Pub Date : 2023-12-07DOI: 10.1177/09750878231209921
Dongni Wang, Carmen Fillat-Castejon
In this article, we examine the nexus between foreign development assistance and the attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) through a de facto political power, as an aid-seeking and likely aid-dependent group. We apply structural equation modelling to investigate the direct and indirect effect of aid on FDI via economic institutions for a sample of 42 African countries from 2002 to 2016. Our results corroborate a direct positive effect of aid and institutions on FDI as a productive financial source. However, an aid-dependent de facto political power does not improve the economic institutions, and within a broad institutional context, it may even worsen them, evidencing the indirect effect of reducing a country’s attractiveness for FDI. This study offers robust evidence under different specifications and variables of institutions in addition to several controls for political and strategic interests and economic conditions. We ultimately develop a model explaining why aid barely makes any contribution to institutional reforms. In countries that are heavily dependent on aid, the beneficiary group is discouraged from improving institutional qualities as the source of benefits would be discontinued.
{"title":"Foreign Aid, Political Power and FDI: Do Aid-dependent Institutions Facilitate Investment in Africa?","authors":"Dongni Wang, Carmen Fillat-Castejon","doi":"10.1177/09750878231209921","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231209921","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, we examine the nexus between foreign development assistance and the attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) through a de facto political power, as an aid-seeking and likely aid-dependent group. We apply structural equation modelling to investigate the direct and indirect effect of aid on FDI via economic institutions for a sample of 42 African countries from 2002 to 2016. Our results corroborate a direct positive effect of aid and institutions on FDI as a productive financial source. However, an aid-dependent de facto political power does not improve the economic institutions, and within a broad institutional context, it may even worsen them, evidencing the indirect effect of reducing a country’s attractiveness for FDI. This study offers robust evidence under different specifications and variables of institutions in addition to several controls for political and strategic interests and economic conditions. We ultimately develop a model explaining why aid barely makes any contribution to institutional reforms. In countries that are heavily dependent on aid, the beneficiary group is discouraged from improving institutional qualities as the source of benefits would be discontinued.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"18 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138591391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-04DOI: 10.1177/09750878231203997
Jai Prakash Yadav, Bimlesh Singh
The Southern African Customs Union (SACU) is a prominent economic association of the African continent. SACU comprises five southern African countries: South Africa, Botswana, Namibia, Lesotho, and Eswatini. The overall value of India’s trade with SACU increased from $1,477.52 million in 2001 to $1,0941.24 million in 2020, an almost sixfold increase. The export increased almost tenfold between 2001 and 2020, from US$ 343.49 million to US$ 3,760.94 million. In order to increase India’s trade with SACU, the Indian-SACU PTA negotiations are now ongoing. This article examines India’s export potential to SACU nations using the revealed comparative advantage index, the revealed import dependency index, and the Potential bilateral trade equation. The study shows India has trade potential with all SACU member states. Still, it has only utilised this potential with South Africa. India has not taken advantage of the vast potential of exporting its goods to SACU countries except South Africa. The trade intensity index indicates that India’s export and import intensities with SACU have increased over time.
{"title":"India’s Export Potential to Southern African Customs Union","authors":"Jai Prakash Yadav, Bimlesh Singh","doi":"10.1177/09750878231203997","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231203997","url":null,"abstract":"The Southern African Customs Union (SACU) is a prominent economic association of the African continent. SACU comprises five southern African countries: South Africa, Botswana, Namibia, Lesotho, and Eswatini. The overall value of India’s trade with SACU increased from $1,477.52 million in 2001 to $1,0941.24 million in 2020, an almost sixfold increase. The export increased almost tenfold between 2001 and 2020, from US$ 343.49 million to US$ 3,760.94 million. In order to increase India’s trade with SACU, the Indian-SACU PTA negotiations are now ongoing. This article examines India’s export potential to SACU nations using the revealed comparative advantage index, the revealed import dependency index, and the Potential bilateral trade equation. The study shows India has trade potential with all SACU member states. Still, it has only utilised this potential with South Africa. India has not taken advantage of the vast potential of exporting its goods to SACU countries except South Africa. The trade intensity index indicates that India’s export and import intensities with SACU have increased over time.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"35 14","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138602595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-26DOI: 10.1177/09750878231209705
Bohumil Doboš, Alexander Purton
Central African Republic is a fragile state mired in internal instability and external interventions. The article presents the case of Russian involvement in the country. It argues that the utilisation of the Wagner Group is setting up proxy neo-colonial ties between the regime and Moscow. The political elite in the Central African Republic is protected against a possible takeover by rebel troops or an army coup and the external benefactor is allowed to export the sought-after natural resources and gather some diplomatic support. The relationship thus clearly follows the neo-colonial pattern rather than developing the state capacities.
{"title":"Proxy Neo-colonialism? The Case of Wagner Group in the Central African Republic","authors":"Bohumil Doboš, Alexander Purton","doi":"10.1177/09750878231209705","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231209705","url":null,"abstract":"Central African Republic is a fragile state mired in internal instability and external interventions. The article presents the case of Russian involvement in the country. It argues that the utilisation of the Wagner Group is setting up proxy neo-colonial ties between the regime and Moscow. The political elite in the Central African Republic is protected against a possible takeover by rebel troops or an army coup and the external benefactor is allowed to export the sought-after natural resources and gather some diplomatic support. The relationship thus clearly follows the neo-colonial pattern rather than developing the state capacities.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"45 1","pages":"7 - 21"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139235495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-26DOI: 10.1177/09750878231211887
D. N. Mlambo, M. H. Maserumule
After many years of apartheid rule, South Africa held its first democratic elections in 1994. As evident in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996, a commitment to establish developmental and human rights became an imperative doctrine. Three government spheres were established here: national, provincial and local. The latter is the sphere closest to the public and is constitutionally mandated to render and deliver sustainable essential services. Since 1994, significant strides have been made by the local sphere of government with both successes and failures. South Africa’s legal and policy framework transformation took place between 1993 and 2000 through changes in legislation, proclamations, white papers and by-laws. However, the elements of bad governance since 1994 have created a loss of confidence and service delivery hindrances in South African local government. Much of the population, especially the previously marginalised, face inadequate health services, unclean water and poorly maintained infrastructure and housing because some state institutions have become paralysed due to corruption and maladministration. This article aims to delve into the constitutional and legislative framework of local government in South Africa. The premise from which this article moves is that the quality of governance at the local government level directly impacts service delivery and is, therefore, critical to understanding some of the constitutional and legislative underpinnings driving local government. Municipalities should ensure that all actions and conducts comply with the statutes (acts of parliament, legislations and laws) and regulatory documents (white papers, official rules and regulations and by-laws) to local government.
{"title":"Constitutional and Legislative Frameworks for the Local Sphere of Government in South Africa: Analytical and Interpretive Perspective","authors":"D. N. Mlambo, M. H. Maserumule","doi":"10.1177/09750878231211887","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231211887","url":null,"abstract":"After many years of apartheid rule, South Africa held its first democratic elections in 1994. As evident in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996, a commitment to establish developmental and human rights became an imperative doctrine. Three government spheres were established here: national, provincial and local. The latter is the sphere closest to the public and is constitutionally mandated to render and deliver sustainable essential services. Since 1994, significant strides have been made by the local sphere of government with both successes and failures. South Africa’s legal and policy framework transformation took place between 1993 and 2000 through changes in legislation, proclamations, white papers and by-laws. However, the elements of bad governance since 1994 have created a loss of confidence and service delivery hindrances in South African local government. Much of the population, especially the previously marginalised, face inadequate health services, unclean water and poorly maintained infrastructure and housing because some state institutions have become paralysed due to corruption and maladministration. This article aims to delve into the constitutional and legislative framework of local government in South Africa. The premise from which this article moves is that the quality of governance at the local government level directly impacts service delivery and is, therefore, critical to understanding some of the constitutional and legislative underpinnings driving local government. Municipalities should ensure that all actions and conducts comply with the statutes (acts of parliament, legislations and laws) and regulatory documents (white papers, official rules and regulations and by-laws) to local government.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139236229","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-26DOI: 10.1177/09750878231209706
Segun Oshewolo, A. Azeez, O. Adesanya, T. Oladipo, O. Olaleye, Opeyemi Ade-Ibijola
This article examines Nigeria’s interventions in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Relying on data from key ranking bodies, memoirs of retired career ambassadors, general library materials and thematic data analysis, the study observes that Nigeria’s interventions in ECOWAS have not only been remarkable, they have also allowed the country to consolidate its position as the undisputed leader in West Africa. While the platform of ECOWAS has allowed Nigeria to pursue some noble objectives, there are some inconveniences associated with this policy orientation. These contradictions, which have sometimes constrained Nigeria’s diplomacy in West Africa and contracted the returns, include the anti-Nigerian sentiments from some Francophone members of ECOWAS, occasional unfriendly attitude of some small West African countries, and Nigeria’s worsening security challenges that are now spilling into neighbouring countries. Appropriate policy measures are also provided to counteract these contradictions.
{"title":"Nigeria in ECOWAS Politics: Major Contributions, Dividends and Setbacks","authors":"Segun Oshewolo, A. Azeez, O. Adesanya, T. Oladipo, O. Olaleye, Opeyemi Ade-Ibijola","doi":"10.1177/09750878231209706","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231209706","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines Nigeria’s interventions in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Relying on data from key ranking bodies, memoirs of retired career ambassadors, general library materials and thematic data analysis, the study observes that Nigeria’s interventions in ECOWAS have not only been remarkable, they have also allowed the country to consolidate its position as the undisputed leader in West Africa. While the platform of ECOWAS has allowed Nigeria to pursue some noble objectives, there are some inconveniences associated with this policy orientation. These contradictions, which have sometimes constrained Nigeria’s diplomacy in West Africa and contracted the returns, include the anti-Nigerian sentiments from some Francophone members of ECOWAS, occasional unfriendly attitude of some small West African countries, and Nigeria’s worsening security challenges that are now spilling into neighbouring countries. Appropriate policy measures are also provided to counteract these contradictions.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139235304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-26DOI: 10.1177/09750878231194558
Kosmas Njanike, Raphael T. Mpofu
The study investigated the determinants of financial inclusion in selected African countries. Researchers have found an extraordinarily strong positive association between social inclusion and financial inclusion; financial inclusion is the key to eradicating poverty and social exclusion as it presents an opportunity for people to benefit from financial services. A single data set was formed by combining four samples from the Democratic Republic of Congo, Eswatini, Kenya and South Africa. Data were obtained from surveys done by FinScope. FinScope Consumer Survey is a probability survey with an end-user focus (individual or household) on financial services and products. The FinScope Consumer Survey, done by the FinMark Trust, is uniquely aimed at increasing understanding of the informal financial product/service market. Probit regression models were estimated to find significant factors influencing financial inclusion in selected African countries. The linear probability model was used for the robustness check. The study found that age, education, marital status, bank branch accessibility, location, internet, salary, income, proof of residence, social networks, financial advice, gender and connectivity were significant in influencing financial inclusion. Governments must implement policies that enhance financial inclusion, in particular, ethnic groups, small communities and minorities. These policies will also lead to the reduction of poverty and the attainment of the UN Sustainable Development Goals.
{"title":"Factors Influencing Financial Inclusion for Social Inclusion in Selected African Countries","authors":"Kosmas Njanike, Raphael T. Mpofu","doi":"10.1177/09750878231194558","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231194558","url":null,"abstract":"The study investigated the determinants of financial inclusion in selected African countries. Researchers have found an extraordinarily strong positive association between social inclusion and financial inclusion; financial inclusion is the key to eradicating poverty and social exclusion as it presents an opportunity for people to benefit from financial services. A single data set was formed by combining four samples from the Democratic Republic of Congo, Eswatini, Kenya and South Africa. Data were obtained from surveys done by FinScope. FinScope Consumer Survey is a probability survey with an end-user focus (individual or household) on financial services and products. The FinScope Consumer Survey, done by the FinMark Trust, is uniquely aimed at increasing understanding of the informal financial product/service market. Probit regression models were estimated to find significant factors influencing financial inclusion in selected African countries. The linear probability model was used for the robustness check. The study found that age, education, marital status, bank branch accessibility, location, internet, salary, income, proof of residence, social networks, financial advice, gender and connectivity were significant in influencing financial inclusion. Governments must implement policies that enhance financial inclusion, in particular, ethnic groups, small communities and minorities. These policies will also lead to the reduction of poverty and the attainment of the UN Sustainable Development Goals.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"21 1","pages":"93 - 112"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139235289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1177/09750878231194560
Oladotun E. Awosusi, Ferim Valery
Nigeria is in a security quandary. The country’s security debacles are impacting its socio-economic and political landscapes. Aside from the protracted Boko Haram terrorism, banditry and kidnapping have taken on momentary dimensions in the country. Many studies have attributed this menace to the porous and ill-manned status of Nigerian borders, which lend ambience to unwholesome intrusions and thus render the borders a national burden. This study unpacks the state of Nigeria’s borders vis-à-vis the national security experiences of the country. It argues that, beyond the ‘porosity’ debates and narratives, the lingering cross-border challenges are the effects of patronage networks and internal crises that have engulfed domestic lives and state politics. It submits further that, notwithstanding the subjective colonial status and the uncoordinated management agenda of Nigeria’s borders, they have inherent geo-strategic potentials and advantages capable of transforming national lives and enhancing state security.
{"title":"Are Borders a Burden? Debates and Counter-Narratives on Nigeria’s National Security","authors":"Oladotun E. Awosusi, Ferim Valery","doi":"10.1177/09750878231194560","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231194560","url":null,"abstract":"Nigeria is in a security quandary. The country’s security debacles are impacting its socio-economic and political landscapes. Aside from the protracted Boko Haram terrorism, banditry and kidnapping have taken on momentary dimensions in the country. Many studies have attributed this menace to the porous and ill-manned status of Nigerian borders, which lend ambience to unwholesome intrusions and thus render the borders a national burden. This study unpacks the state of Nigeria’s borders vis-à-vis the national security experiences of the country. It argues that, beyond the ‘porosity’ debates and narratives, the lingering cross-border challenges are the effects of patronage networks and internal crises that have engulfed domestic lives and state politics. It submits further that, notwithstanding the subjective colonial status and the uncoordinated management agenda of Nigeria’s borders, they have inherent geo-strategic potentials and advantages capable of transforming national lives and enhancing state security.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135618002","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-01DOI: 10.1177/09750878231170178
C. Onah, B. Amujiri
The global capitalist system created and sustained by the West has eaten deep into the global economy, serving as the ideological and economic hegemony upon which it revolves. Against this backdrop, this article explores the trends and partners of accumulation in the global political economy of capitalism and interrogates how it benefits the West and oppresses Africa through forced integration and unequal power relations. A key finding of the analysis is that global integration of the world economy that runs on capitalism has not benefited Africa significantly, as claimed by capitalist bourgeoisie scholars.
{"title":"Global Capitalism and the Underdevelopment of African Political Economy: Where Will Our Help Come From?","authors":"C. Onah, B. Amujiri","doi":"10.1177/09750878231170178","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231170178","url":null,"abstract":"The global capitalist system created and sustained by the West has eaten deep into the global economy, serving as the ideological and economic hegemony upon which it revolves. Against this backdrop, this article explores the trends and partners of accumulation in the global political economy of capitalism and interrogates how it benefits the West and oppresses Africa through forced integration and unequal power relations. A key finding of the analysis is that global integration of the world economy that runs on capitalism has not benefited Africa significantly, as claimed by capitalist bourgeoisie scholars.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"15 1","pages":"152 - 168"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45093259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Book review: Ucheoma Nwagbara, The Struggles of Post-Independence Nigeria: Missed Opportunities and a Continuing Crisis","authors":"R. Anand","doi":"10.1177/09750878231174678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231174678","url":null,"abstract":"Ucheoma Nwagbara, The Struggles of Post-Independence Nigeria: Missed Opportunities and a Continuing Crisis, Lexington Books, 2022, 372pp.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"15 1","pages":"233 - 236"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42564740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-01DOI: 10.1177/09750878231170177
Frederick Appiah Afriyie, Shirley Ayangbah, Kwaku Obeng Effah
The flare-up of hostilities in Ethiopia’s Tigray district in November 2020 is simply the aftereffect of a forced battle between so-called reformist Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s central government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). This previous revolutionary development ruled Ethiopian legislative issues for over 25 years before Abiy’s rise to control of power in 2018. Numerous Ethiopians considered the TPLF’s rule authoritative, and misconducts executed under its authority stirred up scorn in several groups. The fight additionally displays ethnic strains in the country, which have been exacerbated as of late as the nation goes through political and financial modifications. The advancing battle has effectively brought about outrage, expanded the flow of refugees, and stressed territorial relations. This research article provides an account of the origins of the TPLF and the Tigrayans, Eritrea’s involvement in the conflict, the sources of tension, and the paths to war. Finally, the repercussions of Ethiopia’s Tigray conflict and its corollaries on the Horn of Africa. Specifically, the article draws on the Protracted Social Conflict Theory to explain Ethiopia’s Tigray conflict. The answer stipulates a hint at addressing the current problem.
{"title":"Diagnosing Ethiopia’s Tigray War: Reverberations in the Horn of Africa","authors":"Frederick Appiah Afriyie, Shirley Ayangbah, Kwaku Obeng Effah","doi":"10.1177/09750878231170177","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231170177","url":null,"abstract":"The flare-up of hostilities in Ethiopia’s Tigray district in November 2020 is simply the aftereffect of a forced battle between so-called reformist Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s central government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). This previous revolutionary development ruled Ethiopian legislative issues for over 25 years before Abiy’s rise to control of power in 2018. Numerous Ethiopians considered the TPLF’s rule authoritative, and misconducts executed under its authority stirred up scorn in several groups. The fight additionally displays ethnic strains in the country, which have been exacerbated as of late as the nation goes through political and financial modifications. The advancing battle has effectively brought about outrage, expanded the flow of refugees, and stressed territorial relations. This research article provides an account of the origins of the TPLF and the Tigrayans, Eritrea’s involvement in the conflict, the sources of tension, and the paths to war. Finally, the repercussions of Ethiopia’s Tigray conflict and its corollaries on the Horn of Africa. Specifically, the article draws on the Protracted Social Conflict Theory to explain Ethiopia’s Tigray conflict. The answer stipulates a hint at addressing the current problem.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":"15 1","pages":"139 - 151"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49266248","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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