Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01701004
N. Liosis
The Tsakonian clitic system possesses a clitic auxiliary with the same syntactic and prosodic properties as the object clitic pronouns with which it may cluster preverbally or postverbally. The clitics of the two Tsakonian subdialects (Peloponnesian Tsakonian and Propontis Tsakonian) differ typologically since the latter has second position clitics but the former does not. It is shown here that Peloponnesian Tsakonian clitics do not simply constitute a mixed system in a state of transition between the inherited Medieval Greek enclitics and SMG proclitics, because of certain peculiarities they show. In particular, circumclitics and split clitics have arisen, and second position clitics are retained not as free variations but as elements whose placement depends on strict prosodic and/or syntactic conditions.
{"title":"Auxiliary verb constructions and clitic placement: Evidence from Tsakonian","authors":"N. Liosis","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01701004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01701004","url":null,"abstract":"The Tsakonian clitic system possesses a clitic auxiliary with the same syntactic and prosodic properties as the object clitic pronouns with which it may cluster preverbally or postverbally. The clitics of the two Tsakonian subdialects (Peloponnesian Tsakonian and Propontis Tsakonian) differ typologically since the latter has second position clitics but the former does not. It is shown here that Peloponnesian Tsakonian clitics do not simply constitute a mixed system in a state of transition between the inherited Medieval Greek enclitics and SMG proclitics, because of certain peculiarities they show. In particular, circumclitics and split clitics have arisen, and second position clitics are retained not as free variations but as elements whose placement depends on strict prosodic and/or syntactic conditions.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"17 1","pages":"37-72"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01701004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65157721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01701002
Klaas Bentein
While Classical Greek has a particularly rich complementation system, in later times there is a tendency towards the use of finite complementation. In this context, Cristofaro (1996) has claimed that the Classical opposition whereby the accusative and infinitive is used for non-factive complements, and ὅτι with the indicative and the accusative and participle for factive ones, is disappearing, ὅτι being used as a ‘generic’ complementiser. In this article, I investigate to what extent Cristofaro’s (1996) claim of the pragmatic neutralisation of complementation patterns can be upheld, and whether it could be claimed that a new pragmatic opposition, in terms of ‘register’, is being established. For this purpose, I turn towards documentary papyri, a corpus which is particularly fruitful for socio-historical investigations.
{"title":"Finite vs. non-finite complementation in Post-classical and Early Byzantine Greek: Towards a pragmatic restructuring of the complementation system?","authors":"Klaas Bentein","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01701002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01701002","url":null,"abstract":"While Classical Greek has a particularly rich complementation system, in later times there is a tendency towards the use of finite complementation. In this context, Cristofaro (1996) has claimed that the Classical opposition whereby the accusative and infinitive is used for non-factive complements, and ὅτι with the indicative and the accusative and participle for factive ones, is disappearing, ὅτι being used as a ‘generic’ complementiser. In this article, I investigate to what extent Cristofaro’s (1996) claim of the pragmatic neutralisation of complementation patterns can be upheld, and whether it could be claimed that a new pragmatic opposition, in terms of ‘register’, is being established. For this purpose, I turn towards documentary papyri, a corpus which is particularly fruitful for socio-historical investigations.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"17 1","pages":"3-36"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01701002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65158037","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-03-31DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01502006
C. Christodoulou
In this contribution, I offer a summary of my 2015 Ph.D. dissertation from the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki on the phonological description of the local dialect of Northwest Paphos (Cyprus).
在这篇文章中，我总结了我2015年在塞萨洛尼基亚里士多德大学(Aristotle University of Thessaloniki)发表的关于帕福斯西北部(塞浦路斯)当地方言语音描述的博士论文。
{"title":"The Local Dialect of Northwest Paphos: Phonological Description [in Greek] (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, 2015)","authors":"C. Christodoulou","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01502006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01502006","url":null,"abstract":"In this contribution, I offer a summary of my 2015 Ph.D. dissertation from the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki on the phonological description of the local dialect of Northwest Paphos (Cyprus).","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"16 1","pages":"141-149"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01502006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65157634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01502002
R. V. Rooy
The present paper aims at drawing renewed attention to the relevance of evidentiality for Ancient Greek by means of a number of case studies taken from two of Plato’s works (namely the Apologia Socratis and Crito). First, I briefly identify the conceptual framework within which the main analysis of Attic evidential phenomena occurs. Then, I provide a preliminary overview of (possible) linguistic means used in marking evidentiality in Ancient Greek (formal aspect). I also explore the way in which evidential values are conveyed (semantic aspect). Certain Attic particles (e.g., ara, dḗpou), functional oppositions in complementizing patterns (e.g., hoti vs. hōs), defective verbal forms (e.g., ēmi), and “auxiliaries” (e.g., dokeō) are revealed as evidential markers or “strategies”. These are able to express inferential, presumptive, reportative, quotative, visual, and participatory evidentiality. The oblique optative is suggested to have evidential overtones as well. In summary, the paper endeavors to show the importance of “evidentiality” as an integrative conceptual frame for the descriptive analysis of certain Ancient Greek phenomena.
{"title":"The Relevance of Evidentiality for Ancient Greek: Some Explorative Steps through Plato","authors":"R. V. Rooy","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01502002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01502002","url":null,"abstract":"The present paper aims at drawing renewed attention to the relevance of evidentiality for Ancient Greek by means of a number of case studies taken from two of Plato’s works (namely the Apologia Socratis and Crito). First, I briefly identify the conceptual framework within which the main analysis of Attic evidential phenomena occurs. Then, I provide a preliminary overview of (possible) linguistic means used in marking evidentiality in Ancient Greek (formal aspect). I also explore the way in which evidential values are conveyed (semantic aspect). Certain Attic particles (e.g., ara, dḗpou), functional oppositions in complementizing patterns (e.g., hoti vs. hōs), defective verbal forms (e.g., ēmi), and “auxiliaries” (e.g., dokeō) are revealed as evidential markers or “strategies”. These are able to express inferential, presumptive, reportative, quotative, visual, and participatory evidentiality. The oblique optative is suggested to have evidential overtones as well. In summary, the paper endeavors to show the importance of “evidentiality” as an integrative conceptual frame for the descriptive analysis of certain Ancient Greek phenomena.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"16 1","pages":"3-46"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01502002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65156766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01602003
Georgia Katsouda
This paper offers a morphological analysis of the borrowed derivational suffix - όζος [ozos], used in both a number of Modern Greek (MGr) dialects and in Standard Modern Greek (SMGr). It draws on an extensive corpus to examine the suffix from both a synchronic and a diachronic perspective. Our diachronic analysis emphasizes the geographical distribution, the etymological provenance of the suffix, and the loan accommodation strategies employed in various MGr dialects, thus providing some interesting etymological findings regarding the lexical stock of Modern Greek (Standard and dialects). Our synchronic analysis focuses on the stem categories with which the suffix combines and accounts for the phonological, morphological, and syntactic constraints that function during the derivational process.
本文对借用的衍生后缀- ο ζος [ozos]进行了形态学分析，该后缀在许多现代希腊语方言和标准现代希腊语方言中都有使用。它借鉴了一个广泛的语料库，从共时和历时的角度来检查后缀。我们的历时分析强调地理分布，后缀的词源来源，以及在各种MGr方言中使用的借调策略，从而提供了关于现代希腊语(标准和方言)词汇存量的一些有趣的词源学发现。我们的共时性分析侧重于词干类别，其中后缀结合并说明在衍生过程中起作用的语音、形态和句法限制。
{"title":"The Greek suffix -ozos: A Case Study in Loan Suffixation","authors":"Georgia Katsouda","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01602003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01602003","url":null,"abstract":"This paper offers a morphological analysis of the borrowed derivational suffix - όζος [ozos], used in both a number of Modern Greek (MGr) dialects and in Standard Modern Greek (SMGr). It draws on an extensive corpus to examine the suffix from both a synchronic and a diachronic perspective. Our diachronic analysis emphasizes the geographical distribution, the etymological provenance of the suffix, and the loan accommodation strategies employed in various MGr dialects, thus providing some interesting etymological findings regarding the lexical stock of Modern Greek (Standard and dialects). Our synchronic analysis focuses on the stem categories with which the suffix combines and accounts for the phonological, morphological, and syntactic constraints that function during the derivational process.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"32 1","pages":"232-265"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01602003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65157661","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01602006
D. Haug, B. Joseph, A. Roussou
{"title":"From the Editors: Open Access 2.0","authors":"D. Haug, B. Joseph, A. Roussou","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01602006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01602006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"16 1","pages":"153-154"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01602006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65157845","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01601004
D. Haug, B. Joseph, A. Roussou
{"title":"From the Editors: JGL Moving to Open Access","authors":"D. Haug, B. Joseph, A. Roussou","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01601004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01601004","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"16 1","pages":"1-2"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01601004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65157396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01602002
J. M. J. Delgado
The purpose of this paper is to explain the construction of concessive participles introduced by kai tauta in Ancient Greek as an instance of epitaxis, a specific type of coordination. This construction will be differentiated from the concessive participles introduced by adverbial kai , the usual construction, by its syntactic configuration and pragmatics. The data is drawn from the works of Xenophon of Athens (c. 430–354 BC ).
{"title":"Concessive Participles and Epitactic Constructions in Ancient Greek","authors":"J. M. J. Delgado","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01602002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01602002","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this paper is to explain the construction of concessive participles introduced by kai tauta in Ancient Greek as an instance of epitaxis, a specific type of coordination. This construction will be differentiated from the concessive participles introduced by adverbial kai , the usual construction, by its syntactic configuration and pragmatics. The data is drawn from the works of Xenophon of Athens (c. 430–354 BC ).","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"12 1","pages":"181-201"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01602002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65157487","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01601002
Louiza Voniati
While research undertaken worldwide indicates that mean length of utterance ( MLU ) is a valuable index in investigations of child language development, to date there have been no studies exploring MLU in pre-primary Cypriot Greek ( CYG )-speaking children. The participants in this study were 36 monolingual CYG -speaking children at ages 36, 40, 44 and 48 months, with a typical course of language development. The findings demonstrated that MLU counted in words ( MLU -w) of typically developing CYG -speaking children had a positive correlation with age (from 36 to 48 months) and a non-significant difference in MLU -w by gender at each age point, and that typically developing CYG -speaking children, for the age range studied, tended to produce more multiword utterance types. An outcome of this study is an MLU -w database which could be used, with some caution, in the language assessment of a similar population or as the basis for future studies. Areas for further research are identified.
{"title":"Mean Length of Utterance in Cypriot Greek-speaking Children","authors":"Louiza Voniati","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01601002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01601002","url":null,"abstract":"While research undertaken worldwide indicates that mean length of utterance ( MLU ) is a valuable index in investigations of child language development, to date there have been no studies exploring MLU in pre-primary Cypriot Greek ( CYG )-speaking children. The participants in this study were 36 monolingual CYG -speaking children at ages 36, 40, 44 and 48 months, with a typical course of language development. The findings demonstrated that MLU counted in words ( MLU -w) of typically developing CYG -speaking children had a positive correlation with age (from 36 to 48 months) and a non-significant difference in MLU -w by gender at each age point, and that typically developing CYG -speaking children, for the age range studied, tended to produce more multiword utterance types. An outcome of this study is an MLU -w database which could be used, with some caution, in the language assessment of a similar population or as the basis for future studies. Areas for further research are identified.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"16 1","pages":"117-140"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01601002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65157356","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01602001
Eva M K Hedin
This paper deals with the question of negation and mood in Modern Greek verb complementation where there is a choice between an indicative and a subjunctive complement, in particular those with the verb pistevo (πιστeύω) ‘think, believe’, but also nomizo (νομίζω) ‘think, believe’, ksero (ξέρω) ‘know’, thimame (θυμάμαι) ‘remember’, vlepo (βλέπω) ‘see’, akuo (ακούω) ‘hear’, and vrisko (βρίσκω) ‘find’. It presents the result of an empirical study of pistevo , based on an investigation undertaken in the Hellenic National Corpus ( HNC ) of sentential complements following pistevo . The factor of negation in the matrix is investigated along with two other factors, hypothesized to be of interest, namely first person singular of the present tense in the matrix and second person (singular and plural) in the complement. As was expected, neither any of the three factors individually or any combination of the three can be considered decisive for the choice of mood. What seems to be certain, however, is that the combination of all three constitutes a context that favours the subjunctive and in one case actually seems to exclude an indicative complement, namely when the illocutionary force of the utterance is that of a question, more or less rhetorically eliciting feedback. It thus does not seem to be the presence of the negation, nor any other syntactic factor, that actually triggers the subjunctive with this verb in some contexts, but a particular speech situation (where the three investigated factors are typically present). That is, the prerequisite is not syntactic, but pragmatic.
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