Pub Date : 2024-01-08DOI: 10.1177/09750878231221167
N. Lallupersad, D. Govender
A sharp rise in crimes at shopping malls in KwaZulu-Natal and other provinces around the country has prompted shopping mall owners to keep shopping malls safe. Some of the crimes that shopping malls experience include armed robberies, common robberies, parking lot crimes (theft from motor vehicles), assaults, store holdups, shoplifting and property crimes. Shoppers and retailers at malls are concerned about their safety. Criminals commit crimes for numerous reasons, and the situations are always different. The purpose of this article was to assess the crime risks at these malls so that the malls can be made safe, secure and a pleasant environment for all. The Criminal Opportunity Theory served as the basis for this study. A qualitative case study design was used in this study. One-on-one interviews, observation and criminal case docket analysis were used to collect data. Nine shopping malls, 30 criminal case dockets and 30 participants were purposively sampled, based on specific criteria. The collected data were thematically analysed and interpreted. It was found that there was a great need for both violent and nonviolent crimes to be reduced at shopping malls. The study showed that security measures should be enhanced to deter potential criminals and mitigate the risk of criminal activities.
{"title":"Criminality at Shopping Malls: A South African Perspective","authors":"N. Lallupersad, D. Govender","doi":"10.1177/09750878231221167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231221167","url":null,"abstract":"A sharp rise in crimes at shopping malls in KwaZulu-Natal and other provinces around the country has prompted shopping mall owners to keep shopping malls safe. Some of the crimes that shopping malls experience include armed robberies, common robberies, parking lot crimes (theft from motor vehicles), assaults, store holdups, shoplifting and property crimes. Shoppers and retailers at malls are concerned about their safety. Criminals commit crimes for numerous reasons, and the situations are always different. The purpose of this article was to assess the crime risks at these malls so that the malls can be made safe, secure and a pleasant environment for all. The Criminal Opportunity Theory served as the basis for this study. A qualitative case study design was used in this study. One-on-one interviews, observation and criminal case docket analysis were used to collect data. Nine shopping malls, 30 criminal case dockets and 30 participants were purposively sampled, based on specific criteria. The collected data were thematically analysed and interpreted. It was found that there was a great need for both violent and nonviolent crimes to be reduced at shopping malls. The study showed that security measures should be enhanced to deter potential criminals and mitigate the risk of criminal activities.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139446565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-08DOI: 10.1177/09750878231217956
Felix Ibeh
This article examines the impact of trade policies in Nigeria (1960–2022) on the manufacturing and agricultural sectors. To set the context, I have grouped the trade policy periods into two categories: (a) the pre–structural adjustment programme (SAP) era (1960–1985) and (b) the post-SAP era (1986–2022). I have then examined economic data and all the existing literature to understand the pattern of manufacturing and agricultural outputs during these policy periods. Pre-SAP and post-SAP trade policies show a shift from protectionism to liberalisation, moderately improving agricultural and industrial sectors but still facing obstacles. Despite policies and agreements to improve trade, economic development remains unrealised. This study demonstrated that trade policies have led to erratic progress in both the agricultural and manufacturing sectors, consequently making a lesser contribution to the overall Nigerian development. Within this debate, three different schools of thought can be distinguished. The first school of thought holds that trade policy reforms benefit the growth of Nigerian manufacturing and agricultural sectors. The second school of thought contends that trade policy reforms (such as trade liberalisation) have a detrimental effect on industrial and agricultural sectors. The third school of thought argues that there is no proof or substantial linkage between trade policy reforms and the productivity and growth of manufacturing and agricultural sectors. Nevertheless, to benefit from trade liberalisation, this article identifies the need to revise the Nigerian trade policy as well as stabilise foreign exchange rates to advance and boost local manufacturing and agricultural sectors and promote active participation in trade agreements and policies.
{"title":"Assessing the Impact of Trade Policies on Growth and Development of the Manufacturing and Agricultural Sectors in Nigeria","authors":"Felix Ibeh","doi":"10.1177/09750878231217956","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231217956","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the impact of trade policies in Nigeria (1960–2022) on the manufacturing and agricultural sectors. To set the context, I have grouped the trade policy periods into two categories: (a) the pre–structural adjustment programme (SAP) era (1960–1985) and (b) the post-SAP era (1986–2022). I have then examined economic data and all the existing literature to understand the pattern of manufacturing and agricultural outputs during these policy periods. Pre-SAP and post-SAP trade policies show a shift from protectionism to liberalisation, moderately improving agricultural and industrial sectors but still facing obstacles. Despite policies and agreements to improve trade, economic development remains unrealised. This study demonstrated that trade policies have led to erratic progress in both the agricultural and manufacturing sectors, consequently making a lesser contribution to the overall Nigerian development. Within this debate, three different schools of thought can be distinguished. The first school of thought holds that trade policy reforms benefit the growth of Nigerian manufacturing and agricultural sectors. The second school of thought contends that trade policy reforms (such as trade liberalisation) have a detrimental effect on industrial and agricultural sectors. The third school of thought argues that there is no proof or substantial linkage between trade policy reforms and the productivity and growth of manufacturing and agricultural sectors. Nevertheless, to benefit from trade liberalisation, this article identifies the need to revise the Nigerian trade policy as well as stabilise foreign exchange rates to advance and boost local manufacturing and agricultural sectors and promote active participation in trade agreements and policies.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139448055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-29DOI: 10.1177/09750878231212123
Ankur Srivastava
Adetokunbo Johnson and Ashwanee Budoo-Scholtz (Ed.), COVID-19 and Women’s Intersectionalities in Africa, Pretoria UniversitZy Law Press (PULP), 2023, 279 pp.
Adetokunbo Johnson 和 Ashwanee Budoo-Scholtz（编辑），《COVID-19 与非洲妇女的交叉性》，比勒陀利亚大学法律出版社（PULP），2023 年，279 页。
{"title":"Book review: Adetokunbo Johnson and Ashwanee Budoo-Scholtz (Ed.), COVID-19 and Women’s Intersectionalities in Africa","authors":"Ankur Srivastava","doi":"10.1177/09750878231212123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231212123","url":null,"abstract":"Adetokunbo Johnson and Ashwanee Budoo-Scholtz (Ed.), COVID-19 and Women’s Intersectionalities in Africa, Pretoria UniversitZy Law Press (PULP), 2023, 279 pp.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139144073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-21DOI: 10.1177/09750878231212121
Tara Shanker Chaudhary
Diana Højlund Madsen (Ed.), Gendered Institutions and Women’s Political Representation in Africa, Zed Books and Nordic Africa Institute, 2020, pp. 272, 90$.
Diana Højlund Madsen (Ed.), Gendered Institutions and Women's Political Representation in Africa, Zed Books and Nordic Africa Institute, 2020, pp.
{"title":"Book review: Diana Højlund Madsen (Ed.), Gendered Institutions and Women’s Political Representation in Africa","authors":"Tara Shanker Chaudhary","doi":"10.1177/09750878231212121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231212121","url":null,"abstract":"Diana Højlund Madsen (Ed.), Gendered Institutions and Women’s Political Representation in Africa, Zed Books and Nordic Africa Institute, 2020, pp. 272, 90$.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138950650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-21DOI: 10.1177/09750878231212881
Rajneesh Kumar Gupta
Frank Aragbonfoh Abumere, African Identities and International Politics, Routledge Publication, 2023, pp. 159, £130.00.
Frank Aragbonfoh Abumere，《非洲身份与国际政治》，Routledge 出版社，2023 年，第 159 页，130.00 英镑。
{"title":"Book review: Frank Aragbonfoh Abumere, African Identities and International Politics","authors":"Rajneesh Kumar Gupta","doi":"10.1177/09750878231212881","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231212881","url":null,"abstract":"Frank Aragbonfoh Abumere, African Identities and International Politics, Routledge Publication, 2023, pp. 159, £130.00.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138951945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-07DOI: 10.1177/09750878231209921
Dongni Wang, Carmen Fillat-Castejon
In this article, we examine the nexus between foreign development assistance and the attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) through a de facto political power, as an aid-seeking and likely aid-dependent group. We apply structural equation modelling to investigate the direct and indirect effect of aid on FDI via economic institutions for a sample of 42 African countries from 2002 to 2016. Our results corroborate a direct positive effect of aid and institutions on FDI as a productive financial source. However, an aid-dependent de facto political power does not improve the economic institutions, and within a broad institutional context, it may even worsen them, evidencing the indirect effect of reducing a country’s attractiveness for FDI. This study offers robust evidence under different specifications and variables of institutions in addition to several controls for political and strategic interests and economic conditions. We ultimately develop a model explaining why aid barely makes any contribution to institutional reforms. In countries that are heavily dependent on aid, the beneficiary group is discouraged from improving institutional qualities as the source of benefits would be discontinued.
{"title":"Foreign Aid, Political Power and FDI: Do Aid-dependent Institutions Facilitate Investment in Africa?","authors":"Dongni Wang, Carmen Fillat-Castejon","doi":"10.1177/09750878231209921","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231209921","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, we examine the nexus between foreign development assistance and the attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) through a de facto political power, as an aid-seeking and likely aid-dependent group. We apply structural equation modelling to investigate the direct and indirect effect of aid on FDI via economic institutions for a sample of 42 African countries from 2002 to 2016. Our results corroborate a direct positive effect of aid and institutions on FDI as a productive financial source. However, an aid-dependent de facto political power does not improve the economic institutions, and within a broad institutional context, it may even worsen them, evidencing the indirect effect of reducing a country’s attractiveness for FDI. This study offers robust evidence under different specifications and variables of institutions in addition to several controls for political and strategic interests and economic conditions. We ultimately develop a model explaining why aid barely makes any contribution to institutional reforms. In countries that are heavily dependent on aid, the beneficiary group is discouraged from improving institutional qualities as the source of benefits would be discontinued.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138591391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-04DOI: 10.1177/09750878231203997
Jai Prakash Yadav, Bimlesh Singh
The Southern African Customs Union (SACU) is a prominent economic association of the African continent. SACU comprises five southern African countries: South Africa, Botswana, Namibia, Lesotho, and Eswatini. The overall value of India’s trade with SACU increased from $1,477.52 million in 2001 to $1,0941.24 million in 2020, an almost sixfold increase. The export increased almost tenfold between 2001 and 2020, from US$ 343.49 million to US$ 3,760.94 million. In order to increase India’s trade with SACU, the Indian-SACU PTA negotiations are now ongoing. This article examines India’s export potential to SACU nations using the revealed comparative advantage index, the revealed import dependency index, and the Potential bilateral trade equation. The study shows India has trade potential with all SACU member states. Still, it has only utilised this potential with South Africa. India has not taken advantage of the vast potential of exporting its goods to SACU countries except South Africa. The trade intensity index indicates that India’s export and import intensities with SACU have increased over time.
{"title":"India’s Export Potential to Southern African Customs Union","authors":"Jai Prakash Yadav, Bimlesh Singh","doi":"10.1177/09750878231203997","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231203997","url":null,"abstract":"The Southern African Customs Union (SACU) is a prominent economic association of the African continent. SACU comprises five southern African countries: South Africa, Botswana, Namibia, Lesotho, and Eswatini. The overall value of India’s trade with SACU increased from $1,477.52 million in 2001 to $1,0941.24 million in 2020, an almost sixfold increase. The export increased almost tenfold between 2001 and 2020, from US$ 343.49 million to US$ 3,760.94 million. In order to increase India’s trade with SACU, the Indian-SACU PTA negotiations are now ongoing. This article examines India’s export potential to SACU nations using the revealed comparative advantage index, the revealed import dependency index, and the Potential bilateral trade equation. The study shows India has trade potential with all SACU member states. Still, it has only utilised this potential with South Africa. India has not taken advantage of the vast potential of exporting its goods to SACU countries except South Africa. The trade intensity index indicates that India’s export and import intensities with SACU have increased over time.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138602595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-26DOI: 10.1177/09750878231209705
Bohumil Doboš, Alexander Purton
Central African Republic is a fragile state mired in internal instability and external interventions. The article presents the case of Russian involvement in the country. It argues that the utilisation of the Wagner Group is setting up proxy neo-colonial ties between the regime and Moscow. The political elite in the Central African Republic is protected against a possible takeover by rebel troops or an army coup and the external benefactor is allowed to export the sought-after natural resources and gather some diplomatic support. The relationship thus clearly follows the neo-colonial pattern rather than developing the state capacities.
{"title":"Proxy Neo-colonialism? The Case of Wagner Group in the Central African Republic","authors":"Bohumil Doboš, Alexander Purton","doi":"10.1177/09750878231209705","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231209705","url":null,"abstract":"Central African Republic is a fragile state mired in internal instability and external interventions. The article presents the case of Russian involvement in the country. It argues that the utilisation of the Wagner Group is setting up proxy neo-colonial ties between the regime and Moscow. The political elite in the Central African Republic is protected against a possible takeover by rebel troops or an army coup and the external benefactor is allowed to export the sought-after natural resources and gather some diplomatic support. The relationship thus clearly follows the neo-colonial pattern rather than developing the state capacities.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139235495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-26DOI: 10.1177/09750878231211887
D. N. Mlambo, M. H. Maserumule
After many years of apartheid rule, South Africa held its first democratic elections in 1994. As evident in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996, a commitment to establish developmental and human rights became an imperative doctrine. Three government spheres were established here: national, provincial and local. The latter is the sphere closest to the public and is constitutionally mandated to render and deliver sustainable essential services. Since 1994, significant strides have been made by the local sphere of government with both successes and failures. South Africa’s legal and policy framework transformation took place between 1993 and 2000 through changes in legislation, proclamations, white papers and by-laws. However, the elements of bad governance since 1994 have created a loss of confidence and service delivery hindrances in South African local government. Much of the population, especially the previously marginalised, face inadequate health services, unclean water and poorly maintained infrastructure and housing because some state institutions have become paralysed due to corruption and maladministration. This article aims to delve into the constitutional and legislative framework of local government in South Africa. The premise from which this article moves is that the quality of governance at the local government level directly impacts service delivery and is, therefore, critical to understanding some of the constitutional and legislative underpinnings driving local government. Municipalities should ensure that all actions and conducts comply with the statutes (acts of parliament, legislations and laws) and regulatory documents (white papers, official rules and regulations and by-laws) to local government.
{"title":"Constitutional and Legislative Frameworks for the Local Sphere of Government in South Africa: Analytical and Interpretive Perspective","authors":"D. N. Mlambo, M. H. Maserumule","doi":"10.1177/09750878231211887","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231211887","url":null,"abstract":"After many years of apartheid rule, South Africa held its first democratic elections in 1994. As evident in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996, a commitment to establish developmental and human rights became an imperative doctrine. Three government spheres were established here: national, provincial and local. The latter is the sphere closest to the public and is constitutionally mandated to render and deliver sustainable essential services. Since 1994, significant strides have been made by the local sphere of government with both successes and failures. South Africa’s legal and policy framework transformation took place between 1993 and 2000 through changes in legislation, proclamations, white papers and by-laws. However, the elements of bad governance since 1994 have created a loss of confidence and service delivery hindrances in South African local government. Much of the population, especially the previously marginalised, face inadequate health services, unclean water and poorly maintained infrastructure and housing because some state institutions have become paralysed due to corruption and maladministration. This article aims to delve into the constitutional and legislative framework of local government in South Africa. The premise from which this article moves is that the quality of governance at the local government level directly impacts service delivery and is, therefore, critical to understanding some of the constitutional and legislative underpinnings driving local government. Municipalities should ensure that all actions and conducts comply with the statutes (acts of parliament, legislations and laws) and regulatory documents (white papers, official rules and regulations and by-laws) to local government.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139236229","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-26DOI: 10.1177/09750878231209706
Segun Oshewolo, A. Azeez, O. Adesanya, T. Oladipo, O. Olaleye, Opeyemi Ade-Ibijola
This article examines Nigeria’s interventions in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Relying on data from key ranking bodies, memoirs of retired career ambassadors, general library materials and thematic data analysis, the study observes that Nigeria’s interventions in ECOWAS have not only been remarkable, they have also allowed the country to consolidate its position as the undisputed leader in West Africa. While the platform of ECOWAS has allowed Nigeria to pursue some noble objectives, there are some inconveniences associated with this policy orientation. These contradictions, which have sometimes constrained Nigeria’s diplomacy in West Africa and contracted the returns, include the anti-Nigerian sentiments from some Francophone members of ECOWAS, occasional unfriendly attitude of some small West African countries, and Nigeria’s worsening security challenges that are now spilling into neighbouring countries. Appropriate policy measures are also provided to counteract these contradictions.
{"title":"Nigeria in ECOWAS Politics: Major Contributions, Dividends and Setbacks","authors":"Segun Oshewolo, A. Azeez, O. Adesanya, T. Oladipo, O. Olaleye, Opeyemi Ade-Ibijola","doi":"10.1177/09750878231209706","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09750878231209706","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines Nigeria’s interventions in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Relying on data from key ranking bodies, memoirs of retired career ambassadors, general library materials and thematic data analysis, the study observes that Nigeria’s interventions in ECOWAS have not only been remarkable, they have also allowed the country to consolidate its position as the undisputed leader in West Africa. While the platform of ECOWAS has allowed Nigeria to pursue some noble objectives, there are some inconveniences associated with this policy orientation. These contradictions, which have sometimes constrained Nigeria’s diplomacy in West Africa and contracted the returns, include the anti-Nigerian sentiments from some Francophone members of ECOWAS, occasional unfriendly attitude of some small West African countries, and Nigeria’s worsening security challenges that are now spilling into neighbouring countries. Appropriate policy measures are also provided to counteract these contradictions.","PeriodicalId":42199,"journal":{"name":"Insight on Africa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139235304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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