Pub Date : 2021-01-04DOI: 10.28939/iam.debats-en.2020-16
B. Datiri
The chief goal of African feminism has been to better African women’s dire conditions in a mainly patriarchal society. Over the last five years however, the tide appears to be turning as feminists across the continent make greater use of online platforms to work change. This paper discusses the ways in which African women are using Twitter to protest against the abusive conditions women face including early and forced marriages, domestic abuse, abduction, sexual assault, slavery and other forms of genderbased violence. Through the lens of three hashtag campaigns (#BringBackOurGirls, #JusticeforNoura and #JusticeForOchanya), the paper examines the impact of twittering on African gender activism. Through Critical Discussion Analysis of selected tweets three key narratives emerged, constructed by the online activists who took part in the campaigns: Solidarity in Feminist Sisterhood; Gender Equality; and A Call for Justice. The tweets are analysed under these themes showing that the meanings constructed by the activists helped advance the African feminist cause. The paper concludes with the lessons to be drawn from the campaigns, which show social media’s scope for advancing the goals of African feminism.
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Pub Date : 2020-12-31DOI: 10.28939/iam.debats-en.2020-2
J. Pavía, C. Aybar
The political fragmentation following the 2008 Financial Crisis and its economic, social, political and institutional fall-out have led to a growing left-right polarisation of politics and a weakening of the middle ground. The effective number of parliamentary parties is at an all-time high both inthe Spanish Parliament (Congreso) and in the Valencian Autonomous Parliament (Corts). Voters are spoilt for choice and switch party more often. This paper uses transfer matrices to analyse the shifting voting patterns in the European, General, Regional, and Local elections held during 2019 in The Valencian Country. The most salient result is the ever-shifting pattern at each end of the political spectrum. On the right wing, there is the steady advance of Vox. On the left wing, UP and Compromís draw from virtually the same pool of fickle voters, with UP picking up most votes in national elections and Compromís winning hands-down in regional and local elections.
{"title":"Voting Transitions in the 2019 Valencian Autonomous Community’s Elections","authors":"J. Pavía, C. Aybar","doi":"10.28939/iam.debats-en.2020-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.28939/iam.debats-en.2020-2","url":null,"abstract":"The political fragmentation following the 2008 Financial Crisis and its economic, social, political and institutional fall-out have led to a growing left-right polarisation of politics and a weakening of the middle ground. The effective number of parliamentary parties is at an all-time high both inthe Spanish Parliament (Congreso) and in the Valencian Autonomous Parliament (Corts). Voters are spoilt for choice and switch party more often. This paper uses transfer matrices to analyse the shifting voting patterns in the European, General, Regional, and Local elections held during 2019 in The Valencian Country. The most salient result is the ever-shifting pattern at each end of the political spectrum. On the right wing, there is the steady advance of Vox. On the left wing, UP and Compromís draw from virtually the same pool of fickle voters, with UP picking up most votes in national elections and Compromís winning hands-down in regional and local elections.","PeriodicalId":42203,"journal":{"name":"Debats-Revista de Cultura Poder i Societat","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43955569","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-30DOI: 10.28939/iam.debats-en.2020-17
Macarena Hanash Martínez
Women in cyberspace do not escape patriarchal violence and are subject to strict social control exercised through technological means. Cyber-violence especially affects women with an explicitly feminist presence in virtual spaces. Their participation in and advocacy of feminist values are considered a transgression of the patriarchal mandate, which seeks to exclude women from public spaces or, failing that, to marginalise them. That is why they are the targets of grave intimidation, harassment and threats. At the same time, digital networks have spawned a plethora of spaces for women’s collective, political and social action. Thus, online activity has played a key role in the resurgence and revitalisation of feminist communities and debates. This paper analyses the projects launched by Zoë Quinn and Anita Sarkeesian, two of the main targets of the Gamergate movement. We will study: (1) Crash Override and Speak Up & Stay Safe(r), a helpline and a resource platform for cyber-violence victims, respectively; (2) feminist cyber-resistance projects, within the framework of cyber-feminism and the current paradigm shift in the culture of protest and feminist organisation.
网络女性无法摆脱男权暴力，受到通过技术手段实施的严格社会控制。网络暴力尤其会影响到那些在虚拟空间中有明确女权主义存在的女性。她们对女权主义价值观的参与和倡导被认为是对父权命令的违背，父权命令试图将女性排除在公共空间之外，如果做不到这一点，就会将她们边缘化。这就是为什么他们成为严重恐吓、骚扰和威胁的目标。与此同时，数字网络为女性的集体、政治和社会行动提供了大量空间。因此，在线活动在女权主义社区和辩论的复兴和复兴中发挥了关键作用。本文分析了Zoë Quinn和Anita Sarkeesian发起的项目，他们是Gamergate运动的两个主要目标。我们将研究:(1)Crash Override和Speak Up & Stay Safe(r)，分别为网络暴力受害者提供帮助热线和资源平台;(2)在网络女权主义框架下的女性网络抵抗项目，以及当前抗议文化和女权主义组织的范式转变。
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Pub Date : 2020-12-30DOI: 10.28939/debats-en.2020-14
Beatriz Revelles Benavente
Increasing use of cyber-campaigns is being made by social movements and political groups. Nevertheless, this popularity is often accompanied by undesirable consequences for social movements such as the violence denounced by contemporary feminism. Thus, some digital mobilisations create a rift between the physical and digital worlds — something that often gives rise to homogenisation of socio-cultural categories such as gender, race, and age. In this paper, we analyse the #BringBackOurGirls campaign, which sprang to life five years ago. Its path reveals the success of these cyber-campaigns in the field of contemporary feminism. Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis (FCDA) is used to take a feminist genealogical approach to new materialisms. In doing so, it examines the temporal and spatial trajectory of the campaign to reshape affirmative feminist politics. These politics involve reconfiguring pre-established notions such as ‘girl’, ‘agency’, and ‘otherness’ to provide social movements with the capacity to respond. We therefore undertake an ethnographic examination of the hashtag (Bonilla & Rosa, 2015) to compare the beginning of the campaign with the situation now. We draw on these results to localise the shift from the local scale to the global one, in which structural powers, individual agency, and ‘glocal’ [local-global] and feminist affirmation policies become diluted.
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Pub Date : 2020-12-30DOI: 10.28939/iam.debats-en.2020-15
Maria Teresa García Català
We used a web tool to extract Twitter API data on the #BringBackOurGirls campaign. The Twitter hashtag was used for a campaign denouncing the kidnapping of 276 schoolgirls in Chibok, Nigeria on the 14th of April 2014 by the Jihadist group Boko Haram. The data extracted covered the period spanning from the creation of the campaign (19th of May 2014) to the 16th of May 2019. The data were anonymous because they were provided in aggregate form, covering things such as: the number, content, and chronology of tweets; information on geographical area; the relevance of the users making comments; information on followers; the impact of tweets; ‘likes’; re-tweets; demographic profiles (gender); keyword information. These indications were provided in the form of mass, open data by Twitter’s API. The data was ordered and analysed by the research team during the course of the qualitative study to shed light on the cyber-campaign.
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Pub Date : 2020-12-30DOI: 10.28939/iam.debats-en.2020-6
Carlos López Olano, S. S. Castillo, Benjamín Marín Pérez
Videos are increasingly being used in social networks for a wide range of purposes, including political campaigning. Here, social media seem to be gaining an edge over the mainstream variety when it comes to making political choices, especially during election campaigns. This paper examines the extent to which social media is used in Valencian Autonomous Government elections and looks at each of the candidate's experiences in this regard in the April 2019 elections. We pay particular attention to the differences between the three networks analysed — Facebook, Twitter and Instagram, and consider what kind of video information is shared. For these purposes, we create nine formal categories, some of which draw on traditional media while others are created ad hoc for our study. Based on these categories, we identify which media are most used, and give guidelines on best practices. We also consider differences in usage between politicians from the left and right ends of the political spectrum. The results point to a general lack of communication strategy in candidates’ use of discretionary video materials.
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Pub Date : 2020-12-30DOI: 10.28939/iam.debats-en.2020-4
Àlvar Peris Blanes, Benjamín Marín Pérez
Despite repeated failures by the former Valencian television network — Canal 9 [Channel 9] — to live up to its public broadcasting duties, the station’s closure in 2013 still came as a shock. The step by the regional government (then run by the Conservative Partido Popular — PP) had a huge public impact, depriving Valencians of their public TV network at a stroke. That is why Valencian society had high hopes when a new public media platform — Punt Mèdia — was launched. Among other things, politicians and broadcasters needed to show that a more even-handed, professional approach could be taken to media reporting. The 2019 Regional Elections were a wonderful opportunity to prove this. On the one hand, it was a chance to usenew audiovisual methods to better convey political information to citizens. On the other hand, it gave the network and its masters the chance to renounce the shameless political partisanship that had so marred Canal 9’s history. This paper looks at the extent to which these goals were attained. It does so by examining À Punt's coverage of the election. Specifically, we focused on political interviews with candidates, and on the electoral debates. Various methodologies, both quantitative and qualitative, were used. We found that both the form and depth of news stories were fairly balanced. Nevertheless, the network showed a surprising lack of ambition despite À Punt’s stated aspiration to be Valencia’s leading TV station.
尽管前巴伦西亚电视网——Canal 9(第九频道)屡次未能履行其公共广播职责，但该电视台在2013年的关闭仍然令人震惊。地方政府(当时由人民党保守党(Conservative Partido Popular，简称PP)管理)的举措对公众产生了巨大影响，一举剥夺了巴伦西亚人的公共电视网络。这就是为什么当一个新的公共媒体平台- Punt m -推出时，巴伦西亚社会寄予厚望的原因。除此之外，政治家和广播公司需要表明，媒体报道可以采取一种更公平、更专业的方式。2019年地方选举是证明这一点的绝佳机会。一方面，这是一个使用新的视听方法更好地向公民传达政治信息的机会。另一方面，它给了电视台和它的主人一个机会，让他们放弃无耻的政治党派之争，这种政治党派之争玷污了9号运河的历史。本文着眼于实现这些目标的程度。它通过审查À Punt对选举的报道来做到这一点。具体来说，我们关注的是对候选人的政治采访，以及选举辩论。使用了定量和定性的各种方法。我们发现新闻报道的形式和深度都相当平衡。然而，令人惊讶的是，尽管À Punt宣称要成为瓦伦西亚领先的电视台，但该网络却缺乏雄心。
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Pub Date : 2020-11-15DOI: 10.28939/IAM.DEBATS.134-2.2
Carmen Magallón Portolés
Seguint els passos de les iniciatives i el pensament antibel·licistes de pensadores i grups de dones molt diversos que van arrancar fa mes d’un segle i constitueixen una tradicio de feminisme pacifista, el dret de les dones a participar en els processos de pau va ser finalment reconegut i impulsat per la comunitat internacional en la Resolucio 1325/2000 del Consell de Seguretat de les Nacions Unides. L’impacte positiu d’aquesta participacio es tradueix en diversos exits: l’inici de la negociacio o la represa despres de l’estancament, la duracio de l’acord, l’ampliacio dels temes abordats en la negociacio i el fet que es tinga en compte el genere en els assumptes abordats. En les ultimes decades, la violencia armada contra la poblacio ha adquirit noves caracteristiques: la majoria dels conflictes armats actius en el mon son interns i l’extremisme violent (EV) afecta tant el Nord com el Sud Globals. L’article aborda el canvi que suposa per al feminisme pacifista la irrupcio de l’EV, els reptes que planteja i els nuclis de debat, estrategies i accio que creixen en un escenari de ciberactivisme globalitzat.
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Pub Date : 2020-05-31DOI: 10.28939/iam.debats.134-1.9
R. Roig
Els governs de coalicio son una constant en el panorama politic europeu en els diferents ambits de govern. No obstant aixo, al llarg de la historia de l’autonomia valenciana, aquesta manera de governar es una excepcio fins a 2015, quan s’obri una nova etapa amb els anomenats governs del Botanic. Quins factors expliquen aquesta transformacio del sistema politic valencia? Quines son les caracteristiques d’aquesta coalicio governamental? Es un model de govern de coalicio exportable? Amb l’objectiu de respondre aquestes preguntes i formular-ne d’altres, primerament s’analitzen les causes que han generat aquesta dinamica coalicional en el sistema de partits valencia tant l’any 2015 com el 2019. En segon lloc, s’estudia el model de govern de coalicio, la seua singularitat. La hipotesi de treball es que l’exit en termes d’estabilitat i capacitat governamental del govern de coalicio del Botanic s’emmarca en un context politic determinat amb accent valencia.
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Pub Date : 2020-05-31DOI: 10.28939/iam.debats.134-1.10
Joaquín Martín Cubas, Pilar Rochina Garzón, Francisco Clemente González
catalaEl comportament electoral a l’area metropolitana de Valencia esta marcat per quatre grans fites: 1) durant els primers anys de la democracia (1979-1991) es va considerar que aquesta area era un bastio inexpugnable de l’esquerra; 2) no obstant aixo, el 1991 la ciutat de Valencia va passar a estar governada per la dreta; 3) l’any 2011, la victoria de la dreta es va estendre a tot el conjunt de l’area metropolitana; 4) finalment, amb les eleccions de maig de 2015, l’esquerra va tornar a eixir victoriosa de la contesa electoral no nomes en el cinturo roig sino tambe a la ciutat de Valencia. En aquesta investigacio pretenem analitzar el que va ocorrer en les ultimes eleccions locals de 2019. Amb aquest objectiu, exposarem els resultats electorals en aquestes eleccions i farem un breu repas a l’evolucio del vot i al rendiment institucional aconseguit per cada forca politica des de les primeres eleccions locals de 1979; despres analitzarem el comportament electoral de cadascun dels partits, desagregant l’estudi d’aquest comportament en diferents variables territorials —grandaria poblacional, comarques, cinturo roig— per a, finalment, extraure les conclusions oportunes de l’analisi realitzada. EnglishVoting behaviour in Valencia’s Metropolitan Area can be split into four periods: (1) During the early years of democracy (1979-1991) following the Franco dictatorship, the area was a stronghold of the Left; (2) Yet in 1991, the City of Valencia switched and was governed by the Right; (3) In 2011, the Right extended its control to the whole of the Metropolitan Area; (4) In the May 2015 elections, the Left won not only in the ‘red’ metropolitan belt but also in the City of Valencia. This study looks at what happened in the last set of local elections in 2019. To this end, we begin with a brief review of the election results, voting trends, and the institutional performance of each party since the first post-dictatorship local elections in 1979. We then go on to analyse the electoral behaviour of each of the parties, breaking this down by geographical variables: town/village size, comarcas (‘counties’), and the so-called ‘red belt’ before drawing our conclusions
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