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The Dynamics of Cultural Diplomacy: A Discourse of Indo-Nigerian Socio-cultural Relations from the 1960s to the Present 文化外交的动力:从20世纪60年代到现在印度-尼日利亚社会文化关系的论述
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-14 DOI: 10.1177/09750878221079816
H. Eiguedo-Okoeguale
This article interrogates the dynamics of cultural diplomacy. It focusses on the socio-cultural aspect of Indo-Nigerian diplomacy. It argues that since the beginning of the relations between Nigeria and India, the social contacts have been on the increase thereby reinforcing cultural diplomacy. It establishes that as creations of British colonial rule, both countries possess certain social and cultural legacies that foster unity between them. This common history has influenced their cultural, artistic, legal, educational and media institutions. The study argues that culture works as an element that can be projected beyond national boundaries as an instrument of diplomacy. Essentially, India, with a population of about 1.37 billion inhabitants, and Nigeria, the largest country in Africa with a population of about 200 million, are two different countries. Nevertheless, they have much in their historical legacy that connects them. These are past experience of British colonialism, struggle for national independence, and continued retention of English as their official language. The article provides an opportunity to explore the common heritage of the two countries and how the heritage influences and shapes the contours of their foreign policy goals. It is organised in five parts excluding the introduction and conclusion. The first part explores the concept of culture and cultural life in India and Nigeria. The second examined cultural identity and national interest, while the third aspect focussed on advancing national interest through culture. The fourth and fifth parts discussed Nigerian audience and Bollywood as well as the impact of Bollywood on Nigerian literature.
这篇文章探讨了文化外交的动态。它侧重于印度-尼日利亚外交的社会文化方面。它认为,自从尼日利亚和印度之间的关系开始以来,社会接触一直在增加,从而加强了文化外交。它确立了作为英国殖民统治的产物,两国都拥有促进两国团结的某些社会和文化遗产。这一共同的历史影响了它们的文化、艺术、法律、教育和媒体机构。该研究认为,文化作为一种元素,可以作为外交工具投射到国界之外。从本质上讲,人口约13.7亿的印度和人口约2亿的非洲最大国家尼日利亚是两个不同的国家。然而,他们有很多历史遗产将他们联系在一起。这些都是过去英国殖民主义的经历,争取民族独立的斗争,以及继续保留英语作为官方语言。本文提供了一个机会来探讨两国的共同遗产,以及这些遗产如何影响和塑造两国外交政策目标的轮廓。本文除引言和结语外,共分为五个部分。第一部分探讨了印度和尼日利亚的文化概念和文化生活。第二个方面考察了文化认同和国家利益,而第三个方面侧重于通过文化促进国家利益。第四和第五部分讨论了尼日利亚的观众和宝莱坞,以及宝莱坞对尼日利亚文学的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Is Federalism the Source of Ethnic Identity-Based Conflict in Ethiopia? 联邦制是埃塞俄比亚种族认同冲突的根源吗?
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/09750878211057125
T. Bayu
Though statehood nature traced back to ancient times, modern Ethiopia came into being in the second half of the nineteenth century under the military expansion of King Menelik II. Since then subsequent political systems in the country have failed to recognise and accommodate the country’s ethnolinguistic diversity. However, in 1991 the new government constitutionally recognised and institutionally accommodated the country’s diversity. While solving old problems of ethnic inequality and injustice, ethnic federalism has created new problems of ethnic tensions and conflict across Ethiopia. The article aims at investigating how and why ethnic federalism ended up being a source of ethnic conflicts in Ethiopia and suggests the way out. The article employed a qualitative research design and methods of data analysis and interpretation. The finding of the study shows the notion and implementation of federalism has to be blamed, which left unclear administration boundary, overlooked cross-cutting variables, Majority versus minority and Titular versus Settler problem, politicised ethnicity by transformed cultural communities into political communities, produced mega ethnic syndrome within the Ethiopian society, for the country’s ethnic troubles and conflicts. Reforming the federal system and its constitutions is the way forwarded to reduce ethnic tensions and create an inclusive society in Ethiopia.
尽管国家性质可以追溯到古代,但现代埃塞俄比亚是在19世纪下半叶国王梅内利克二世的军事扩张下形成的。从那时起,该国随后的政治制度未能承认和适应该国的种族语言多样性。然而,1991年,新政府在宪法上承认并在制度上适应了国家的多样性。在解决种族不平等和不公正的旧问题的同时,种族联邦制在埃塞俄比亚各地造成了种族紧张和冲突的新问题。这篇文章旨在调查种族联邦制是如何以及为什么成为埃塞俄比亚种族冲突的根源,并提出解决办法。本文采用定性研究设计和数据分析解释方法。这项研究的发现表明,联邦制的概念和实施必须受到谴责,它留下了不明确的行政边界,忽视了交叉变量,多数人与少数人以及名义上与定居者的问题,通过将文化社区转变为政治社区将种族政治化,在埃塞俄比亚社会中产生了巨大的种族综合症,国家的民族问题和冲突。改革联邦制度及其宪法是减少埃塞俄比亚种族紧张局势和创建包容性社会的前进道路。
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引用次数: 2
Piracy and Maritime Security in the North-Western Indian Ocean: From the Gulf of Oman to the Waters off the Somali Coast 西北印度洋的海盗与海上安全:从阿曼湾到索马里海域
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-03 DOI: 10.1177/09750878211049224
R. Alsawalqa, D. Venter
There are a daunting number of maritime security threats and challenges in the north-western Indian Ocean region, both extant and potential. Indeed, the mere fact that the Indian Ocean constitutes the world’s largest swath of maritime space that is prone to the major menace of piracy (in the Gulf of Oman, the Arabian Sea, the Gulf of Aden and in the waters off the north-east African coastline), as well as the sporadic threat of terrorism (by Islamic militias of Al-Shabaab in Somalia and Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula in Yemen), signifies that the region will arguably remain the maritime area with the greatest array of security challenges. However, while anti-piracy measures ought to have shaped regional policymaking, and the resources that a large and diverse group of states has devoted to addressing these maritime challenges have never been adequate to the task, largely successful coalition-building exercises and joint naval task-force operations have been encouraging. The transformation of Somali piracy from a haphazard activity into a highly organised, professionalised criminal enterprise is briefly elucidated by greed-grievance theory and supplemented by the theory of crime, also known as routine-activity theory.
西北印度洋地区既有海上安全威胁,也存在潜在海上安全威胁和挑战。事实上,印度洋是世界上面积最大的一片海域,容易受到海盗的主要威胁(阿曼湾、阿拉伯海、亚丁湾和非洲东北部海岸线附近的水域),以及零星的恐怖主义威胁(索马里青年党的伊斯兰民兵和也门阿拉伯半岛的基地组织)。这意味着该地区可能仍将是面临最大安全挑战的海域。然而,虽然反海盗措施本应影响地区政策制定,而且一个庞大而多样的国家集团致力于解决这些海上挑战的资源从未足以完成这项任务,但基本上成功的联盟建设演习和联合海军特遣部队行动令人鼓舞。索马里海盗从一个偶然的活动转变为一个高度组织化、专业化的犯罪企业,简要地用贪得无厌理论来解释,并辅以犯罪理论,也被称为日常活动理论。
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引用次数: 4
Revisiting Nasser Style Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism Prompted by the Abraham Accords 《亚伯拉罕协议》引发的纳赛尔式泛阿拉伯主义与泛非主义再探
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-28 DOI: 10.1177/09750878211048161
Glen Segell
The Abraham Accords signed in September 2020 between Israel and the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain was followed by ties between Israel and the African states of Sudan and Morocco. These were all unique with the common link and timing apparently only the broker American President Donald Trump’s re-election campaign. Looking deeper reveals another common element that is a shift in regional strategic dynamics both at ideological and strategic fronts. This prompts revisiting the Nasser style Pan-Arab and Pan-African ideologies in the context of the current unfolding situation. A primary finding is that government-to-government negotiations to establish multi-lateral forum based on ideological movements rarely achieve this and even when they do such forum tend to debate rather than act. Only with popular and grassroots support can ideological movements bring change and achieve objectives. Such lessons applied to the Abraham Accords, that is a different style of Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism, but also top–down at its origins, might lead to an evolution of a different kind of domestic and regional ambiance. The structure of the article is to provide definitions, then discuss the role of leaders, the distinct differences in geography and demography, revisit Nasser style Pan-Africanism, revisit Nasser style Pan-Arabism, and discuss the Qaddafi continuum of the Nasser style ideologies. The academic contributions giving new insight to Africa are the examination of the role of individual leaders and hegemonic leadership, and the shifts and evolution of ideologies where outcomes are not necessarily the desired ones or enduring.
以色列与阿拉伯联合酋长国和巴林于2020年9月签署了《亚伯拉罕协议》,随后以色列与非洲国家苏丹和摩洛哥建立了关系。这些都是独一无二的,共同的联系和时机显然只是美国总统唐纳德·特朗普竞选连任的中间人。深入观察会发现另一个共同因素,即意识形态和战略战线上的区域战略动态的转变。这促使我们在当前形势的背景下重新审视纳赛尔式的泛阿拉伯和泛非意识形态。一个主要发现是,建立基于意识形态运动的多边论坛的政府间谈判很少实现这一点,即使这样做,论坛也倾向于辩论而非行动。只有在民众和基层的支持下,意识形态运动才能带来变革并实现目标。这些教训适用于《亚伯拉罕协议》,这是一种不同风格的泛阿拉伯主义和泛非主义,但也是自上而下的起源,可能会导致不同类型的国内和地区氛围的演变。文章的结构是提供定义,然后讨论领导人的角色,地理和人口统计学上的明显差异,重新审视纳赛尔式的泛非主义,重新审视纳赛尔式的泛阿拉伯主义,并讨论纳赛尔式意识形态的卡扎菲连续体。对非洲有新见解的学术贡献是对个别领导人和霸权领导作用的考察,以及意识形态的转变和演变,在这些意识形态中,结果不一定是期望的或持久的。
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引用次数: 0
Policing in South Africa: A Critical Evaluation 南非警务:一项批判性评价
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-28 DOI: 10.1177/09750878211048169
D. Govender, K. Pillay
High crime rates, use of violence by criminals, police brutality, corruption, rape by police officials and other forms of criminal misconduct against the police including the centralisation of specific specialised functions of policing, which was tantamount to taking away policing from the people at police station level, are some of the allegations which affects the image of the police as a legitimate organisation. Much of these allegations levelled by the community and the mass media are directed at the external and internal environments of the police. The aim of this article is to critically evaluate policing in South Africa, so that respect for the country and its citizens can be restored. For this discussion, the researcher collected qualitative information by means of a literature study and drew on his personal experience as a former senior police officer with the South African Police Service (SAPS). Prior to 1994, the call was for the rationalisation, restructuring and amalgamation of the police into a single police service that would enjoy legitimacy among all the communities of South Africa. Although the country embraced a new democratic dispensation in 1994, very little was done to implement transformational policies and processes to bring about systemic change in policing. A need for the change of the functioning of the police service in South Africa was identified, so that police officers may perform their role within the context of democratic principles and restore respect for the country and its citizens.
高犯罪率、罪犯使用暴力、警察暴行、腐败、警察强奸以及其他形式的针对警察的犯罪不当行为,包括集中特定的警务专业职能,这相当于剥夺了警察局一级人民的警务权,其中一些指控影响了警方作为合法组织的形象。社区和大众媒体提出的这些指控大多针对警察的外部和内部环境。本文的目的是批判性地评估南非的治安状况,以便恢复对该国及其公民的尊重。在这次讨论中,研究人员通过文献研究收集了定性信息,并借鉴了他作为南非警察局前高级警官的个人经历。在1994年之前,呼吁将警察合理化、改组和合并为一个单一的警察部门,在南非所有社区享有合法性。尽管该国在1994年接受了新的民主体制,但在实施转型政策和进程以实现警务的系统性变革方面,几乎没有采取任何行动。确定了改变南非警察部门运作的必要性,以便警察能够在民主原则的范围内发挥作用,恢复对国家及其公民的尊重。
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引用次数: 0
Key Challenges Facing the African National Congress-led Government in South Africa: An Afrocentric Perspective 非洲人国民大会领导的南非政府面临的主要挑战:以非洲为中心的视角
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-28 DOI: 10.1177/09750878211049484
M. Rapanyane
The African National Congress (ANC) has ruled post-apartheid South Africa since the dawn of democratic rule in 1994. Since then, the ANC enjoyed fluctuating majority voter turn-out until recently when the party won the elections with less than 60% in the 2019 general elections. The genesis of this neglected swing is attributed to the rise of the alternative left, economic freedom fighters, unemployment rate and corruption scandals witnessed during the administration of Jacob Zuma and his cronies (the Gupta brothers) who championed state capture. Emerging heavily from the above sentiment, this study reviews the major challenges facing the ANC-led South African government. These are challenges that the Cyril Ramaphosa’s administration (incumbent) is still facing. The adoption of Afrocentricity in the study is indicated by the Afrocentric drive of casting out the demonic spirits of ignorance and arrogance in those who lead the ANC. The objective of this study is to highlight the significant challenges facing the ANC. Methodologically, this study relied on document reviews.
自1994年民主统治开始以来,非洲人国民大会一直统治着种族隔离后的南非。从那时起,非国大的多数选民投票率一直在波动,直到最近,该党在2019年大选中以不到60%的选票赢得了选举。这种被忽视的摇摆局面的根源是另类左翼的崛起、经济自由斗士、失业率和雅各布·祖马及其亲信(古普塔兄弟)执政期间目睹的腐败丑闻,他们支持国家俘获。从上述情绪中,本研究回顾了非国大领导的南非政府面临的主要挑战。这些都是西里尔·拉马福萨政府(现任)仍面临的挑战。在这项研究中采用了以非洲为中心的观点,这表明以非洲为核心的动力是驱逐那些领导非国大的人的无知和傲慢的恶魔精神。本研究的目的是强调非国大面临的重大挑战。在方法上,这项研究依赖于文件审查。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Irene Yuan Sun, The Next Factory of the World: How Chinese Investment is Reshaping Africa 书评:孙媛:《下一个世界工厂:中国投资如何重塑非洲》
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.1177/09750878211052546
Sushmita Rajwar
Irene Yuan Sun, The Next Factory of the World: How Chinese Investment is Reshaping Africa, Harvard Business Review Press, Massachusetts, 2017, 211 pp., ₹1717.83.
孙媛:《下一个世界工厂:中国投资如何重塑非洲》,哈佛商业评论出版社,马萨诸塞州,2017年,211页,1717.83卢比。
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引用次数: 1
Book review: Tom Burgis, The Looting Machine, Public Affairs 书评:汤姆·伯吉斯,《抢劫机器》,《公共事务》
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.1177/09750878211052539
Randhir Kumar
Tom Burgis, The Looting Machine, Public Affairs, New York, U.S., 2015, 321 pp., ₹1,596.
Tom Burgis,《织机》,《公共事务》,美国纽约,2015年,321页。,₹1596年。
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引用次数: 0
Major Constraints for Regional Hegemony: Nigeria and South Africa in Perspective 区域霸权的主要制约因素:透视尼日利亚和南非
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-21 DOI: 10.1177/09750878211049485
Michael B. Aleyomi
The quest for a complementary regional hegemonic dispensation has been an enduring component in Africa. While studies have recognised the increase in power assets of some states within the continent, literature is replete with the idea that no state can equal or defeat Nigeria and South Africa in contesting for regional powers. Though, this impression appears plausible. However, there are limited scholarly contributions to the devastating conditions that undermined the regional powers’ influential position to enhance legitimacy and positive image-making for African rebirth in global politics. It is against this backdrop that the current effort examines the constraints that hinder the credibility and attractive assets of the two regional powers in African policy. Relying on key-informant interview and secondary sources for the collection of data and the interpretive qualitative method for data analysis, the findings reveal that domestic limitations are major impediments to regional hegemonic powers’ dispensation. This article argues that possession of remarkable material capabilities without corresponding legitimacy and diplomatic means of ‘appealing’ to other states is not enough in the pursuit of hegemonic status. It, therefore, concludes that Nigeria and South Africa must tackle the domestic crises that consistently decline the credibility and continental leadership to curb the global inequality against Africa.
寻求一种互补的区域霸权分配一直是非洲的一个持久组成部分。虽然研究已经认识到非洲大陆一些国家的权力资产有所增加,但文献中充斥着这样一种观点,即在争夺地区权力方面,没有哪个国家能够与尼日利亚和南非相提并论或击败它们。不过,这种印象似乎是有道理的。然而,对于破坏了地区大国在增强非洲在全球政治中重生的合法性和积极形象方面的影响力地位的破坏性条件,学术贡献有限。正是在这种背景下,目前的努力审查了阻碍这两个区域大国在非洲政策中的信誉和吸引力的制约因素。通过对关键信息人的访谈和二手资料的收集,以及对数据分析的解释性定性方法,研究结果表明,国内局限性是区域霸权国家分配的主要障碍。本文认为,拥有卓越的物质能力,而没有相应的合法性和向其他国家“呼吁”的外交手段,是不足以追求霸权地位的。因此,报告得出的结论是,尼日利亚和南非必须解决国内危机,这些危机持续削弱了它们的信誉和非洲大陆的领导力,以遏制全球对非洲的不平等。
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引用次数: 0
Hegemonic Rivalry in a Peripheral Region: An Assessment of Nigeria–South Africa’s Role in African Politics 周边地区的霸权竞争:对尼日利亚-南非在非洲政治中的角色的评估
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-17 DOI: 10.1177/09750878211042618
J. Olanrewaju, A. Nwozor
Nigeria’s claim as the giant of Africa is evident in her foreign policy articulation of African Centre Piece. From 1960, Nigeria has championed the project of Africa through different diplomatic engagements across the continent of Africa most especially under President Olusegun Obasanjo’s civilian administration. Nigeria’s unwavering support against the apartheid regime in South Africa led to the termination of apartheid government in 1994. However, the post- apartheid politics in Africa as well as the post-Cold War politics changed the dynamics of African politics. Nigeria’s claim as the giant of Africa became more contested and hypothetical with the emergence of notable countries such as Ethiopia and South Africa posing serious challenges to Nigeria’s hegemony in the continent. The most viable and notable threats came from South Africa following the end of apartheid regime in South Africa and coupled with its good governance rating, which had heightened the status of the country as a notable continental leader. This article attempts to explain the leadership roles of Nigeria and South Africa in a peripheral region of Africa with the view of analysing who has the sway to lead the affairs of Africa to the path of prosperity. Through the secondary method of data collection and qualitative method of data analysis (discourse analysis), the study concludes that Nigeria and South Africa roles in Africa were motivated by realist considerations. The study, however, recommends concerted efforts between Nigeria and South Africa in addressing socio-economic challenges in the African continent.
尼日利亚宣称自己是非洲巨人,这在其外交政策中对非洲中心的表述中显而易见。自1960年以来,尼日利亚通过在非洲大陆的不同外交活动,特别是在奥卢塞贡·奥巴桑乔总统的文官政府领导下,一直倡导非洲项目。尼日利亚对南非种族隔离政权的坚定支持导致了1994年种族隔离政府的终结。然而,非洲的后种族隔离政治以及后冷战政治改变了非洲政治的动态。随着埃塞俄比亚和南非等著名国家对尼日利亚在非洲大陆的霸权构成严重挑战,尼日利亚作为非洲巨人的主张变得更具争议性和假设性。最切实和最显著的威胁来自南非,在南非种族隔离制度结束之后,加上它的良好治理评级,这提高了该国作为一个显着的非洲领导人的地位。本文试图解释尼日利亚和南非在非洲边缘地区的领导作用,以分析谁有影响力领导非洲事务走向繁荣的道路。通过数据收集的第二种方法和数据分析的定性方法(话语分析),本研究得出结论,尼日利亚和南非在非洲的角色是出于现实主义的考虑。然而,该研究建议尼日利亚和南非共同努力解决非洲大陆的社会经济挑战。
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引用次数: 0
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Insight on Africa
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