses and human developmental consequences in the developing world have lagged. In this context, through a micro-level analysis, this article investigates the extent to which the COVID-19 pandemic affects the economically bottom-class citizens and their businesses, focusing on small-scale vendors in Ghana. It utilises content analysis to examine 384 small-scale vendors in four cities/towns (Accra, Tema, Sunyani, Ho) in Ghana between August and October 2021. We show that the pandemic has negatively affected economic life and ordinary living conditions by increasing poverty among economically bottom-class citizens, likely to have dire long-term consequences nationally. Further, we contend that the small-scale vendors and entrepreneurs recognise leveraging the increasing Chinese global economic influence. Thus, China provides an exit point through which the people can navigate themselves out of the COVID-19 predicaments. Our study is novel for its first-level—individual—analysis of the impact of COVID-19 in the Ghanaian market space from an IR perspective. It also provides policy relevance.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"15 1","pages":"23 - 45"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42436444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-04DOI: 10.1177/09750878221114375
Alta Grobbelaar
It is no surprise to come across information or video on social or mainstream media that was posted by a terrorist organisation like Al-Shabaab. In this regard, researchers have attempted to answer the question of what terrorist organisations aim to achieve by gaining a strong foothold in cyberspace. This article explores the evolution of Al-Shabaab in terms of their media usage and presence—from a local insurgency using magazines and radio stations, to what can be described as a media mogul in Africa. The author explores how and why this group chooses to pursue a strong cyber presence, and what, if anything, Africa and the international community can do about it.
{"title":"Media and Terrorism in Africa: Al-Shabaab’s Evolution from Militant Group to Media Mogul","authors":"Alta Grobbelaar","doi":"10.1177/09750878221114375","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878221114375","url":null,"abstract":"It is no surprise to come across information or video on social or mainstream media that was posted by a terrorist organisation like Al-Shabaab. In this regard, researchers have attempted to answer the question of what terrorist organisations aim to achieve by gaining a strong foothold in cyberspace. This article explores the evolution of Al-Shabaab in terms of their media usage and presence—from a local insurgency using magazines and radio stations, to what can be described as a media mogul in Africa. The author explores how and why this group chooses to pursue a strong cyber presence, and what, if anything, Africa and the international community can do about it.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"15 1","pages":"7 - 22"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48256702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-04DOI: 10.1177/09750878221079807
A. Shola
The incidence of armed banditry has exacerbated the security conundrum in Nigeria to create a multidimensional security quandary. Meanwhile, the extant studies on the matter offer insubstantial theoretical explanations. This study attempts an extensive approach that captures the necessitating factors for banditry from an opportunistic standpoint. This is heralded on the presupposition that crime occurs as a result of the opportunities presented to carry it out. Therefore, this study adopts the theories of crime opportunities, such as routine activity theory, rational choice and crime pattern to expound on the incidence of armed banditry in Nigeria. It was found out that opportunities play a role in banditry; the phenomenon is concentrated in time and space; the opportunities for the menace is highly specific and that the incidence produces opportunities for other crimes. Solutions rooted in the theoretical proposition of situational crime prevention and crime prevention through environmental design theories are thence proffered.
{"title":"Crime of Opportunity? A Theoretical Exploration of the Incidence of Armed Banditry in Nigeria","authors":"A. Shola","doi":"10.1177/09750878221079807","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878221079807","url":null,"abstract":"The incidence of armed banditry has exacerbated the security conundrum in Nigeria to create a multidimensional security quandary. Meanwhile, the extant studies on the matter offer insubstantial theoretical explanations. This study attempts an extensive approach that captures the necessitating factors for banditry from an opportunistic standpoint. This is heralded on the presupposition that crime occurs as a result of the opportunities presented to carry it out. Therefore, this study adopts the theories of crime opportunities, such as routine activity theory, rational choice and crime pattern to expound on the incidence of armed banditry in Nigeria. It was found out that opportunities play a role in banditry; the phenomenon is concentrated in time and space; the opportunities for the menace is highly specific and that the incidence produces opportunities for other crimes. Solutions rooted in the theoretical proposition of situational crime prevention and crime prevention through environmental design theories are thence proffered.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"14 1","pages":"174 - 192"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42446196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-04DOI: 10.1177/09750878221079803
S. A. Olofinbiyi
Xenophobia has been described as one of the most endemic life-threatening obstacles confronting foreign nationals in the contemporary South Africa. The spate of this hate crime has increased unabatedly in the Kwa Zulu-Natal province of the country in recent years, diffusing to other regions such as Johannesburg, Pretoria, Limpopo and Cape Town. The study aims at establishing xenophobia as an untreated anti-immigrant violence and potential snag for national development in South Africa. It utilised data collected from previous research inquiries to achieve the expected results. The phenomenon was discussed within a criminological framework. The study projects that until South Africans are drawn back the memory lane to realise the benefits of pan-Africanism, the terroristic culture will continue to recur and eat deep into the socio-economic fabric of the nation.
{"title":"Anti-immigrant Violence and Xenophobia in South Africa: Untreated Malady and Potential Snag for National Development","authors":"S. A. Olofinbiyi","doi":"10.1177/09750878221079803","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878221079803","url":null,"abstract":"Xenophobia has been described as one of the most endemic life-threatening obstacles confronting foreign nationals in the contemporary South Africa. The spate of this hate crime has increased unabatedly in the Kwa Zulu-Natal province of the country in recent years, diffusing to other regions such as Johannesburg, Pretoria, Limpopo and Cape Town. The study aims at establishing xenophobia as an untreated anti-immigrant violence and potential snag for national development in South Africa. It utilised data collected from previous research inquiries to achieve the expected results. The phenomenon was discussed within a criminological framework. The study projects that until South Africans are drawn back the memory lane to realise the benefits of pan-Africanism, the terroristic culture will continue to recur and eat deep into the socio-economic fabric of the nation.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"14 1","pages":"193 - 211"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41472639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-14DOI: 10.1177/09750878221079816
H. Eiguedo-Okoeguale
This article interrogates the dynamics of cultural diplomacy. It focusses on the socio-cultural aspect of Indo-Nigerian diplomacy. It argues that since the beginning of the relations between Nigeria and India, the social contacts have been on the increase thereby reinforcing cultural diplomacy. It establishes that as creations of British colonial rule, both countries possess certain social and cultural legacies that foster unity between them. This common history has influenced their cultural, artistic, legal, educational and media institutions. The study argues that culture works as an element that can be projected beyond national boundaries as an instrument of diplomacy. Essentially, India, with a population of about 1.37 billion inhabitants, and Nigeria, the largest country in Africa with a population of about 200 million, are two different countries. Nevertheless, they have much in their historical legacy that connects them. These are past experience of British colonialism, struggle for national independence, and continued retention of English as their official language. The article provides an opportunity to explore the common heritage of the two countries and how the heritage influences and shapes the contours of their foreign policy goals. It is organised in five parts excluding the introduction and conclusion. The first part explores the concept of culture and cultural life in India and Nigeria. The second examined cultural identity and national interest, while the third aspect focussed on advancing national interest through culture. The fourth and fifth parts discussed Nigerian audience and Bollywood as well as the impact of Bollywood on Nigerian literature.
{"title":"The Dynamics of Cultural Diplomacy: A Discourse of Indo-Nigerian Socio-cultural Relations from the 1960s to the Present","authors":"H. Eiguedo-Okoeguale","doi":"10.1177/09750878221079816","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878221079816","url":null,"abstract":"This article interrogates the dynamics of cultural diplomacy. It focusses on the socio-cultural aspect of Indo-Nigerian diplomacy. It argues that since the beginning of the relations between Nigeria and India, the social contacts have been on the increase thereby reinforcing cultural diplomacy. It establishes that as creations of British colonial rule, both countries possess certain social and cultural legacies that foster unity between them. This common history has influenced their cultural, artistic, legal, educational and media institutions. The study argues that culture works as an element that can be projected beyond national boundaries as an instrument of diplomacy. Essentially, India, with a population of about 1.37 billion inhabitants, and Nigeria, the largest country in Africa with a population of about 200 million, are two different countries. Nevertheless, they have much in their historical legacy that connects them. These are past experience of British colonialism, struggle for national independence, and continued retention of English as their official language. The article provides an opportunity to explore the common heritage of the two countries and how the heritage influences and shapes the contours of their foreign policy goals. It is organised in five parts excluding the introduction and conclusion. The first part explores the concept of culture and cultural life in India and Nigeria. The second examined cultural identity and national interest, while the third aspect focussed on advancing national interest through culture. The fourth and fifth parts discussed Nigerian audience and Bollywood as well as the impact of Bollywood on Nigerian literature.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"14 1","pages":"158 - 173"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46561625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1177/09750878211057125
T. Bayu
Though statehood nature traced back to ancient times, modern Ethiopia came into being in the second half of the nineteenth century under the military expansion of King Menelik II. Since then subsequent political systems in the country have failed to recognise and accommodate the country’s ethnolinguistic diversity. However, in 1991 the new government constitutionally recognised and institutionally accommodated the country’s diversity. While solving old problems of ethnic inequality and injustice, ethnic federalism has created new problems of ethnic tensions and conflict across Ethiopia. The article aims at investigating how and why ethnic federalism ended up being a source of ethnic conflicts in Ethiopia and suggests the way out. The article employed a qualitative research design and methods of data analysis and interpretation. The finding of the study shows the notion and implementation of federalism has to be blamed, which left unclear administration boundary, overlooked cross-cutting variables, Majority versus minority and Titular versus Settler problem, politicised ethnicity by transformed cultural communities into political communities, produced mega ethnic syndrome within the Ethiopian society, for the country’s ethnic troubles and conflicts. Reforming the federal system and its constitutions is the way forwarded to reduce ethnic tensions and create an inclusive society in Ethiopia.
{"title":"Is Federalism the Source of Ethnic Identity-Based Conflict in Ethiopia?","authors":"T. Bayu","doi":"10.1177/09750878211057125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878211057125","url":null,"abstract":"Though statehood nature traced back to ancient times, modern Ethiopia came into being in the second half of the nineteenth century under the military expansion of King Menelik II. Since then subsequent political systems in the country have failed to recognise and accommodate the country’s ethnolinguistic diversity. However, in 1991 the new government constitutionally recognised and institutionally accommodated the country’s diversity. While solving old problems of ethnic inequality and injustice, ethnic federalism has created new problems of ethnic tensions and conflict across Ethiopia. The article aims at investigating how and why ethnic federalism ended up being a source of ethnic conflicts in Ethiopia and suggests the way out. The article employed a qualitative research design and methods of data analysis and interpretation. The finding of the study shows the notion and implementation of federalism has to be blamed, which left unclear administration boundary, overlooked cross-cutting variables, Majority versus minority and Titular versus Settler problem, politicised ethnicity by transformed cultural communities into political communities, produced mega ethnic syndrome within the Ethiopian society, for the country’s ethnic troubles and conflicts. Reforming the federal system and its constitutions is the way forwarded to reduce ethnic tensions and create an inclusive society in Ethiopia.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"14 1","pages":"104 - 125"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47961101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-03DOI: 10.1177/09750878211049224
R. Alsawalqa, D. Venter
There are a daunting number of maritime security threats and challenges in the north-western Indian Ocean region, both extant and potential. Indeed, the mere fact that the Indian Ocean constitutes the world’s largest swath of maritime space that is prone to the major menace of piracy (in the Gulf of Oman, the Arabian Sea, the Gulf of Aden and in the waters off the north-east African coastline), as well as the sporadic threat of terrorism (by Islamic militias of Al-Shabaab in Somalia and Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula in Yemen), signifies that the region will arguably remain the maritime area with the greatest array of security challenges. However, while anti-piracy measures ought to have shaped regional policymaking, and the resources that a large and diverse group of states has devoted to addressing these maritime challenges have never been adequate to the task, largely successful coalition-building exercises and joint naval task-force operations have been encouraging. The transformation of Somali piracy from a haphazard activity into a highly organised, professionalised criminal enterprise is briefly elucidated by greed-grievance theory and supplemented by the theory of crime, also known as routine-activity theory.
{"title":"Piracy and Maritime Security in the North-Western Indian Ocean: From the Gulf of Oman to the Waters off the Somali Coast","authors":"R. Alsawalqa, D. Venter","doi":"10.1177/09750878211049224","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878211049224","url":null,"abstract":"There are a daunting number of maritime security threats and challenges in the north-western Indian Ocean region, both extant and potential. Indeed, the mere fact that the Indian Ocean constitutes the world’s largest swath of maritime space that is prone to the major menace of piracy (in the Gulf of Oman, the Arabian Sea, the Gulf of Aden and in the waters off the north-east African coastline), as well as the sporadic threat of terrorism (by Islamic militias of Al-Shabaab in Somalia and Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula in Yemen), signifies that the region will arguably remain the maritime area with the greatest array of security challenges. However, while anti-piracy measures ought to have shaped regional policymaking, and the resources that a large and diverse group of states has devoted to addressing these maritime challenges have never been adequate to the task, largely successful coalition-building exercises and joint naval task-force operations have been encouraging. The transformation of Somali piracy from a haphazard activity into a highly organised, professionalised criminal enterprise is briefly elucidated by greed-grievance theory and supplemented by the theory of crime, also known as routine-activity theory.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"14 1","pages":"88 - 103"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48422906","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-28DOI: 10.1177/09750878211048161
Glen Segell
The Abraham Accords signed in September 2020 between Israel and the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain was followed by ties between Israel and the African states of Sudan and Morocco. These were all unique with the common link and timing apparently only the broker American President Donald Trump’s re-election campaign. Looking deeper reveals another common element that is a shift in regional strategic dynamics both at ideological and strategic fronts. This prompts revisiting the Nasser style Pan-Arab and Pan-African ideologies in the context of the current unfolding situation. A primary finding is that government-to-government negotiations to establish multi-lateral forum based on ideological movements rarely achieve this and even when they do such forum tend to debate rather than act. Only with popular and grassroots support can ideological movements bring change and achieve objectives. Such lessons applied to the Abraham Accords, that is a different style of Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism, but also top–down at its origins, might lead to an evolution of a different kind of domestic and regional ambiance. The structure of the article is to provide definitions, then discuss the role of leaders, the distinct differences in geography and demography, revisit Nasser style Pan-Africanism, revisit Nasser style Pan-Arabism, and discuss the Qaddafi continuum of the Nasser style ideologies. The academic contributions giving new insight to Africa are the examination of the role of individual leaders and hegemonic leadership, and the shifts and evolution of ideologies where outcomes are not necessarily the desired ones or enduring.
{"title":"Revisiting Nasser Style Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism Prompted by the Abraham Accords","authors":"Glen Segell","doi":"10.1177/09750878211048161","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878211048161","url":null,"abstract":"The Abraham Accords signed in September 2020 between Israel and the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain was followed by ties between Israel and the African states of Sudan and Morocco. These were all unique with the common link and timing apparently only the broker American President Donald Trump’s re-election campaign. Looking deeper reveals another common element that is a shift in regional strategic dynamics both at ideological and strategic fronts. This prompts revisiting the Nasser style Pan-Arab and Pan-African ideologies in the context of the current unfolding situation. A primary finding is that government-to-government negotiations to establish multi-lateral forum based on ideological movements rarely achieve this and even when they do such forum tend to debate rather than act. Only with popular and grassroots support can ideological movements bring change and achieve objectives. Such lessons applied to the Abraham Accords, that is a different style of Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism, but also top–down at its origins, might lead to an evolution of a different kind of domestic and regional ambiance. The structure of the article is to provide definitions, then discuss the role of leaders, the distinct differences in geography and demography, revisit Nasser style Pan-Africanism, revisit Nasser style Pan-Arabism, and discuss the Qaddafi continuum of the Nasser style ideologies. The academic contributions giving new insight to Africa are the examination of the role of individual leaders and hegemonic leadership, and the shifts and evolution of ideologies where outcomes are not necessarily the desired ones or enduring.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"14 1","pages":"24 - 39"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43175679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-28DOI: 10.1177/09750878211048169
D. Govender, K. Pillay
High crime rates, use of violence by criminals, police brutality, corruption, rape by police officials and other forms of criminal misconduct against the police including the centralisation of specific specialised functions of policing, which was tantamount to taking away policing from the people at police station level, are some of the allegations which affects the image of the police as a legitimate organisation. Much of these allegations levelled by the community and the mass media are directed at the external and internal environments of the police. The aim of this article is to critically evaluate policing in South Africa, so that respect for the country and its citizens can be restored. For this discussion, the researcher collected qualitative information by means of a literature study and drew on his personal experience as a former senior police officer with the South African Police Service (SAPS). Prior to 1994, the call was for the rationalisation, restructuring and amalgamation of the police into a single police service that would enjoy legitimacy among all the communities of South Africa. Although the country embraced a new democratic dispensation in 1994, very little was done to implement transformational policies and processes to bring about systemic change in policing. A need for the change of the functioning of the police service in South Africa was identified, so that police officers may perform their role within the context of democratic principles and restore respect for the country and its citizens.
{"title":"Policing in South Africa: A Critical Evaluation","authors":"D. Govender, K. Pillay","doi":"10.1177/09750878211048169","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878211048169","url":null,"abstract":"High crime rates, use of violence by criminals, police brutality, corruption, rape by police officials and other forms of criminal misconduct against the police including the centralisation of specific specialised functions of policing, which was tantamount to taking away policing from the people at police station level, are some of the allegations which affects the image of the police as a legitimate organisation. Much of these allegations levelled by the community and the mass media are directed at the external and internal environments of the police. The aim of this article is to critically evaluate policing in South Africa, so that respect for the country and its citizens can be restored. For this discussion, the researcher collected qualitative information by means of a literature study and drew on his personal experience as a former senior police officer with the South African Police Service (SAPS). Prior to 1994, the call was for the rationalisation, restructuring and amalgamation of the police into a single police service that would enjoy legitimacy among all the communities of South Africa. Although the country embraced a new democratic dispensation in 1994, very little was done to implement transformational policies and processes to bring about systemic change in policing. A need for the change of the functioning of the police service in South Africa was identified, so that police officers may perform their role within the context of democratic principles and restore respect for the country and its citizens.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"14 1","pages":"40 - 56"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41746143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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