Pub Date : 2019-05-26DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2018.562.341-366
Riki Rahman, F. S. Hazis
ICMI is inseparable with the rise of the middle class Muslim communities in Indonesia. This is because the roles and contributions of ICMI are very significant in the development of middle class Muslim communities. Although the establishment of ICMI has its pros and cons, it is undeniable that ICMI’s contributions towards development of the Muslim communities are huge. This article aims to identify the roles and contributions of ICMI in the development of middle class Muslim communities in Indonesia in the New Order era. The roles of ICMI are based on education and economic aspects, the consolidation of the Islamic movement in Indonesia aspects, and the political agenda aspects. Based on our findings, we conclude that ICMI is deemed to be the pioneer of middle class Muslim communities’ revival in Indonesia especially in the New Order era.[ICMI tidak dapat dipisahkan dengan kebangkitan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah di Indonesia. Hal ini disebabkan peran dan kontribusi ICMI sangat signifikan dalam perkembangan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah. Meskipun pendirian ICMI diliputi pro dan kontra, namun tidak dapat sangkal bahwa kontribusi ICMI terhadap pembangunan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah sangat besar. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi peran dan kontribusi ICMI terhadap perkembangan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah di Indonesia pada zaman Orde Baru. Peran ICMI ini ditinjau dari aspek pendidikan dan ekonomi, aspek konsolidasi gerakan Islam Indonesia, dan aspek agenda politik. Berdasarkan hasil penemuan, kami menyimpulkan bahwa ICMI dapat dianggap sebagai pelopor kebangkitan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah di Indonesia terutama pada zaman Orde Baru.]
ICMI与印尼中产阶级穆斯林社区的崛起密不可分。这是因为ICMI在穆斯林中产阶级社区的发展中发挥了非常重要的作用和贡献。虽然ICMI的成立有利有弊，但不可否认的是，ICMI对穆斯林社区发展的贡献是巨大的。本文旨在确定ICMI在新秩序时代印度尼西亚中产阶级穆斯林社区发展中的作用和贡献。ICMI的作用是基于教育和经济方面，巩固印度尼西亚的伊斯兰运动方面，以及政治议程方面。根据我们的研究结果，我们得出结论，ICMI被认为是印度尼西亚中产阶级穆斯林社区复兴的先驱，特别是在新秩序时代。[ICMI tidak dapat dipisahkan dengan kebangkitan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah di Indonesia]halini disebabkan peran dan kontribusi ICMI sangat signfikan dalam perkembangan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah。我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是我的意思。Artikel ini bertujuan为她mengidentifikasi peran丹kontribusi ICMI terhadap perkembangan步伐穆斯林克拉menengah di印尼篇zaman奥德巴鲁。Peran ICMI ini ditinjau为pendidikan daneconomi发言，为konsolidasgerakan islamisindonesia发言，为议程政治发言。[au:][印度尼西亚，印度尼西亚，印度尼西亚][au:]
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Pub Date : 2019-05-21DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2018.562.305-340
Alimatul Qibtiyah
There is considerable disagreement among Muslims in how Islam says about many gender issues. One factor that influences the ways in which people understand gender issues in Islam and deal with the associated controversy is the approach they take when reading and interpreting Islamic texts. Some research has been done on the variety of thoughts on Islamic studies, but mapping thoughts comprehensively on gender issues not yet explored. This paper maps the Muslims’ understanding of six contentious gender issues in Islam into three approaches: textualist/conservative, semi-textualist/moderate, and contextualist/progressive approaches. I document the diversity of thought among feminist and non-feminist Muslim intellectuals on gender issues (in the light of their faith) using documentation and in-depth interview techniques. 25 respondents (male and female) from six universities in Yogyakarta were selected in this research. Textualist/conservative and contextualist/progressive scholars show the most strongly contrasting views on gender issues in Islam. Semi-textualist/moderates present their views relatively flexibly: sometimes their views match those of the textualist/conservatives: sometimes they align closely with the contextualist/progressives. Based on their views and the arguments they present, semi-textualist/moderates’ and contextualist/progressives’ views seem close to the stance adopted by many Islamic Feminist. [Masih terdapat perbedaan pendapat antar umat Islam memahami isu gender. Salah satu faktor berpengaruh dalam pemahaman isu gender pada Islam adalah hal kontroversial dalam pendekatan pembacaan dan penafsiran teks agama. Beberapa penelitian telah mengkaji keragaman dalam pemikiran keislaman, namun pemetaan pemikiran secara komprehensif mengenai isu gender belum banyak. Tulisan ini memetakan pemahaman para feminis tentang enam isu gender dalam Islam di tiga kelompok (1) tekstual – konservatif, (2) semi tektual – moderat, dan (3) kontekstual – progresif. Artikel ini mengambil lapangan di 6 universitas Yogyakarta dengan wawancara lebih dari 25 informan laki – laki dan perempuan baik feminis dan non feminis. Kelompok tektualis dan kelompok kontekstual merupakan dua kelompok yang saling bertentangan dan kelompok semi tekstual lebih pada fleksibel. Terkadang pandangan ke tiga kelompok bergeser saling mendekat dan menjauh. Berdasarkan pandangan dan argumentasi ke tiga kelompok tersebut, semi tektual dan kontekstual menggambarkan kecondongan lebih banyak pada adopsi feminis muslim].
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Pub Date : 2019-05-16DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2018.562.281-304
F. S. Shuaib
This paper looks at the interplay between the administration of Islamic law in Malaysia in relation to Islamic family law and Islamic criminal law; and human rights. The paper examines the basis of the administration of Islam in Malaysia in relation to its history and post-independence mandate. It looks at the position of human rights under the Federal Constitution and the position of the administration of Islamic law under the constitutional framework. The research found that entrenching fundamental liberties through the supremacy clause resulted in the prevalence of human rights over freedom of religion. However, this is not consistently arrived at since the constitutional frameworks allows for plurality of laws and exclusion of personal law from the principle of equality.[artikel ini membahas kelindan antara administrasi hukum islam, hukum keluarga islam, hukum pidana islam, dan HAM di Malaysia. Artikel ini berbasis pada sejarah administrasi Islam di Malaysia sebelum dan sesudah kemerdekaan. Pembahsan lain artikel mengamati posisi HAM di bawah Undang Undang Federal Malaysia dan administrasi hukum Islam dalam kerangka konstitusional. Berdasarkan hasil riset menunjukkan dasar kebebasan pada supremasi klausul perundangan yang cenderung lebih utama HAM daripada kebebasan beragama. Meskipun demikian, hal ini tidak selalu konsisten ketika perspektif konstitusi mengikuti pluralitas hukum dan eksklusi hukum personal dari prinsip kesetaraan.]
本文着眼于马来西亚伊斯兰教法管理与伊斯兰家庭法和伊斯兰刑法之间的相互作用;还有人权。本文考察了马来西亚伊斯兰教管理的基础，涉及其历史和独立后的授权。它考察了人权在《联邦宪法》下的地位和在宪法框架下执行伊斯兰法律的地位。研究发现，通过至上条款巩固基本自由导致人权普遍高于宗教自由。然而，由于宪法框架允许法律的多元性和将属人法排除在平等原则之外，因此并没有一贯做到这一点。[artikel ini membahas kelindan antara administrasi hukum islam, hukum keluarga islam, hukum pidana islam, dan HAM di Malaysia]。阿蒂克尔是马来西亚伊斯兰教行政长官，是马来西亚伊斯兰教行政长官。Pembahsan lain artikel mengamati posisi HAM di bawah Undang Undang联邦马来西亚政府hukum Islam dalam kerangka宪法。拜尔达萨坎·巴哈萨(Berdasarkan)，拜尔达萨(berbebasan)，拜尔达萨，拜尔达萨，拜尔达萨，拜尔达萨，拜尔达萨，拜尔达萨[英语泛读泛读，泛读泛读，泛读泛读，泛读泛读，泛读泛读，泛读泛读。
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Pub Date : 2019-05-06DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2018.562.255-280
Yanwar Pribadi
Local-level leaders in contemporary Indonesia have involved in the country’s turbulent politics. The regent of Purwakarta (2008-2018), Dedi Mulyadi, employed, for the most part, culture-based political preferences develop his territory. In doing so, he frequently encountered with various forms of Islamization of politics, hindering his strategies to reach his individual goals, to display his socio-political identity, and to socio-culturally empower cultural resilience. The regent appeared to challenge rampant Islamization of politics by “waging the war” against Islamist groups in the name of Sundanese indigenous culture. This paper seeks to explore recent developments of the relationships between Islam and local culture in Indonesia with the case study of Purwakarta in particular and West Java in general, and how a local-level leader was able to optimize his potentials to empower cultural resilience in the midst of Islamization of politics. This paper also investigates the complex landscape of these relationships in an effort to map out the various forces at play and shows that by investigating the interplay between religion, culture, and other entities, a key driver local level played pivotal roles in his ways of defining ethnic identity, creating authority, and empowering cultural resilience. [Terdapat beberapa pemimpin daerah terlibat dinamika politik nasional dewasa ini. Dedi Mulyadi, Bupati Purwakarta periode 2008-2018, termasuk salah satu tokoh yang membangun daerah dengan berbasis pada budaya lokal. Bersamaan dengan itu, ia sering berhadapan dengan sejumlah gerakan Islam politik dalam menghambat tujuan pertahanan identitas sosio-politik dan memberdayakan ketahanan bentuk budaya lokal. Sang bupati tampil dengan identitas budaya lokal Sunda dalam rangka menghadapi tantangan Islamisasi politik dari kelompok-kelompok Islamis yang ‘mengobarkan perang’ kemana mana. Tulisan ini membahas perkembangan terkini hubungan antara Islam dan budaya lokal di Indonesia dengan studi kasus Purwakarta dan Jawa Barat. Kinerja pemimpin daerah ini mampu mempertahankan budaya lokal di tengah arus Islamisasi politik. Tulisan ini menginvestigasi kompleksitas konteks hubungan-hubungan tersebut dalam usaha pemetakan kekuatan yang bermain pada investigasi tumpang tindih antara agama, budaya, dan entitas-entitas lain. Hal ini berkenaan dengan tokoh penggerak tingkat lokal memainkan peran penting dalam makna identitas etnis, penciptaan otoritas, dan ketahanan budaya lokal.]
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Pub Date : 2019-03-06DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.%P
Akhmad Siddiq
In many discussions and conversations with Muslim Madurese I often heard common belief that none of Madurese individuals embraces Christianity. They mostly conceive that almost one hundred percent of Madurese people are Muslim while Christian people living in Madura are generally non-Madurese. It might be right but the fact shows that some of the Madurese have embraced Christianity, besides Madurese Christian community in Sumber Pakem East Java which is practicing Christianity for more than four generations. The ignorance of Madurese Muslim toward Christian population, especially Madurese Christian in Madura, appear because of less interaction between Muslim and Christian on the one hand and social worries of Madurese Christians to express their identity on the other. This paper aims to describe the existence of Madurese Christians, examine how they survive inside and outside Madura island, and how they interact with Madurese Muslims. It also attempts to elucidate cultural connection between ethnicity (of Madurese) and religiosity (of Christian).[Dalam perlbagai diskusi dan perbincangan dengan orang Madura, seringkali terdengar pernyataan bahwa tidak ada orang Madura yang memeluk Kristen. Dipercaya bahwa 100 % orang Madura adalah muslim, sedangkan orang Kristen di Madura adalah bukan orang Madura. Hal ini mungkin benar, namun realitasnya berkata bahwa ada sekolompok orang Madura memeluk Kristen beberapa generasi dan tinggal di Sumber Pakem, Jawa Timur. Ketidaktahuan ini disebabkan oleh minimnya interaksi antara Madura muslim dan Kristen disatu sisi, dan di sisi yang lain karena adanya kegamangan kelompok Madura Kristen untuk menunjukkan identitasnya pada publik. Artikel ini menjelaskan keberadaan orang Madura Kristen dan bagaimana mempertahankannya dan berinteraksi dengan muslim, baik di dalam maupun luar Pulau Madura. Artikel ini juga mengeksplorasi hubungan kultural antara etnisitas (Madura) dengan agama (Kristen).]
在与穆斯林马杜雷人的许多讨论和对话中，我经常听到人们普遍认为马杜雷人都不信奉基督教。他们大多认为，几乎百分之百的马杜罗人是穆斯林，而生活在马杜罗的基督徒一般都不是马杜罗人。这可能是对的，但事实表明，一些马杜罗人已经接受了基督教，除了在东爪哇Sumber Pakem的马杜罗基督徒社区，他们已经信仰基督教超过四代。马杜罗穆斯林对基督教人口，特别是马杜罗的马杜罗基督徒的无知，一方面是由于穆斯林与基督徒之间的互动较少，另一方面是马杜罗基督徒对表达自己身份的社会担忧。本文旨在描述马杜罗基督徒的存在，研究他们如何在马杜罗岛内外生存，以及他们如何与马杜罗穆斯林互动。它还试图阐明种族(马杜罗人)和宗教(基督教)之间的文化联系。[Dalam perlbagai diskusi dan perbincangan dendenan orangangmadura, seringkali terdengar pernyataan bahwa tidak ada orangmadura yang memeluk Kristen]。我是百分百的橘红色的马杜拉，我是穆斯林，我是橘红色的克里斯汀·迪·马杜拉，我是橘红色的马杜拉。Hal ini mungkin benar, namun realitasnya berkata bahwa ada sekolompok和Madura memeluk Kristen beberapa generasi dan tinggal di Sumber Pakem，爪哇Timur。Madura是穆斯林，dan disatu sisi是穆斯林，dan disatu sisi是穆斯林，dan disatu sisi是穆斯林，dan disatu sisi是穆斯林，dan disatu sisi是穆斯林，dan disatu sisi是穆斯林。马都拉岛，马都拉岛，马都拉岛，马都拉岛，马都拉岛。[中文]Artikel ini juga mengeksplorasi hubungan culture antara etnisitas(马杜罗语)dengan agama(克里斯汀语)
{"title":"Madurese Christian: In Search of Christian Identity within Muslim Society","authors":"Akhmad Siddiq","doi":"10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.%P","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.%P","url":null,"abstract":"In many discussions and conversations with Muslim Madurese I often heard common belief that none of Madurese individuals embraces Christianity. They mostly conceive that almost one hundred percent of Madurese people are Muslim while Christian people living in Madura are generally non-Madurese. It might be right but the fact shows that some of the Madurese have embraced Christianity, besides Madurese Christian community in Sumber Pakem East Java which is practicing Christianity for more than four generations. The ignorance of Madurese Muslim toward Christian population, especially Madurese Christian in Madura, appear because of less interaction between Muslim and Christian on the one hand and social worries of Madurese Christians to express their identity on the other. This paper aims to describe the existence of Madurese Christians, examine how they survive inside and outside Madura island, and how they interact with Madurese Muslims. It also attempts to elucidate cultural connection between ethnicity (of Madurese) and religiosity (of Christian).[Dalam perlbagai diskusi dan perbincangan dengan orang Madura, seringkali terdengar pernyataan bahwa tidak ada orang Madura yang memeluk Kristen. Dipercaya bahwa 100 % orang Madura adalah muslim, sedangkan orang Kristen di Madura adalah bukan orang Madura. Hal ini mungkin benar, namun realitasnya berkata bahwa ada sekolompok orang Madura memeluk Kristen beberapa generasi dan tinggal di Sumber Pakem, Jawa Timur. Ketidaktahuan ini disebabkan oleh minimnya interaksi antara Madura muslim dan Kristen disatu sisi, dan di sisi yang lain karena adanya kegamangan kelompok Madura Kristen untuk menunjukkan identitasnya pada publik. Artikel ini menjelaskan keberadaan orang Madura Kristen dan bagaimana mempertahankannya dan berinteraksi dengan muslim, baik di dalam maupun luar Pulau Madura. Artikel ini juga mengeksplorasi hubungan kultural antara etnisitas (Madura) dengan agama (Kristen).] ","PeriodicalId":42231,"journal":{"name":"Al-Jamiah-Journal of Islamic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42838638","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-18DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2018.562.461-493
Zumrotul Mukaffa
This paper investigates the era of uncertainty and ethical arrangement formulated in the Javanese classical text written by Ranggawarsita. Most of his works, especially Serat Kalatidha, Serat Sabdapranawa, and Serat Sabdatama, situated in the era of uncertainty and moved to the era of zaman edan (crazy age), kalabendhu (age of anger), owah or pakewuh (bizar time). Social structure in this era tied to unethical behavior. Elite communities were lacking of self- representation as a good example, meanwhile the communities were ignoring public advisability. To set free from uncertainty condition is possible through implementing four ethical doctrines in the social life, namely: Monotheistic behavior, active submission to God’s predestination, self-contemplation, and eling lan waspada (self-awareness and mindfulness). The dynamic of nationhood today is almost reflecting the age of kalabendhu, and therefore it is necessary to do dissemination and transformation of ethical doctrines in the Islamic Higher Education by using the doctrine as a source of subject of Islamic Ethic. The need of dissemination is because academia in the Islamic Higher Education is an integral part of uncertain social structure.
本文考察了郎伽瓦西塔撰写的爪哇古典文本中所阐述的不确定时代和伦理安排。他的大部分作品，特别是Serat Kalatidha, Serat Sabdapranawa和Serat Sabdatama，都位于不确定的时代，并进入了zaman edan(疯狂的时代)，kalabendhu(愤怒的时代)，owah或pakewuh(奇异的时代)。这个时代的社会结构与不道德的行为联系在一起。精英社区缺乏自我代表，这是一个很好的例子，同时社区也忽视了公众的建议。通过在社会生活中实施四种伦理教义，即:一神论行为、主动服从上帝的预定、自我沉思和自我意识(eling lan waspada)，可以摆脱不确定状态。当今国家的动态几乎反映了卡拉本杜时代，因此有必要在伊斯兰高等教育中传播和改造伦理教义，将其作为伊斯兰伦理的主题来源。传播的需要是因为伊斯兰高等教育中的学术界是不确定的社会结构的一个组成部分。
{"title":"The Era of Uncertainty and Ethical Arrangement in Javanese Classical Texts: Disseminating Ranggawarsita’s Works as Source of Islamic Ethics in Islamic Higher Education","authors":"Zumrotul Mukaffa","doi":"10.14421/AJIS.2018.562.461-493","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14421/AJIS.2018.562.461-493","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the era of uncertainty and ethical arrangement formulated in the Javanese classical text written by Ranggawarsita. Most of his works, especially Serat Kalatidha, Serat Sabdapranawa, and Serat Sabdatama, situated in the era of uncertainty and moved to the era of zaman edan (crazy age), kalabendhu (age of anger), owah or pakewuh (bizar time). Social structure in this era tied to unethical behavior. Elite communities were lacking of self- representation as a good example, meanwhile the communities were ignoring public advisability. To set free from uncertainty condition is possible through implementing four ethical doctrines in the social life, namely: Monotheistic behavior, active submission to God’s predestination, self-contemplation, and eling lan waspada (self-awareness and mindfulness). The dynamic of nationhood today is almost reflecting the age of kalabendhu, and therefore it is necessary to do dissemination and transformation of ethical doctrines in the Islamic Higher Education by using the doctrine as a source of subject of Islamic Ethic. The need of dissemination is because academia in the Islamic Higher Education is an integral part of uncertain social structure.","PeriodicalId":42231,"journal":{"name":"Al-Jamiah-Journal of Islamic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48247002","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-08DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2018.562.421-460
Ali Munhanif, M. Dahlan
This article examines why an Islamic organization appeal into radical behavior? Focusing on Ikhwan al-Muslimun (IM) and its splinter groups in Egypt, this article seeks to highlight historical-institutional underpinnings of when and how political Islam faced obstacles to enter pragmatic politics. Political experiences of the IM in the 1950s and the institutional structures created by Nasser’s regime in the early 1960s have shaped a condition of uncertainty that constrained Islamist activists to twart moderation. Islamist thinkers such as Sayyid Qutb exploited the fear of Nasserism and new emerging state institutions, to convince many members that they were threatened by the current regime. Initiatives to embrace radical ideology and actions have become dominant frameworks in the IM. The extent to which this radical ideology may develop is not only because of these institutional constraints, but also because of the absence of pragmatic-minded leaders who appealed with non-violence ideas to integrate Islamic agenda in institutional opportunities. [Tulisan ini membahas organisasi Islam yang cenderung menjadi radikal, studi kasus Ikhwan al-Muslimun (IM) dan pecahannya di Mesir, dengan mengulas secara organisasional historis disaat Islam politik tersebut mendapat rintangan ketika memasuki politik praktis. Pengalaman politik IM tahun 1950an dan 1960an saat dibawah rezim Nasser telah membawa ketidakpastian dan yang menyebabkan para aktifis menjauhi sikap moderat. Seorang Sayyid Qutb pun mengangkat ketakutan pada kekuasaan rezim Nasser untuk meyakinkan massa pada sebuah ancaman baru. Cara berpikir dan bertindak radikal telah menjadi pilihan yang dominan bagi anggota IM. Kesuburan paham radikal tersebut dimungkinkan karena tidak hanya adanya tekanan organisasional, tetapi juga tiadanya tokoh politik yang mendorong pendekatan non kekerasan dalam integrasikan agenda politik dengan peluang organisasioanal.]
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Pub Date : 2018-08-26DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2018.562.395-420
Eka Srimulyani, Marzi Afriko, M. Salim, M. N. Ichwan
This study examines the notions of identity among the minority groups of Chinese in Banda Aceh, Indonesia. It focuses on what has changed, what has been challenged and what is [still] continued, locating the discussion within a context of their social dialectics with the local majority of Muslims due to its time, spatiality and social processes. Admittedly, the history of diasporic Chinese and their social interrelation with the ethnic majority of Acehnese does not occur in static, but in a dynamic way, instead. It was continuously constructed, reconstructed and changed in a specific durability and spatiality within a negotiated space of socio-spatial dialectics between the minority and the local majority groups. Through several observations, and in-depth interviews with people from diasporic Chinese community in Banda Aceh, and with few Acehnese informants, this study discovers that some socio-political situations at macro-national level of the related policies (on minorities), as well as at micro-regional (provincial and municipal) ones, shari’a law application affected the way they interacted, responded, and acted with majority groups, with apparently more efforts being focused on creating non-conflict, harmonious relation with the local majority. Moreover, the efforts to becoming ‘part’ or accepted by the dominant culture is quite prevalent throughout the process, which is also combined with the strategy of building relation (social capital) with the local majority and other important stakeholders of the society, such as through their ethnic-based organization like Hakka, and others.[Tulisan ini menekankan pada pembahasan identitas orang Tionghoa di Banda Aceh pasca konflik Aceh. Fokus kajian meliputi perubahan, tantangan dan apa yang sedang terjadi dalam konteks dialektika sosial terhadap mayoritas penduduk muslim Aceh dalam waktu, ruang dan proses sosialnya. Tidak dapat dipungkiri bahwa sejarah hubungan Tionghoa dengan penduduk Aceh mengalami pasang surut. Hubungan tersebut terbentuk dan berubah dalam lingkup ruang dan durasi tertentu seiring dengan bentuk dialektikal komunitas Tionghoa sebagai minoritas dan penduduk muslim Aceh sebagai mayoritas. Berdasarkan pengamatan lapangan dan wawancara mendalam sejumlah informan dari kedua pihak, kajian ini melihat adanya pengaruh kebijakan level nasional terhadap situasi di tingkat provinsi dan kabupaten. Penerapan Hukum Islam juga mempengaruhi mereka berinteraksi, merespon dan bertindak terhadap kelompok mayoritas muslim dalam usaha membangun hubungan yang harmoni dan damai. Selain itu usaha untuk ‘menjadi bagian’ atau diterima oleh budaya dominan cukup menonjol dalam proses sosialnya yang dikombinasikan dengan strategi membangun modal sosial, baik terhadap penduduk muslim atau pejabat pemerintah, seperti misalnya organisasi Hakka.]
本研究探讨印尼班达亚齐华人少数族群的身份认同观念。它关注的是什么发生了变化，什么受到了挑战，什么(仍然)在继续，将讨论定位在他们与当地大多数穆斯林的社会辩证法的背景下，这是由于其时间、空间和社会进程。诚然，流散华人的历史以及他们与占多数的亚齐人的社会关系并不是静态的，而是动态的。在少数群体和当地多数群体之间的社会空间辩证法协商的空间内，它在特定的持久性和空间性中不断地被建造、重建和改变。通过对班达亚齐华人社区的多次观察和深入访谈，本研究发现，在宏观国家层面的相关政策(少数民族)以及微观区域(省和市)层面，伊斯兰教法的适用影响了他们与多数群体互动、回应和行动的方式。显然，更多的努力集中在与当地多数人建立无冲突、和谐的关系上。此外，成为主流文化的“一部分”或被主流文化所接受的努力在整个过程中相当普遍，这也与与当地多数人和其他重要的社会利益相关者建立关系(社会资本)的策略相结合，例如通过他们的族群组织，如客家等。[Tulisan ini menekankan pada pembahasan identitas]是指亚齐省(Aceh)。福库斯卡吉安meliputi perubahan, tantangan dan apa yang sedang terjadi dalam konteks dialektika社会terhadap mayoritas penduduk穆斯林亚齐dalam waktu, runang dan proses社会。Tidak dapat dipungkiri bahwa sejarah hubungan Tionghoa dengan penduduk Aceh mengalami pasang surut。Hubungan tersebut terbentuk dan berubah dalam lingkup ruang dan durasi tertentu seiring dengan bentuk方言komunitas Tionghoa少数民族和penduduk穆斯林亚齐sebagai mayoritas。马来西亚政府官员表示，印尼政府官员表示，印尼政府官员表示，印尼政府官员表示，印尼政府官员表示，印尼政府官员表示，印尼政府官员表示，印尼政府官员表示，印尼政府官员表示，印尼政府官员表示，印尼政府官员表示，印尼政府官员表示，印尼政府官员表示，印尼政府将采取行动。我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是。[Selain itusaha untuk ' menjadi bagian ' atau diterima oleh budaya dominan cukup menonjol dalam proses socialnya yang dikombinaskan dengan strategi membangunn modal social, baik terhadap penduduk muslim atau pejabat pemerintah, perti misalnya organisasiashakka]
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Pub Date : 2018-06-14DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2018.561.1-28
Hakimul Ikhwan
Based on observation in the District of Cianjur, West Java, Indonesia shariatization was a form of local re-packaging sharia where the term ‘sharia’ has been replaced with ‘Akhlaq al-Karimah’ (noble character). It then had the effect of not only silencing critical groups but also moderating sharia to become more open and inclusive. More importantly, the local-branded sharia became a common ground for the various Islamist groups to coalesce and, indeed, suppress vigilante action to renounce violent threat, at the very least, and served to lessen the divides between them. In this regard, the so-called sharia was like ‘killing two birds with one stone’ that on one side was a form of moderation to the critical groups but, on the other, was designed to be a common ground for various Islamist groups to coalesce. [Berdasarkan penelitian di Kabupaten Cianjur, Jawa Barat, shariatisasi di Indonesia telah mengambil bentuk lokal dengan mengganti istilah ‘shariah’ dengan ‘akhlaq al-karimah’. Hal ini tidak hanya membungkam kelompok kritis, tetapi juga memoderasi syariah menjadi lebih terbuka dan inklusif. Terpenting adalah lokalisasi syariah menjadi landasan bersama bagi berbagai kelompok Islam untuk berkoalisi, dan alih – alih menekan aksi massa yang bisa menimbulkan kekerasan, dan yang menimbulkan perpecahan diantara mereka. Dalam hal ini, perumpamaannya seperti ‘sekali lempar, dua burung terjatuh’, yang mana satu sisi merupakan bentuk moderasi kelompok kritis, satu sisi yang lain menjadi pondasi bersama koalisi berbagai kelompok Islam.]
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Pub Date : 2018-06-14DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2018.561.225-253
Asfa Widiyanto
The dynamics of encounter between Shiism and Sunnism have been investigated by some scholars, nevertheless the detailed study on the ventures of Sunni-Shia convergence which takes place in Austria is still underdeveloped. Such a picture is significance in revealing the features of Sunni-Shia ecumenism and its relationship with ‘European Islam’. This paper investigates the problems and the prospects for Sunni-Shia rapprochement in Austria, as well as the extent to which ecumenism in this country could serve as a model for Western Europe. The conflicts between Sunnites and Shiites are in some ways grounded in the misunderstandings between these two main sects of Islam. The recognition of faith community plays a part in figuring the fate of rapprochement between Sunnites and Shiites in the country. The prospects for Sunni-Shia ecumenism in Austria lie in the hands of authoritative personages and organisations, and in the ability of various elements of the society to enter into a dialogue to eradicate misunderstandings and prejudices. The authentic elaboration of ‘European Islam’ will also mould the future of Sunni-Shia ecumenism in Austria. There are possibilities and limits of applying Austrian model of Sunni-Shia ecumenism to other countries in Western Europe.[Dinamika perjumpaan antara Sunni dengan Syiah telah diteliti oleh banyak ahli, meskipun demikian kajian khusus tentang hubungan Sunni – Shiah dengan studi kasus di Austria masih belum banyak diteliti. Gambarannya terletak pada arti penting pemahaman prinsipil antara Sunni – Syiah dan keterhubungan mereka dengan Islam Eropa. Tulisan ini menjelaskan berbagai persoalan dan prospek dalam membangun kedekatan keduanya di Austria sebagaimana kelanjutan perihal keyakinan di Negara tersebut sebagai model untuk Eropa Barat. Konflik antar pengikut Sunni - Syiah diantaranya mengakar karena ketidaksepahaman antar dua kelompok ini. Pengakuan komunitas agama berperan dalam penentuan pemulihan hubungan antara Sunni dan Syiah di negara ini. Prospek ekumenisme Sunni-Syiah di Austria ada di tangan tokoh dan organisasi kompeten, dan kemampuan beberapa pihak masyarakat untuk berdialog sehingga dapat menghilangkan kesalahpahaman dan prasangka. Elaborasi otentik ‘Islam Eropa’ juga akan membentuk masa depan ekumenisme Sunni-Syiah di Austria. Termasuk adanya kemungkinan dan batasan penerapan model ekumenisme Sunni-Syiah Austria ke negara-negara lain di Eropa Barat.]
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